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Who was the chair of Federation of Expellees in 01/25/1966?	January 25, 1966	{ "text": [ "Wenzel Jaksch" ] }	L2_Q819657_P488_2	Herbert Czaja is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Mar, 1970 to Apr, 1994. Bernd Fabritius is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Nov, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Fritz Wittmann is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Apr, 1994 to May, 1998. Georg von Manteuffel-Szoege is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Oct, 1957 to Dec, 1958. Reinhold Rehs is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Mar, 1967 to Mar, 1970. Erika Steinbach is the chair of Federation of Expellees from May, 1998 to Nov, 2014. Wenzel Jaksch is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Mar, 1964 to Nov, 1966. Linus Kather is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Oct, 1957 to Dec, 1958.	Federation of ExpelleesThe Federation of Expellees (; BdV) is a non-profit organization formed in West Germany on 27 October 1957 to represent the interests of German nationals of all ethnicities and foreign ethnic Germans and their families (usually naturalised as German nationals after 1949) who either fled their homes in parts of Central and Eastern Europe, or were forcibly expelled following World War II.Since 2014 the president of the Federation has been Bernd Fabritius, a Christian Social Union in Bavaria politician.It is estimated that in the aftermath of World War II between 13 and 16 million ethnic Germans fled or were expelled from parts of Central and Eastern Europe, including the former eastern territories of Germany (parts of present-day Poland), the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary, Croatia, Serbia (mostly from the Vojvodina region), the Kaliningrad Oblast of (now) Russia, hitherto USSR (in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War) and prior to this, the northern part of East Prussia, Lithuania, Romania and other East European countries.The Charter of the German Expellees () of 5 August 1950, announced their belief in requiring that "the right to the homeland is recognized and carried out as one of the fundamental rights of mankind given by God", while renouncing revenge and retaliation in the face of the "unending suffering" ("unendliche Leid") of the previous decade, and supporting the unified effort to rebuild Germany and Europe. The charter has been criticised for avoiding mentioning Nazi atrocities of Second World War and Germans who were forced to emigrate due to Nazi repressions. Critics argue that the Charter presents the history of German people as starting from the expulsions, while ignoring events like the Holocaust. Professor Micha Brumlik pointed out that one third of signatories were former devoted Nazis and many actively helped in realisation of Hitler's goals. Ralph Giordano wrote in "Hamburger Abendblatt" "the Charter doesn't contain a word about Hitler, Auschwitz and Buchenwald. Not to mention any sign of apologies for the suffering of the murdered people", "avoids mentioning the reasons for expulsions" and called the document "example of German art of crowding out the truth (...) The fact that the charter completely ignores the reasons for the expulsions deprives it of any value".Between 1953, when the Federal Expellee Law was passed, and 1991, the West German government passed several laws dealing with German expellees. The most notable of these is the "Law of Return" which granted German citizenship to any ethnic German. Several additions were later made to these laws.The German Law of Return declared refugee status to be inheritable. According to the Federal Expellee Law, "the spouse and the descendants" of an expellee are to be treated as if they were expellees themselves, regardless of whether they had been personally displaced. The Federation of Expellees has steadily lobbied to preserve the inheritability clause.The Federation of Expellees was formed on 27 October 1957 in West Germany. Before its founding, the "Bund der Heimatvertriebenen" (League of Expellees and Deprived of Rights), formed in 1950, represented the interests of displaced German expellees. Intriguingly, in its first few years, the league was more successful in West Germany than in East Germany.Previous West German governments, especially those led by the Christian Democratic Union, had shown more rhetorical support for the territorial claims made on behalf of German refugees and expellees. Although the Social Democrats showed strong support for the expellees, especially under Kurt Schumacher and Erich Ollenhauer, Social Democrats in more recent decades have generally been less supportive – and it was under Willy Brandt that West Germany recognized the Oder-Neisse line as the eastern German border with Poland under his policy of Ostpolitik. In reality, accepting the internationally recognized boundary made it more possible for eastern Germans to visit their lost homelands.In 1989–1990 the West German government realized they had an opportunity to reunify the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet created German Democratic Republic. But they believed that if this were to be achieved, it had to be done quickly. One of the potential complications was the claim to the historical eastern territories of Germany; unless this was renounced, some foreign governments might not agree to German reunification. The West German government under the CDU accepted the 1990 Treaty on the Final Settlement With Respect to Germany (Two Plus Four Agreement), which officially re-established the sovereignty of both German states. A condition of this agreement was that Germany accept the post-World War II frontiers. Upon reunification in 1990, the constitution was amended to state that Germany's territory had reached its full extent. Article 146 was amended so that Article 23 of the current constitution could be used for reunification. Once the five "reestablished federal states" in the east had been united with the west, the Basic Law was amended again to show that "there were no other parts of Germany, which existed outside of the unified territory", that had not acceded.In 2000 the Federation of Expellees also initiated the formation of the Center Against Expulsions (). Chairwoman of this Center is Erika Steinbach, who headed it together with former SPD politician Prof. Dr. Peter Glotz (died 2005).Recently Erika Steinbach, the chair of the Federation of Expellees, has rejected any compensation claims. The vice president of the Federation Rudi Pawelka is however a chairman of the supervisory board of the Prussian Trust.A European organisation for expellees has been formed: EUFV. Headquarters is Trieste, Italy. The expellees are organized in 21 regional associations "(Landsmannschaften)", according to the areas of origin of its members, 16 state organizations "(Landesverbände)" according to their current residence, and 5 associate member organizations. It is the single representative federation for the approximately 15 million Germans who after fleeing, being expelled, evacuated or emigrating, found refuge in the Federal Republic of Germany. The Federation claims to have 1.3 million members (including non-displaced persons), and to be a political force of some influence in Germany. This figure was disputed in January 2010 by the German news service DDP, which reported an actual membership of 550,000. According to Erika Steinbach only 100,000 of the members contribute financially.The federation helps its members to integrate into German society. Many of the members assist the societies of their place of birth.From 1959 to 1964, the first president of the Federation was Hans Krüger, a former Nazi judge and activist. After the war Krüger was a West German politician of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), was a member of parliament from 1957 to 1965, served as Federal Minister for Displaced Persons, Refugees and War Victims for 4 months in 1963–64 in the First Cabinet of Ludwig Erhard. He stepped down from cabinet and other positions in 1964 amid controversy about his war-time background. Krüger was succeeded as president by Wenzel Jaksch in 1964 who held the position until his untimely death in 1966.When in government, both CDU and SPD have tended to favor improved relations with Central and Eastern Europe, even when this conflicts with the interests of the displaced people. The issue of the eastern border and the return of the "Heimatvertriebene" to their ancestral homes are matters which the current German government, German constitutional arrangements and German treaty obligations have virtually closed.The refugees' claims were unanimously rejected by the affected countries and became a source of mistrust between Germany, Poland and the Czech Republic. These governments argue that the expulsion of Germans and related border changes were not enacted by the Polish or Czech governments, but rather were ordered by the Potsdam Conference. Furthermore, the nationalization of private property by Poland's former communist government did not apply only to Germans but was enforced on all people, regardless of ethnic background. A further complication is that many of the current Polish population in historical eastern Germany are themselves expellees (or descendants of expellees) who were driven from Polish areas annexed by the Soviet Union and were forced to leave their homes and property behind as well.Some Germans had settled in Poland after 1939, and treating these ex-colonists as expellees, Erika Steinbach included, under German law of these ex-colonists as expellees, adds to the controversy. However, the vast majority of expelled Germans were descended from families who had lived in Eastern Europe for many centuries, while the majority of German colonists in Nazi-occupied Poland were Baltic and other East European Germans themselves displaced by the Nazi-Soviet population transfers.The Federation has been accused by the GDR and Poland to have Nazi roots. A recent study confirmed that 13 members of the first council of the Federation had a Nazi past.The Polish daily newspaper "Rzeczpospolita" reported that during BdV meetings in 2003, publications using hate-language to describe Poles butchering Germans were available for sale, as were recordings of Waffen SS marches on compact discs, including those glorifying the Invasion of Poland. Also, far right groups openly distributed their materials at BdV meetings. While the BdV officially denied responsibility for this, no steps were taken to address the concerns raised.In February 2009, the Polish newspaper "Polska" wrote that over one third of the Federation top officials were former Nazi activists, and based this on an article published by the German magazine "Der Spiegel" in 2006. The German paper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung wrote that "Der Spiegel" said this not in respect to the Federation of Expellees, but in respect to a predecessor organization that was dissolved in 1957.	[ "Linus Kather", "Erika Steinbach", "Reinhold Rehs", "Fritz Wittmann", "Herbert Czaja", "Georg von Manteuffel-Szoege", "Bernd Fabritius" ]
Who was the chair of Federation of Expellees in 25-Jan-196625-January-1966?	January 25, 1966	{ "text": [ "Wenzel Jaksch" ] }	L2_Q819657_P488_2	Herbert Czaja is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Mar, 1970 to Apr, 1994. Bernd Fabritius is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Nov, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Fritz Wittmann is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Apr, 1994 to May, 1998. Georg von Manteuffel-Szoege is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Oct, 1957 to Dec, 1958. Reinhold Rehs is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Mar, 1967 to Mar, 1970. Erika Steinbach is the chair of Federation of Expellees from May, 1998 to Nov, 2014. Wenzel Jaksch is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Mar, 1964 to Nov, 1966. Linus Kather is the chair of Federation of Expellees from Oct, 1957 to Dec, 1958.	Federation of ExpelleesThe Federation of Expellees (; BdV) is a non-profit organization formed in West Germany on 27 October 1957 to represent the interests of German nationals of all ethnicities and foreign ethnic Germans and their families (usually naturalised as German nationals after 1949) who either fled their homes in parts of Central and Eastern Europe, or were forcibly expelled following World War II.Since 2014 the president of the Federation has been Bernd Fabritius, a Christian Social Union in Bavaria politician.It is estimated that in the aftermath of World War II between 13 and 16 million ethnic Germans fled or were expelled from parts of Central and Eastern Europe, including the former eastern territories of Germany (parts of present-day Poland), the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary, Croatia, Serbia (mostly from the Vojvodina region), the Kaliningrad Oblast of (now) Russia, hitherto USSR (in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War) and prior to this, the northern part of East Prussia, Lithuania, Romania and other East European countries.The Charter of the German Expellees () of 5 August 1950, announced their belief in requiring that "the right to the homeland is recognized and carried out as one of the fundamental rights of mankind given by God", while renouncing revenge and retaliation in the face of the "unending suffering" ("unendliche Leid") of the previous decade, and supporting the unified effort to rebuild Germany and Europe. The charter has been criticised for avoiding mentioning Nazi atrocities of Second World War and Germans who were forced to emigrate due to Nazi repressions. Critics argue that the Charter presents the history of German people as starting from the expulsions, while ignoring events like the Holocaust. Professor Micha Brumlik pointed out that one third of signatories were former devoted Nazis and many actively helped in realisation of Hitler's goals. Ralph Giordano wrote in "Hamburger Abendblatt" "the Charter doesn't contain a word about Hitler, Auschwitz and Buchenwald. Not to mention any sign of apologies for the suffering of the murdered people", "avoids mentioning the reasons for expulsions" and called the document "example of German art of crowding out the truth (...) The fact that the charter completely ignores the reasons for the expulsions deprives it of any value".Between 1953, when the Federal Expellee Law was passed, and 1991, the West German government passed several laws dealing with German expellees. The most notable of these is the "Law of Return" which granted German citizenship to any ethnic German. Several additions were later made to these laws.The German Law of Return declared refugee status to be inheritable. According to the Federal Expellee Law, "the spouse and the descendants" of an expellee are to be treated as if they were expellees themselves, regardless of whether they had been personally displaced. The Federation of Expellees has steadily lobbied to preserve the inheritability clause.The Federation of Expellees was formed on 27 October 1957 in West Germany. Before its founding, the "Bund der Heimatvertriebenen" (League of Expellees and Deprived of Rights), formed in 1950, represented the interests of displaced German expellees. Intriguingly, in its first few years, the league was more successful in West Germany than in East Germany.Previous West German governments, especially those led by the Christian Democratic Union, had shown more rhetorical support for the territorial claims made on behalf of German refugees and expellees. Although the Social Democrats showed strong support for the expellees, especially under Kurt Schumacher and Erich Ollenhauer, Social Democrats in more recent decades have generally been less supportive – and it was under Willy Brandt that West Germany recognized the Oder-Neisse line as the eastern German border with Poland under his policy of Ostpolitik. In reality, accepting the internationally recognized boundary made it more possible for eastern Germans to visit their lost homelands.In 1989–1990 the West German government realized they had an opportunity to reunify the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet created German Democratic Republic. But they believed that if this were to be achieved, it had to be done quickly. One of the potential complications was the claim to the historical eastern territories of Germany; unless this was renounced, some foreign governments might not agree to German reunification. The West German government under the CDU accepted the 1990 Treaty on the Final Settlement With Respect to Germany (Two Plus Four Agreement), which officially re-established the sovereignty of both German states. A condition of this agreement was that Germany accept the post-World War II frontiers. Upon reunification in 1990, the constitution was amended to state that Germany's territory had reached its full extent. Article 146 was amended so that Article 23 of the current constitution could be used for reunification. Once the five "reestablished federal states" in the east had been united with the west, the Basic Law was amended again to show that "there were no other parts of Germany, which existed outside of the unified territory", that had not acceded.In 2000 the Federation of Expellees also initiated the formation of the Center Against Expulsions (). Chairwoman of this Center is Erika Steinbach, who headed it together with former SPD politician Prof. Dr. Peter Glotz (died 2005).Recently Erika Steinbach, the chair of the Federation of Expellees, has rejected any compensation claims. The vice president of the Federation Rudi Pawelka is however a chairman of the supervisory board of the Prussian Trust.A European organisation for expellees has been formed: EUFV. Headquarters is Trieste, Italy. The expellees are organized in 21 regional associations "(Landsmannschaften)", according to the areas of origin of its members, 16 state organizations "(Landesverbände)" according to their current residence, and 5 associate member organizations. It is the single representative federation for the approximately 15 million Germans who after fleeing, being expelled, evacuated or emigrating, found refuge in the Federal Republic of Germany. The Federation claims to have 1.3 million members (including non-displaced persons), and to be a political force of some influence in Germany. This figure was disputed in January 2010 by the German news service DDP, which reported an actual membership of 550,000. According to Erika Steinbach only 100,000 of the members contribute financially.The federation helps its members to integrate into German society. Many of the members assist the societies of their place of birth.From 1959 to 1964, the first president of the Federation was Hans Krüger, a former Nazi judge and activist. After the war Krüger was a West German politician of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), was a member of parliament from 1957 to 1965, served as Federal Minister for Displaced Persons, Refugees and War Victims for 4 months in 1963–64 in the First Cabinet of Ludwig Erhard. He stepped down from cabinet and other positions in 1964 amid controversy about his war-time background. Krüger was succeeded as president by Wenzel Jaksch in 1964 who held the position until his untimely death in 1966.When in government, both CDU and SPD have tended to favor improved relations with Central and Eastern Europe, even when this conflicts with the interests of the displaced people. The issue of the eastern border and the return of the "Heimatvertriebene" to their ancestral homes are matters which the current German government, German constitutional arrangements and German treaty obligations have virtually closed.The refugees' claims were unanimously rejected by the affected countries and became a source of mistrust between Germany, Poland and the Czech Republic. These governments argue that the expulsion of Germans and related border changes were not enacted by the Polish or Czech governments, but rather were ordered by the Potsdam Conference. Furthermore, the nationalization of private property by Poland's former communist government did not apply only to Germans but was enforced on all people, regardless of ethnic background. A further complication is that many of the current Polish population in historical eastern Germany are themselves expellees (or descendants of expellees) who were driven from Polish areas annexed by the Soviet Union and were forced to leave their homes and property behind as well.Some Germans had settled in Poland after 1939, and treating these ex-colonists as expellees, Erika Steinbach included, under German law of these ex-colonists as expellees, adds to the controversy. However, the vast majority of expelled Germans were descended from families who had lived in Eastern Europe for many centuries, while the majority of German colonists in Nazi-occupied Poland were Baltic and other East European Germans themselves displaced by the Nazi-Soviet population transfers.The Federation has been accused by the GDR and Poland to have Nazi roots. A recent study confirmed that 13 members of the first council of the Federation had a Nazi past.The Polish daily newspaper "Rzeczpospolita" reported that during BdV meetings in 2003, publications using hate-language to describe Poles butchering Germans were available for sale, as were recordings of Waffen SS marches on compact discs, including those glorifying the Invasion of Poland. Also, far right groups openly distributed their materials at BdV meetings. While the BdV officially denied responsibility for this, no steps were taken to address the concerns raised.In February 2009, the Polish newspaper "Polska" wrote that over one third of the Federation top officials were former Nazi activists, and based this on an article published by the German magazine "Der Spiegel" in 2006. The German paper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung wrote that "Der Spiegel" said this not in respect to the Federation of Expellees, but in respect to a predecessor organization that was dissolved in 1957.	[ "Linus Kather", "Erika Steinbach", "Reinhold Rehs", "Fritz Wittmann", "Herbert Czaja", "Georg von Manteuffel-Szoege", "Bernd Fabritius" ]
Who was the head of Gauteng in Mar, 2009?	March 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "Paul Mashatile" ] }	L2_Q133083_P6_3	Mbhazima Shilowa is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 2008. David Makhura is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Paul Mashatile is the head of the government of Gauteng from Oct, 2008 to May, 2009. Mosima Gabriel Sexwale is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 1994 to Jan, 1998. Nomvula Mokonyane is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2009 to May, 2014. Mathole Motshekga is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jan, 1998 to Jun, 1999.	GautengGauteng ( ; ; Northern and Southern Sotho: "Gauteng"; ; Tsonga: "Gauteng/eXilungwini;" Ndebele, ; ; ) is one of the nine provinces of South Africa. The name in Sotho-Tswana languages means "place of gold".Situated on the Highveld, Gauteng is the smallest province in South Africa. Though Gauteng accounts for only 1.5% of the country's land area, it is home to more than a quarter of its population. Highly urbanised, the province contains the country's largest city, Johannesburg, its administrative capital, Pretoria, and other large areas such as Midrand and Vanderbijlpark. , Gauteng is the most populous province in South Africa with a population of approximately 15 million people according to estimates.The name "Gauteng" is derived from the Sotho-Tswana name, meaning "gold". There was a thriving gold industry in the province following the 1886 discovery of gold in Johannesburg. In Setswana, the name was used for Johannesburg and surrounding areas long before it was adopted in 1994 as the official name of a province.Gauteng was formed from part of the old Transvaal Province after South Africa's first multiracial elections on 27 April 1994. It was initially named Pretoria–Witwatersrand–Vereeniging (PWV) and was renamed "Gauteng" in December 1994. The term "PWV", describing the region existed long before the establishment of the province, with the "V" sometimes standing for "Vaal Triangle" rather than Vereeniging.Gauteng's history has only been properly documented since the 19th century and as a result, not much information regarding its history predating the 19th century is available. At the Sterkfontein caves, some of the oldest fossils of hominids have been discovered, such as Mrs. Ples and Little Foot. The recorded history of the area that is now Gauteng can be traced back to the early 19th century when settlers originating from the Cape Colony defeated chief Mzilikazi and started establishing villages in the area.The city of Pretoria was founded in 1855 as capital of the South African Republic (ZAR - ). After the discovery of gold in 1886, the region became the single largest gold producer in the world and the city of Johannesburg was founded. The older city Pretoria was not subject to the same attention and development. Pretoria grew at a slower rate and was highly regarded due to its role in the Second Boer War. The Cullinan Diamond which is the largest diamond ever mined was mined near Pretoria in a nearby town called Cullinan in the year 1905.Many crucial events happened in present-day Gauteng with regards to the anti-apartheid struggle, such as the Freedom Charter of 1955, Women's March of 1956, Sharpeville massacre of 1960, the Rivonia Trial in 1963 and 1964 and the Soweto Uprising of 1976. Today, the Apartheid Museum stands testament to these struggles in Johannesburg.Gauteng is governed by the Gauteng Provincial Legislature, a 73-person unicameral legislature elected by party-list proportional representation. The legislature elects one of its members as Premier of Gauteng to lead the executive, and the Premier appoints an Executive Council of up to 10 members of the legislature to serve as heads of the various government departments. The provincial government is responsible for the topics allocated to it in the national constitution, including such fields as basic education, health, housing, social services, agriculture and environmental protection.The most recent election of the provincial legislature was held on 8 May 2019, and the African National Congress (ANC) won 50.19% of the vote and a 37-seat majority in the legislature. The official opposition is the Democratic Alliance, which won 27.45% of the vote and 20 seats. Other parties represented are the Economic Freedom Fighters with eleven seats and the Freedom Front Plus with three seats. The Inkatha Freedom Party and African Christian Democratic Party hold one seat each. Premier David Makhura of the ANC was re-elected as premier on 22 May 2019, at the first meeting of the legislature after the general election.The Gauteng Division of the High Court of South Africa, which has seats in Pretoria and Johannesburg, is a superior court with general jurisdiction over the province. Johannesburg is also home to the Constitutional Court, South Africa's highest court, and to a branch of the Labour Court and Labour Appeal Court.Gauteng's southern border is the Vaal River, which separates it from the Free State. It also borders on North West to the west, Limpopo to the north, and Mpumalanga to the east. Gauteng is the only landlocked province of South Africa without a foreign border. Most of Gauteng is on the Highveld, a high-altitude grassland (circa above sea level). Between Johannesburg and Pretoria, there are low parallel ridges and undulating hills, some part of the Magaliesberg Mountains and the Witwatersrand. The north of the province is more subtropical, due to its lower altitude and is mostly dry savanna habitat.In the southern half of Gauteng, the Witwatersrand area is an older term describing a 120 km wide oblong-shaped conurbation from Randfontein in the West to Nigel in the East, named after the Witwatersrand, a geologically and economically important series of low ridges and their associated plateau that greater Johannesburg developed on. This area is also often referred to simply as "Witwatersrand", "the Rand" or "the Reef" (archaic, after the gold reefs that precipitated the development of the area), and was the "W" in "PWV", the initial name for Gauteng. It has traditionally been divided into the three areas of East Rand (governed by the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality), Central Rand (approximately today's Johannesburg Municipality) and West Rand.The climate is mostly influenced by altitude. Even though the province is at a subtropical latitude, the climate is comparatively cooler, especially in Johannesburg, at above sea level (Pretoria is at ). Most precipitation occurs as brief afternoon thunderstorms; however, relative humidity never becomes uncomfortable. Winters are crisp and dry with frost occurring often in the southern areas. Snow is rare, but it has occurred on some occasions in the Johannesburg metropolitan area. The Gauteng Province (as of May 2011) is divided into three metropolitan municipalities and two district municipalities. The district municipalities are in turn divided into six local municipalities:The former Metsweding district consisting of Nokeng Tsa Taemane and Kungwini in the North of the province was incorporated into Tshwane in 2011.Gauteng Province is home to 15.7 million (2019 Stats SA Mid-year estimates), with 25.8% of the total South African population. Gauteng Province is also the fastest growing province, experiencing a population growth of over 33% between the 1996 and 2011 censuses, thus Gauteng now has the largest population of any province in South Africa, though the smallest area.As of the census of 2011, there are 12,272,263 people and 3,909,022 households residing in Gauteng. The population density is 680/km². The density of households is 155.86/km².About 22.1% of all households are made up of individuals. The average household size is 3.33.The province's age distribution was 23.6% under the age of 15, 19.6% from 15 to 24, 37.9% from 25 to 44, 15.0% from 45 to 64, and 4.0% who are 65 years of age or older. The median age is 27 years. For every 100 females there are 101.2 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there are 102.3 males.In the province, 14.4% of residents speak Afrikaans at home, 12.5% speak English, 1.5% speak IsiNdebele, 6.3% speak IsiXhosa, 19.5% speak IsiZulu, 10.7% speak Sepedi, 13.1% speak Sesotho, 11.4% speak Setswana, 1.2% speak SiSwati, 3.2% speak Tshivenda, and 4.1% speak Xitsonga. 2.0% of the population speaks a non-official language at home.76.0% of residents are Christian, 18.4% have no religion, 1.7% are Muslim, 0.5% are Jewish, and 0.8% are Hindu. 2.6% have other or undetermined beliefs.8.4% of residents aged 20 and over have received no schooling, 11.2% have had some primary, 5.5% have completed only primary school, 34.3% have had some high education, 28.0% have finished only high school, and 12.6% have an education higher than the high school level. Overall, 40.6% of residents have completed high school.56.1% of housing units have a telephone and/or mobile phone in the dwelling, 41.5% have access to a phone nearby, and 2.3% have access that is not nearby or no access. 82.8% of households have a flush or chemical toilet. 84.2% have refuse removed by the municipality at least once a week and 2.6% have no rubbish disposal. 47.2% have running water inside their dwelling, 83.6% have running water on their property, and 97.5% have access to running water. 73.2% of households use electricity for cooking, 70.4% for heating, and 80.8% for lighting. 77.4% of households have a radio, 65.7% have a television, 15.1% own a computer, 62.1% have a refrigerator, and 45.1% have a mobile phone.25.8% of the population aged 15–65 is unemployed.The median annual income of working adults aged 15–65 is R 23 539 ($3,483). Males have a median annual income of R 24 977 ($3,696) versus R 20 838 ($3,083) for females.Gauteng is the province with the second highest life expectancy in the country in 2019 with females having a life expectancy of 69 years and males having a life expectancy of 64 years. At birth, life expectancy for 2013 is approximated at 57 years and 61 years for males and females respectively. This marks an improvement of a whole year in the life expectancy of South Africans as a whole.Previously described as the , the urban conurbation of Gauteng, referred to as the Gauteng City Region, contains the major urban populations of Johannesburg (7,860,781 ), Pretoria (1,763,336), Vereeniging (377,922), Evaton (605,504) and Soshanguve (728,063), coming to an urban population of over 11 million. Thomas Brinkhoff lists a "Consolidated Urban Area" in Gauteng as having a population of 13.1 million . The future governmental plans for the region indicate the gradual urbanisation and consolidation towards the creation of a megalopolis that connects these metros.The GCRO is a collaboration between the Universities of Johannesburg and Witwatersrand, the city of Johannesburg, Gauteng Provincial Government, and SALGA-Gauteng. The GCRO's purpose is to collect information and create a database on the Gauteng City Region to provide to Government, Lawmakers and civil society an informed understanding of the fastest urbanizing region in Southern Africa.Gauteng is considered the economic hub of South Africa and contributes heavily in the financial, manufacturing, transport, technology, and telecommunications sectors, among others. It also plays host to a large number of overseas companies requiring a commercial base in and gateway to Africa.Gauteng is home to the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, the largest stock exchange in Africa. Some of the largest companies in Africa and abroad are based in Gauteng, or have offices and branches there, such as Vodacom, MTN, Neotel, Microsoft South Africa and the largest Porsche Centre in the world.Although Gauteng is the smallest of South Africa's nine provinces—it covers a mere 1.5% of the country's total land area, the province is responsible for a third of South Africa's gross domestic product (GDP). Gauteng generates about 10% of the total GDP of sub-Saharan Africa and about 7% of total African GDP.SANRAL, a parastatal, is responsible for the maintenance, development and management of all national road networks in South Africa. SANRAL is responsible for instituting the Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project, which was met with a lot of opposition due to the tolling of Gauteng motorists. Many important national routes run through Gauteng such as the N1, N3, N4, N12, N14 and the N17. Johannesburg is quite dependent on freeways for transport in and around the city. The R21, R24, R59, M1 and M2 all run through Johannesburg while the R80 connects Pretoria Central to Soshanguve.The Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project led to a large decrease in traffic congestion when construction finished 2011–2012. Cape Town, for the first time in decades, is now the most congested city in South Africa.PUTCO, the largest commuter bus operator in South Africa, services the Gauteng area extensively. The bus rapid transit system Rea Vaya also serves to transport people from Johannesburg's southern neighbourhoods into and around the CBD. In an interview, Parks Tau stated that by the year 2040, Johannesburg will be dominated by pedestrians and public transport as opposed to the use of private transport or informal transport, such as minibus taxis.Gautrain and Metrorail both service the province's public transport sector where trains are concerned and Gautrain offers a bus service that transports commuters to and from various train stations and predetermined bus stops. Metrorail trains are considered one of the most cost-effective methods of transportation in and around Gauteng.The OR Tambo International Airport, Rand Airport, Lanseria International Airport, Wonderboom Airport and Grand Central Airport are located in Gauteng.There is a large informal transport sector in Gauteng, consisting of thousands of minibus taxis, which many of the urban and rural population makes use of. However, it is noted that taxis are often unsafe as their drivers ignore the rules of the road and the vehicles are often not roadworthy. The City of Johannesburg stated that: "major initiatives are under way to completely reform the taxi industry and provide more comfort and safety to customers."Gauteng is a large center of learning in South Africa, and it has many universities and educational institutions of higher learning.In 2002, the Gauteng Department of Education founded an initiative called "Gauteng Online" in an attempt to get the entire province to utilize a wide assortment of electronic and telecommunications systems. In 2007, this initiative was handed over to the Gauteng Department of Finance.In the 2013 national budget speech, it was announced that the Gauteng Department of Education would be granted over R700 million to improve education and to alleviate issues concerning the overcrowding in schools, a shortage in teaching staff and transport for poor pupils.In 2017/2018, the Gauteng Provincial government spent R42.4 billion on education which accounted for 38% the province's total expenditure.Although Gauteng province is dominated by the urban areas of Johannesburg and Pretoria, it has several nature reserves. Gauteng is home to the Cradle of Humankind UNESCO World Heritage Site which includes the Sterkfontein caves and the Wonder Cave Kromdraai. Johannesburg is home to the largest man-made urban forest in the world.There are 5 provincial reserves managed by the Gauteng Department of Agriculture, Conservation, Environment and Land Affairs:Gauteng is home to many stadiums and sporting grounds, notably Soccer City, Ellis Park Stadium, Odi Stadium, Loftus Versfeld Stadium, Orlando Stadium, Johannesburg Stadium, the Wanderers Stadium and SuperSport Park.Several teams from Gauteng play in the country's top-level association football (more commonly referred to as soccer) league, the Premier Soccer League (PSL), including Kaizer Chiefs and Orlando Pirates. The national squad Bafana Bafana's home stadium is Soccer City in Johannesburg. During the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the first ever world cup held by an African nation, Gauteng's stadia hosted many games. The first ever FIFA world cup match on African soil took place at Soccer City on 11 June 2010. Along with Soccer City, Loftus Versfeld Stadium and Ellis Park Stadium hosted matches in Gauteng.Rugby, or more accurately rugby union, is a popular sport in South Africa, and in Gauteng in particular. Two rugby teams from Gauteng participate in the Southern Hemisphere Super Rugby championship: the Pretoria-based Bulls, and the Johannesburg-based Lions (previously the Cats). Three Gauteng-based teams play in the country's domestic competition, the Currie Cup: the Blue Bulls from Pretoria, the Golden Lions from Johannesburg and the Falcons from the East Rand. In 1995, South Africa hosted the 1995 Rugby World Cup and proceeded to win the tournament at Ellis Park Stadium on 24 June 1995. The events surrounding the world cup formed the basis of the story for the movie Invictus.Many South African universities take part in the Varsity Rugby league. Of these, the Gauteng universities include the University of Pretoria, the University of Johannesburg and the University of the Witwatersrand.Cricket is also widely popular among all cultural groups in the country, and is the only sport to feature in the top two among all of South Africa's major ethnic/racial groups. The Highveld Lions represent both Gauteng and North West in the country's three domestic competitions—the first-class SuperSport Series, the List A one-day MTN Domestic Championship and the Twenty20 Standard Bank Pro 20 Series.Many marathons take place in Gauteng, such as the Gauteng Marathon, the Arwyp Medical Centre 15 km Nite Race and the Trisport Joburg City Triathlon.Gauteng's favourable weather conditions throughout the year make it an ideal hub for sports and other out door activities. This makes golf, horse racing and swimming very popular. The Vaal River facilitates water sports in the forms of jet skiing, water skiing and motor boating. Adventure sports are also quite popular in Gauteng, particularly skydiving, paragliding and hang-gliding.The amusement park Gold Reef City is situated in Gauteng, as is the Johannesburg Zoo and the Pretoria Zoo. Botanical gardens in the province include the Pretoria and Walter Sisulu national botanical gardens maintained by the South African National Botanical Institute as well as the Johannesburg and Manie van der Schijff botanical gardens.The Ticketpro Dome and the Gallagher Convention Centre, which are both popular events and expos venues, are also located within Gauteng. The province also has a Formula One racetrack, the Kyalami Circuit. The most recent F1 race at the venue was in 1993.	[ "Nomvula Mokonyane", "David Makhura", "Mosima Gabriel Sexwale", "Mathole Motshekga", "Mbhazima Shilowa" ]
Who was the head of Gauteng in 2009-03-31?	March 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "Paul Mashatile" ] }	L2_Q133083_P6_3	Mbhazima Shilowa is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 2008. David Makhura is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Paul Mashatile is the head of the government of Gauteng from Oct, 2008 to May, 2009. Mosima Gabriel Sexwale is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 1994 to Jan, 1998. Nomvula Mokonyane is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2009 to May, 2014. Mathole Motshekga is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jan, 1998 to Jun, 1999.	GautengGauteng ( ; ; Northern and Southern Sotho: "Gauteng"; ; Tsonga: "Gauteng/eXilungwini;" Ndebele, ; ; ) is one of the nine provinces of South Africa. The name in Sotho-Tswana languages means "place of gold".Situated on the Highveld, Gauteng is the smallest province in South Africa. Though Gauteng accounts for only 1.5% of the country's land area, it is home to more than a quarter of its population. Highly urbanised, the province contains the country's largest city, Johannesburg, its administrative capital, Pretoria, and other large areas such as Midrand and Vanderbijlpark. , Gauteng is the most populous province in South Africa with a population of approximately 15 million people according to estimates.The name "Gauteng" is derived from the Sotho-Tswana name, meaning "gold". There was a thriving gold industry in the province following the 1886 discovery of gold in Johannesburg. In Setswana, the name was used for Johannesburg and surrounding areas long before it was adopted in 1994 as the official name of a province.Gauteng was formed from part of the old Transvaal Province after South Africa's first multiracial elections on 27 April 1994. It was initially named Pretoria–Witwatersrand–Vereeniging (PWV) and was renamed "Gauteng" in December 1994. The term "PWV", describing the region existed long before the establishment of the province, with the "V" sometimes standing for "Vaal Triangle" rather than Vereeniging.Gauteng's history has only been properly documented since the 19th century and as a result, not much information regarding its history predating the 19th century is available. At the Sterkfontein caves, some of the oldest fossils of hominids have been discovered, such as Mrs. Ples and Little Foot. The recorded history of the area that is now Gauteng can be traced back to the early 19th century when settlers originating from the Cape Colony defeated chief Mzilikazi and started establishing villages in the area.The city of Pretoria was founded in 1855 as capital of the South African Republic (ZAR - ). After the discovery of gold in 1886, the region became the single largest gold producer in the world and the city of Johannesburg was founded. The older city Pretoria was not subject to the same attention and development. Pretoria grew at a slower rate and was highly regarded due to its role in the Second Boer War. The Cullinan Diamond which is the largest diamond ever mined was mined near Pretoria in a nearby town called Cullinan in the year 1905.Many crucial events happened in present-day Gauteng with regards to the anti-apartheid struggle, such as the Freedom Charter of 1955, Women's March of 1956, Sharpeville massacre of 1960, the Rivonia Trial in 1963 and 1964 and the Soweto Uprising of 1976. Today, the Apartheid Museum stands testament to these struggles in Johannesburg.Gauteng is governed by the Gauteng Provincial Legislature, a 73-person unicameral legislature elected by party-list proportional representation. The legislature elects one of its members as Premier of Gauteng to lead the executive, and the Premier appoints an Executive Council of up to 10 members of the legislature to serve as heads of the various government departments. The provincial government is responsible for the topics allocated to it in the national constitution, including such fields as basic education, health, housing, social services, agriculture and environmental protection.The most recent election of the provincial legislature was held on 8 May 2019, and the African National Congress (ANC) won 50.19% of the vote and a 37-seat majority in the legislature. The official opposition is the Democratic Alliance, which won 27.45% of the vote and 20 seats. Other parties represented are the Economic Freedom Fighters with eleven seats and the Freedom Front Plus with three seats. The Inkatha Freedom Party and African Christian Democratic Party hold one seat each. Premier David Makhura of the ANC was re-elected as premier on 22 May 2019, at the first meeting of the legislature after the general election.The Gauteng Division of the High Court of South Africa, which has seats in Pretoria and Johannesburg, is a superior court with general jurisdiction over the province. Johannesburg is also home to the Constitutional Court, South Africa's highest court, and to a branch of the Labour Court and Labour Appeal Court.Gauteng's southern border is the Vaal River, which separates it from the Free State. It also borders on North West to the west, Limpopo to the north, and Mpumalanga to the east. Gauteng is the only landlocked province of South Africa without a foreign border. Most of Gauteng is on the Highveld, a high-altitude grassland (circa above sea level). Between Johannesburg and Pretoria, there are low parallel ridges and undulating hills, some part of the Magaliesberg Mountains and the Witwatersrand. The north of the province is more subtropical, due to its lower altitude and is mostly dry savanna habitat.In the southern half of Gauteng, the Witwatersrand area is an older term describing a 120 km wide oblong-shaped conurbation from Randfontein in the West to Nigel in the East, named after the Witwatersrand, a geologically and economically important series of low ridges and their associated plateau that greater Johannesburg developed on. This area is also often referred to simply as "Witwatersrand", "the Rand" or "the Reef" (archaic, after the gold reefs that precipitated the development of the area), and was the "W" in "PWV", the initial name for Gauteng. It has traditionally been divided into the three areas of East Rand (governed by the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality), Central Rand (approximately today's Johannesburg Municipality) and West Rand.The climate is mostly influenced by altitude. Even though the province is at a subtropical latitude, the climate is comparatively cooler, especially in Johannesburg, at above sea level (Pretoria is at ). Most precipitation occurs as brief afternoon thunderstorms; however, relative humidity never becomes uncomfortable. Winters are crisp and dry with frost occurring often in the southern areas. Snow is rare, but it has occurred on some occasions in the Johannesburg metropolitan area. The Gauteng Province (as of May 2011) is divided into three metropolitan municipalities and two district municipalities. The district municipalities are in turn divided into six local municipalities:The former Metsweding district consisting of Nokeng Tsa Taemane and Kungwini in the North of the province was incorporated into Tshwane in 2011.Gauteng Province is home to 15.7 million (2019 Stats SA Mid-year estimates), with 25.8% of the total South African population. Gauteng Province is also the fastest growing province, experiencing a population growth of over 33% between the 1996 and 2011 censuses, thus Gauteng now has the largest population of any province in South Africa, though the smallest area.As of the census of 2011, there are 12,272,263 people and 3,909,022 households residing in Gauteng. The population density is 680/km². The density of households is 155.86/km².About 22.1% of all households are made up of individuals. The average household size is 3.33.The province's age distribution was 23.6% under the age of 15, 19.6% from 15 to 24, 37.9% from 25 to 44, 15.0% from 45 to 64, and 4.0% who are 65 years of age or older. The median age is 27 years. For every 100 females there are 101.2 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there are 102.3 males.In the province, 14.4% of residents speak Afrikaans at home, 12.5% speak English, 1.5% speak IsiNdebele, 6.3% speak IsiXhosa, 19.5% speak IsiZulu, 10.7% speak Sepedi, 13.1% speak Sesotho, 11.4% speak Setswana, 1.2% speak SiSwati, 3.2% speak Tshivenda, and 4.1% speak Xitsonga. 2.0% of the population speaks a non-official language at home.76.0% of residents are Christian, 18.4% have no religion, 1.7% are Muslim, 0.5% are Jewish, and 0.8% are Hindu. 2.6% have other or undetermined beliefs.8.4% of residents aged 20 and over have received no schooling, 11.2% have had some primary, 5.5% have completed only primary school, 34.3% have had some high education, 28.0% have finished only high school, and 12.6% have an education higher than the high school level. Overall, 40.6% of residents have completed high school.56.1% of housing units have a telephone and/or mobile phone in the dwelling, 41.5% have access to a phone nearby, and 2.3% have access that is not nearby or no access. 82.8% of households have a flush or chemical toilet. 84.2% have refuse removed by the municipality at least once a week and 2.6% have no rubbish disposal. 47.2% have running water inside their dwelling, 83.6% have running water on their property, and 97.5% have access to running water. 73.2% of households use electricity for cooking, 70.4% for heating, and 80.8% for lighting. 77.4% of households have a radio, 65.7% have a television, 15.1% own a computer, 62.1% have a refrigerator, and 45.1% have a mobile phone.25.8% of the population aged 15–65 is unemployed.The median annual income of working adults aged 15–65 is R 23 539 ($3,483). Males have a median annual income of R 24 977 ($3,696) versus R 20 838 ($3,083) for females.Gauteng is the province with the second highest life expectancy in the country in 2019 with females having a life expectancy of 69 years and males having a life expectancy of 64 years. At birth, life expectancy for 2013 is approximated at 57 years and 61 years for males and females respectively. This marks an improvement of a whole year in the life expectancy of South Africans as a whole.Previously described as the , the urban conurbation of Gauteng, referred to as the Gauteng City Region, contains the major urban populations of Johannesburg (7,860,781 ), Pretoria (1,763,336), Vereeniging (377,922), Evaton (605,504) and Soshanguve (728,063), coming to an urban population of over 11 million. Thomas Brinkhoff lists a "Consolidated Urban Area" in Gauteng as having a population of 13.1 million . The future governmental plans for the region indicate the gradual urbanisation and consolidation towards the creation of a megalopolis that connects these metros.The GCRO is a collaboration between the Universities of Johannesburg and Witwatersrand, the city of Johannesburg, Gauteng Provincial Government, and SALGA-Gauteng. The GCRO's purpose is to collect information and create a database on the Gauteng City Region to provide to Government, Lawmakers and civil society an informed understanding of the fastest urbanizing region in Southern Africa.Gauteng is considered the economic hub of South Africa and contributes heavily in the financial, manufacturing, transport, technology, and telecommunications sectors, among others. It also plays host to a large number of overseas companies requiring a commercial base in and gateway to Africa.Gauteng is home to the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, the largest stock exchange in Africa. Some of the largest companies in Africa and abroad are based in Gauteng, or have offices and branches there, such as Vodacom, MTN, Neotel, Microsoft South Africa and the largest Porsche Centre in the world.Although Gauteng is the smallest of South Africa's nine provinces—it covers a mere 1.5% of the country's total land area, the province is responsible for a third of South Africa's gross domestic product (GDP). Gauteng generates about 10% of the total GDP of sub-Saharan Africa and about 7% of total African GDP.SANRAL, a parastatal, is responsible for the maintenance, development and management of all national road networks in South Africa. SANRAL is responsible for instituting the Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project, which was met with a lot of opposition due to the tolling of Gauteng motorists. Many important national routes run through Gauteng such as the N1, N3, N4, N12, N14 and the N17. Johannesburg is quite dependent on freeways for transport in and around the city. The R21, R24, R59, M1 and M2 all run through Johannesburg while the R80 connects Pretoria Central to Soshanguve.The Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project led to a large decrease in traffic congestion when construction finished 2011–2012. Cape Town, for the first time in decades, is now the most congested city in South Africa.PUTCO, the largest commuter bus operator in South Africa, services the Gauteng area extensively. The bus rapid transit system Rea Vaya also serves to transport people from Johannesburg's southern neighbourhoods into and around the CBD. In an interview, Parks Tau stated that by the year 2040, Johannesburg will be dominated by pedestrians and public transport as opposed to the use of private transport or informal transport, such as minibus taxis.Gautrain and Metrorail both service the province's public transport sector where trains are concerned and Gautrain offers a bus service that transports commuters to and from various train stations and predetermined bus stops. Metrorail trains are considered one of the most cost-effective methods of transportation in and around Gauteng.The OR Tambo International Airport, Rand Airport, Lanseria International Airport, Wonderboom Airport and Grand Central Airport are located in Gauteng.There is a large informal transport sector in Gauteng, consisting of thousands of minibus taxis, which many of the urban and rural population makes use of. However, it is noted that taxis are often unsafe as their drivers ignore the rules of the road and the vehicles are often not roadworthy. The City of Johannesburg stated that: "major initiatives are under way to completely reform the taxi industry and provide more comfort and safety to customers."Gauteng is a large center of learning in South Africa, and it has many universities and educational institutions of higher learning.In 2002, the Gauteng Department of Education founded an initiative called "Gauteng Online" in an attempt to get the entire province to utilize a wide assortment of electronic and telecommunications systems. In 2007, this initiative was handed over to the Gauteng Department of Finance.In the 2013 national budget speech, it was announced that the Gauteng Department of Education would be granted over R700 million to improve education and to alleviate issues concerning the overcrowding in schools, a shortage in teaching staff and transport for poor pupils.In 2017/2018, the Gauteng Provincial government spent R42.4 billion on education which accounted for 38% the province's total expenditure.Although Gauteng province is dominated by the urban areas of Johannesburg and Pretoria, it has several nature reserves. Gauteng is home to the Cradle of Humankind UNESCO World Heritage Site which includes the Sterkfontein caves and the Wonder Cave Kromdraai. Johannesburg is home to the largest man-made urban forest in the world.There are 5 provincial reserves managed by the Gauteng Department of Agriculture, Conservation, Environment and Land Affairs:Gauteng is home to many stadiums and sporting grounds, notably Soccer City, Ellis Park Stadium, Odi Stadium, Loftus Versfeld Stadium, Orlando Stadium, Johannesburg Stadium, the Wanderers Stadium and SuperSport Park.Several teams from Gauteng play in the country's top-level association football (more commonly referred to as soccer) league, the Premier Soccer League (PSL), including Kaizer Chiefs and Orlando Pirates. The national squad Bafana Bafana's home stadium is Soccer City in Johannesburg. During the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the first ever world cup held by an African nation, Gauteng's stadia hosted many games. The first ever FIFA world cup match on African soil took place at Soccer City on 11 June 2010. Along with Soccer City, Loftus Versfeld Stadium and Ellis Park Stadium hosted matches in Gauteng.Rugby, or more accurately rugby union, is a popular sport in South Africa, and in Gauteng in particular. Two rugby teams from Gauteng participate in the Southern Hemisphere Super Rugby championship: the Pretoria-based Bulls, and the Johannesburg-based Lions (previously the Cats). Three Gauteng-based teams play in the country's domestic competition, the Currie Cup: the Blue Bulls from Pretoria, the Golden Lions from Johannesburg and the Falcons from the East Rand. In 1995, South Africa hosted the 1995 Rugby World Cup and proceeded to win the tournament at Ellis Park Stadium on 24 June 1995. The events surrounding the world cup formed the basis of the story for the movie Invictus.Many South African universities take part in the Varsity Rugby league. Of these, the Gauteng universities include the University of Pretoria, the University of Johannesburg and the University of the Witwatersrand.Cricket is also widely popular among all cultural groups in the country, and is the only sport to feature in the top two among all of South Africa's major ethnic/racial groups. The Highveld Lions represent both Gauteng and North West in the country's three domestic competitions—the first-class SuperSport Series, the List A one-day MTN Domestic Championship and the Twenty20 Standard Bank Pro 20 Series.Many marathons take place in Gauteng, such as the Gauteng Marathon, the Arwyp Medical Centre 15 km Nite Race and the Trisport Joburg City Triathlon.Gauteng's favourable weather conditions throughout the year make it an ideal hub for sports and other out door activities. This makes golf, horse racing and swimming very popular. The Vaal River facilitates water sports in the forms of jet skiing, water skiing and motor boating. Adventure sports are also quite popular in Gauteng, particularly skydiving, paragliding and hang-gliding.The amusement park Gold Reef City is situated in Gauteng, as is the Johannesburg Zoo and the Pretoria Zoo. Botanical gardens in the province include the Pretoria and Walter Sisulu national botanical gardens maintained by the South African National Botanical Institute as well as the Johannesburg and Manie van der Schijff botanical gardens.The Ticketpro Dome and the Gallagher Convention Centre, which are both popular events and expos venues, are also located within Gauteng. The province also has a Formula One racetrack, the Kyalami Circuit. The most recent F1 race at the venue was in 1993.	[ "Nomvula Mokonyane", "David Makhura", "Mosima Gabriel Sexwale", "Mathole Motshekga", "Mbhazima Shilowa" ]
Who was the head of Gauteng in 31/03/2009?	March 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "Paul Mashatile" ] }	L2_Q133083_P6_3	Mbhazima Shilowa is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 2008. David Makhura is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Paul Mashatile is the head of the government of Gauteng from Oct, 2008 to May, 2009. Mosima Gabriel Sexwale is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 1994 to Jan, 1998. Nomvula Mokonyane is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2009 to May, 2014. Mathole Motshekga is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jan, 1998 to Jun, 1999.	GautengGauteng ( ; ; Northern and Southern Sotho: "Gauteng"; ; Tsonga: "Gauteng/eXilungwini;" Ndebele, ; ; ) is one of the nine provinces of South Africa. The name in Sotho-Tswana languages means "place of gold".Situated on the Highveld, Gauteng is the smallest province in South Africa. Though Gauteng accounts for only 1.5% of the country's land area, it is home to more than a quarter of its population. Highly urbanised, the province contains the country's largest city, Johannesburg, its administrative capital, Pretoria, and other large areas such as Midrand and Vanderbijlpark. , Gauteng is the most populous province in South Africa with a population of approximately 15 million people according to estimates.The name "Gauteng" is derived from the Sotho-Tswana name, meaning "gold". There was a thriving gold industry in the province following the 1886 discovery of gold in Johannesburg. In Setswana, the name was used for Johannesburg and surrounding areas long before it was adopted in 1994 as the official name of a province.Gauteng was formed from part of the old Transvaal Province after South Africa's first multiracial elections on 27 April 1994. It was initially named Pretoria–Witwatersrand–Vereeniging (PWV) and was renamed "Gauteng" in December 1994. The term "PWV", describing the region existed long before the establishment of the province, with the "V" sometimes standing for "Vaal Triangle" rather than Vereeniging.Gauteng's history has only been properly documented since the 19th century and as a result, not much information regarding its history predating the 19th century is available. At the Sterkfontein caves, some of the oldest fossils of hominids have been discovered, such as Mrs. Ples and Little Foot. The recorded history of the area that is now Gauteng can be traced back to the early 19th century when settlers originating from the Cape Colony defeated chief Mzilikazi and started establishing villages in the area.The city of Pretoria was founded in 1855 as capital of the South African Republic (ZAR - ). After the discovery of gold in 1886, the region became the single largest gold producer in the world and the city of Johannesburg was founded. The older city Pretoria was not subject to the same attention and development. Pretoria grew at a slower rate and was highly regarded due to its role in the Second Boer War. The Cullinan Diamond which is the largest diamond ever mined was mined near Pretoria in a nearby town called Cullinan in the year 1905.Many crucial events happened in present-day Gauteng with regards to the anti-apartheid struggle, such as the Freedom Charter of 1955, Women's March of 1956, Sharpeville massacre of 1960, the Rivonia Trial in 1963 and 1964 and the Soweto Uprising of 1976. Today, the Apartheid Museum stands testament to these struggles in Johannesburg.Gauteng is governed by the Gauteng Provincial Legislature, a 73-person unicameral legislature elected by party-list proportional representation. The legislature elects one of its members as Premier of Gauteng to lead the executive, and the Premier appoints an Executive Council of up to 10 members of the legislature to serve as heads of the various government departments. The provincial government is responsible for the topics allocated to it in the national constitution, including such fields as basic education, health, housing, social services, agriculture and environmental protection.The most recent election of the provincial legislature was held on 8 May 2019, and the African National Congress (ANC) won 50.19% of the vote and a 37-seat majority in the legislature. The official opposition is the Democratic Alliance, which won 27.45% of the vote and 20 seats. Other parties represented are the Economic Freedom Fighters with eleven seats and the Freedom Front Plus with three seats. The Inkatha Freedom Party and African Christian Democratic Party hold one seat each. Premier David Makhura of the ANC was re-elected as premier on 22 May 2019, at the first meeting of the legislature after the general election.The Gauteng Division of the High Court of South Africa, which has seats in Pretoria and Johannesburg, is a superior court with general jurisdiction over the province. Johannesburg is also home to the Constitutional Court, South Africa's highest court, and to a branch of the Labour Court and Labour Appeal Court.Gauteng's southern border is the Vaal River, which separates it from the Free State. It also borders on North West to the west, Limpopo to the north, and Mpumalanga to the east. Gauteng is the only landlocked province of South Africa without a foreign border. Most of Gauteng is on the Highveld, a high-altitude grassland (circa above sea level). Between Johannesburg and Pretoria, there are low parallel ridges and undulating hills, some part of the Magaliesberg Mountains and the Witwatersrand. The north of the province is more subtropical, due to its lower altitude and is mostly dry savanna habitat.In the southern half of Gauteng, the Witwatersrand area is an older term describing a 120 km wide oblong-shaped conurbation from Randfontein in the West to Nigel in the East, named after the Witwatersrand, a geologically and economically important series of low ridges and their associated plateau that greater Johannesburg developed on. This area is also often referred to simply as "Witwatersrand", "the Rand" or "the Reef" (archaic, after the gold reefs that precipitated the development of the area), and was the "W" in "PWV", the initial name for Gauteng. It has traditionally been divided into the three areas of East Rand (governed by the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality), Central Rand (approximately today's Johannesburg Municipality) and West Rand.The climate is mostly influenced by altitude. Even though the province is at a subtropical latitude, the climate is comparatively cooler, especially in Johannesburg, at above sea level (Pretoria is at ). Most precipitation occurs as brief afternoon thunderstorms; however, relative humidity never becomes uncomfortable. Winters are crisp and dry with frost occurring often in the southern areas. Snow is rare, but it has occurred on some occasions in the Johannesburg metropolitan area. The Gauteng Province (as of May 2011) is divided into three metropolitan municipalities and two district municipalities. The district municipalities are in turn divided into six local municipalities:The former Metsweding district consisting of Nokeng Tsa Taemane and Kungwini in the North of the province was incorporated into Tshwane in 2011.Gauteng Province is home to 15.7 million (2019 Stats SA Mid-year estimates), with 25.8% of the total South African population. Gauteng Province is also the fastest growing province, experiencing a population growth of over 33% between the 1996 and 2011 censuses, thus Gauteng now has the largest population of any province in South Africa, though the smallest area.As of the census of 2011, there are 12,272,263 people and 3,909,022 households residing in Gauteng. The population density is 680/km². The density of households is 155.86/km².About 22.1% of all households are made up of individuals. The average household size is 3.33.The province's age distribution was 23.6% under the age of 15, 19.6% from 15 to 24, 37.9% from 25 to 44, 15.0% from 45 to 64, and 4.0% who are 65 years of age or older. The median age is 27 years. For every 100 females there are 101.2 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there are 102.3 males.In the province, 14.4% of residents speak Afrikaans at home, 12.5% speak English, 1.5% speak IsiNdebele, 6.3% speak IsiXhosa, 19.5% speak IsiZulu, 10.7% speak Sepedi, 13.1% speak Sesotho, 11.4% speak Setswana, 1.2% speak SiSwati, 3.2% speak Tshivenda, and 4.1% speak Xitsonga. 2.0% of the population speaks a non-official language at home.76.0% of residents are Christian, 18.4% have no religion, 1.7% are Muslim, 0.5% are Jewish, and 0.8% are Hindu. 2.6% have other or undetermined beliefs.8.4% of residents aged 20 and over have received no schooling, 11.2% have had some primary, 5.5% have completed only primary school, 34.3% have had some high education, 28.0% have finished only high school, and 12.6% have an education higher than the high school level. Overall, 40.6% of residents have completed high school.56.1% of housing units have a telephone and/or mobile phone in the dwelling, 41.5% have access to a phone nearby, and 2.3% have access that is not nearby or no access. 82.8% of households have a flush or chemical toilet. 84.2% have refuse removed by the municipality at least once a week and 2.6% have no rubbish disposal. 47.2% have running water inside their dwelling, 83.6% have running water on their property, and 97.5% have access to running water. 73.2% of households use electricity for cooking, 70.4% for heating, and 80.8% for lighting. 77.4% of households have a radio, 65.7% have a television, 15.1% own a computer, 62.1% have a refrigerator, and 45.1% have a mobile phone.25.8% of the population aged 15–65 is unemployed.The median annual income of working adults aged 15–65 is R 23 539 ($3,483). Males have a median annual income of R 24 977 ($3,696) versus R 20 838 ($3,083) for females.Gauteng is the province with the second highest life expectancy in the country in 2019 with females having a life expectancy of 69 years and males having a life expectancy of 64 years. At birth, life expectancy for 2013 is approximated at 57 years and 61 years for males and females respectively. This marks an improvement of a whole year in the life expectancy of South Africans as a whole.Previously described as the , the urban conurbation of Gauteng, referred to as the Gauteng City Region, contains the major urban populations of Johannesburg (7,860,781 ), Pretoria (1,763,336), Vereeniging (377,922), Evaton (605,504) and Soshanguve (728,063), coming to an urban population of over 11 million. Thomas Brinkhoff lists a "Consolidated Urban Area" in Gauteng as having a population of 13.1 million . The future governmental plans for the region indicate the gradual urbanisation and consolidation towards the creation of a megalopolis that connects these metros.The GCRO is a collaboration between the Universities of Johannesburg and Witwatersrand, the city of Johannesburg, Gauteng Provincial Government, and SALGA-Gauteng. The GCRO's purpose is to collect information and create a database on the Gauteng City Region to provide to Government, Lawmakers and civil society an informed understanding of the fastest urbanizing region in Southern Africa.Gauteng is considered the economic hub of South Africa and contributes heavily in the financial, manufacturing, transport, technology, and telecommunications sectors, among others. It also plays host to a large number of overseas companies requiring a commercial base in and gateway to Africa.Gauteng is home to the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, the largest stock exchange in Africa. Some of the largest companies in Africa and abroad are based in Gauteng, or have offices and branches there, such as Vodacom, MTN, Neotel, Microsoft South Africa and the largest Porsche Centre in the world.Although Gauteng is the smallest of South Africa's nine provinces—it covers a mere 1.5% of the country's total land area, the province is responsible for a third of South Africa's gross domestic product (GDP). Gauteng generates about 10% of the total GDP of sub-Saharan Africa and about 7% of total African GDP.SANRAL, a parastatal, is responsible for the maintenance, development and management of all national road networks in South Africa. SANRAL is responsible for instituting the Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project, which was met with a lot of opposition due to the tolling of Gauteng motorists. Many important national routes run through Gauteng such as the N1, N3, N4, N12, N14 and the N17. Johannesburg is quite dependent on freeways for transport in and around the city. The R21, R24, R59, M1 and M2 all run through Johannesburg while the R80 connects Pretoria Central to Soshanguve.The Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project led to a large decrease in traffic congestion when construction finished 2011–2012. Cape Town, for the first time in decades, is now the most congested city in South Africa.PUTCO, the largest commuter bus operator in South Africa, services the Gauteng area extensively. The bus rapid transit system Rea Vaya also serves to transport people from Johannesburg's southern neighbourhoods into and around the CBD. In an interview, Parks Tau stated that by the year 2040, Johannesburg will be dominated by pedestrians and public transport as opposed to the use of private transport or informal transport, such as minibus taxis.Gautrain and Metrorail both service the province's public transport sector where trains are concerned and Gautrain offers a bus service that transports commuters to and from various train stations and predetermined bus stops. Metrorail trains are considered one of the most cost-effective methods of transportation in and around Gauteng.The OR Tambo International Airport, Rand Airport, Lanseria International Airport, Wonderboom Airport and Grand Central Airport are located in Gauteng.There is a large informal transport sector in Gauteng, consisting of thousands of minibus taxis, which many of the urban and rural population makes use of. However, it is noted that taxis are often unsafe as their drivers ignore the rules of the road and the vehicles are often not roadworthy. The City of Johannesburg stated that: "major initiatives are under way to completely reform the taxi industry and provide more comfort and safety to customers."Gauteng is a large center of learning in South Africa, and it has many universities and educational institutions of higher learning.In 2002, the Gauteng Department of Education founded an initiative called "Gauteng Online" in an attempt to get the entire province to utilize a wide assortment of electronic and telecommunications systems. In 2007, this initiative was handed over to the Gauteng Department of Finance.In the 2013 national budget speech, it was announced that the Gauteng Department of Education would be granted over R700 million to improve education and to alleviate issues concerning the overcrowding in schools, a shortage in teaching staff and transport for poor pupils.In 2017/2018, the Gauteng Provincial government spent R42.4 billion on education which accounted for 38% the province's total expenditure.Although Gauteng province is dominated by the urban areas of Johannesburg and Pretoria, it has several nature reserves. Gauteng is home to the Cradle of Humankind UNESCO World Heritage Site which includes the Sterkfontein caves and the Wonder Cave Kromdraai. Johannesburg is home to the largest man-made urban forest in the world.There are 5 provincial reserves managed by the Gauteng Department of Agriculture, Conservation, Environment and Land Affairs:Gauteng is home to many stadiums and sporting grounds, notably Soccer City, Ellis Park Stadium, Odi Stadium, Loftus Versfeld Stadium, Orlando Stadium, Johannesburg Stadium, the Wanderers Stadium and SuperSport Park.Several teams from Gauteng play in the country's top-level association football (more commonly referred to as soccer) league, the Premier Soccer League (PSL), including Kaizer Chiefs and Orlando Pirates. The national squad Bafana Bafana's home stadium is Soccer City in Johannesburg. During the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the first ever world cup held by an African nation, Gauteng's stadia hosted many games. The first ever FIFA world cup match on African soil took place at Soccer City on 11 June 2010. Along with Soccer City, Loftus Versfeld Stadium and Ellis Park Stadium hosted matches in Gauteng.Rugby, or more accurately rugby union, is a popular sport in South Africa, and in Gauteng in particular. Two rugby teams from Gauteng participate in the Southern Hemisphere Super Rugby championship: the Pretoria-based Bulls, and the Johannesburg-based Lions (previously the Cats). Three Gauteng-based teams play in the country's domestic competition, the Currie Cup: the Blue Bulls from Pretoria, the Golden Lions from Johannesburg and the Falcons from the East Rand. In 1995, South Africa hosted the 1995 Rugby World Cup and proceeded to win the tournament at Ellis Park Stadium on 24 June 1995. The events surrounding the world cup formed the basis of the story for the movie Invictus.Many South African universities take part in the Varsity Rugby league. Of these, the Gauteng universities include the University of Pretoria, the University of Johannesburg and the University of the Witwatersrand.Cricket is also widely popular among all cultural groups in the country, and is the only sport to feature in the top two among all of South Africa's major ethnic/racial groups. The Highveld Lions represent both Gauteng and North West in the country's three domestic competitions—the first-class SuperSport Series, the List A one-day MTN Domestic Championship and the Twenty20 Standard Bank Pro 20 Series.Many marathons take place in Gauteng, such as the Gauteng Marathon, the Arwyp Medical Centre 15 km Nite Race and the Trisport Joburg City Triathlon.Gauteng's favourable weather conditions throughout the year make it an ideal hub for sports and other out door activities. This makes golf, horse racing and swimming very popular. The Vaal River facilitates water sports in the forms of jet skiing, water skiing and motor boating. Adventure sports are also quite popular in Gauteng, particularly skydiving, paragliding and hang-gliding.The amusement park Gold Reef City is situated in Gauteng, as is the Johannesburg Zoo and the Pretoria Zoo. Botanical gardens in the province include the Pretoria and Walter Sisulu national botanical gardens maintained by the South African National Botanical Institute as well as the Johannesburg and Manie van der Schijff botanical gardens.The Ticketpro Dome and the Gallagher Convention Centre, which are both popular events and expos venues, are also located within Gauteng. The province also has a Formula One racetrack, the Kyalami Circuit. The most recent F1 race at the venue was in 1993.	[ "Nomvula Mokonyane", "David Makhura", "Mosima Gabriel Sexwale", "Mathole Motshekga", "Mbhazima Shilowa" ]
Who was the head of Gauteng in Mar 31, 2009?	March 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "Paul Mashatile" ] }	L2_Q133083_P6_3	Mbhazima Shilowa is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 2008. David Makhura is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Paul Mashatile is the head of the government of Gauteng from Oct, 2008 to May, 2009. Mosima Gabriel Sexwale is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 1994 to Jan, 1998. Nomvula Mokonyane is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2009 to May, 2014. Mathole Motshekga is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jan, 1998 to Jun, 1999.	GautengGauteng ( ; ; Northern and Southern Sotho: "Gauteng"; ; Tsonga: "Gauteng/eXilungwini;" Ndebele, ; ; ) is one of the nine provinces of South Africa. The name in Sotho-Tswana languages means "place of gold".Situated on the Highveld, Gauteng is the smallest province in South Africa. Though Gauteng accounts for only 1.5% of the country's land area, it is home to more than a quarter of its population. Highly urbanised, the province contains the country's largest city, Johannesburg, its administrative capital, Pretoria, and other large areas such as Midrand and Vanderbijlpark. , Gauteng is the most populous province in South Africa with a population of approximately 15 million people according to estimates.The name "Gauteng" is derived from the Sotho-Tswana name, meaning "gold". There was a thriving gold industry in the province following the 1886 discovery of gold in Johannesburg. In Setswana, the name was used for Johannesburg and surrounding areas long before it was adopted in 1994 as the official name of a province.Gauteng was formed from part of the old Transvaal Province after South Africa's first multiracial elections on 27 April 1994. It was initially named Pretoria–Witwatersrand–Vereeniging (PWV) and was renamed "Gauteng" in December 1994. The term "PWV", describing the region existed long before the establishment of the province, with the "V" sometimes standing for "Vaal Triangle" rather than Vereeniging.Gauteng's history has only been properly documented since the 19th century and as a result, not much information regarding its history predating the 19th century is available. At the Sterkfontein caves, some of the oldest fossils of hominids have been discovered, such as Mrs. Ples and Little Foot. The recorded history of the area that is now Gauteng can be traced back to the early 19th century when settlers originating from the Cape Colony defeated chief Mzilikazi and started establishing villages in the area.The city of Pretoria was founded in 1855 as capital of the South African Republic (ZAR - ). After the discovery of gold in 1886, the region became the single largest gold producer in the world and the city of Johannesburg was founded. The older city Pretoria was not subject to the same attention and development. Pretoria grew at a slower rate and was highly regarded due to its role in the Second Boer War. The Cullinan Diamond which is the largest diamond ever mined was mined near Pretoria in a nearby town called Cullinan in the year 1905.Many crucial events happened in present-day Gauteng with regards to the anti-apartheid struggle, such as the Freedom Charter of 1955, Women's March of 1956, Sharpeville massacre of 1960, the Rivonia Trial in 1963 and 1964 and the Soweto Uprising of 1976. Today, the Apartheid Museum stands testament to these struggles in Johannesburg.Gauteng is governed by the Gauteng Provincial Legislature, a 73-person unicameral legislature elected by party-list proportional representation. The legislature elects one of its members as Premier of Gauteng to lead the executive, and the Premier appoints an Executive Council of up to 10 members of the legislature to serve as heads of the various government departments. The provincial government is responsible for the topics allocated to it in the national constitution, including such fields as basic education, health, housing, social services, agriculture and environmental protection.The most recent election of the provincial legislature was held on 8 May 2019, and the African National Congress (ANC) won 50.19% of the vote and a 37-seat majority in the legislature. The official opposition is the Democratic Alliance, which won 27.45% of the vote and 20 seats. Other parties represented are the Economic Freedom Fighters with eleven seats and the Freedom Front Plus with three seats. The Inkatha Freedom Party and African Christian Democratic Party hold one seat each. Premier David Makhura of the ANC was re-elected as premier on 22 May 2019, at the first meeting of the legislature after the general election.The Gauteng Division of the High Court of South Africa, which has seats in Pretoria and Johannesburg, is a superior court with general jurisdiction over the province. Johannesburg is also home to the Constitutional Court, South Africa's highest court, and to a branch of the Labour Court and Labour Appeal Court.Gauteng's southern border is the Vaal River, which separates it from the Free State. It also borders on North West to the west, Limpopo to the north, and Mpumalanga to the east. Gauteng is the only landlocked province of South Africa without a foreign border. Most of Gauteng is on the Highveld, a high-altitude grassland (circa above sea level). Between Johannesburg and Pretoria, there are low parallel ridges and undulating hills, some part of the Magaliesberg Mountains and the Witwatersrand. The north of the province is more subtropical, due to its lower altitude and is mostly dry savanna habitat.In the southern half of Gauteng, the Witwatersrand area is an older term describing a 120 km wide oblong-shaped conurbation from Randfontein in the West to Nigel in the East, named after the Witwatersrand, a geologically and economically important series of low ridges and their associated plateau that greater Johannesburg developed on. This area is also often referred to simply as "Witwatersrand", "the Rand" or "the Reef" (archaic, after the gold reefs that precipitated the development of the area), and was the "W" in "PWV", the initial name for Gauteng. It has traditionally been divided into the three areas of East Rand (governed by the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality), Central Rand (approximately today's Johannesburg Municipality) and West Rand.The climate is mostly influenced by altitude. Even though the province is at a subtropical latitude, the climate is comparatively cooler, especially in Johannesburg, at above sea level (Pretoria is at ). Most precipitation occurs as brief afternoon thunderstorms; however, relative humidity never becomes uncomfortable. Winters are crisp and dry with frost occurring often in the southern areas. Snow is rare, but it has occurred on some occasions in the Johannesburg metropolitan area. The Gauteng Province (as of May 2011) is divided into three metropolitan municipalities and two district municipalities. The district municipalities are in turn divided into six local municipalities:The former Metsweding district consisting of Nokeng Tsa Taemane and Kungwini in the North of the province was incorporated into Tshwane in 2011.Gauteng Province is home to 15.7 million (2019 Stats SA Mid-year estimates), with 25.8% of the total South African population. Gauteng Province is also the fastest growing province, experiencing a population growth of over 33% between the 1996 and 2011 censuses, thus Gauteng now has the largest population of any province in South Africa, though the smallest area.As of the census of 2011, there are 12,272,263 people and 3,909,022 households residing in Gauteng. The population density is 680/km². The density of households is 155.86/km².About 22.1% of all households are made up of individuals. The average household size is 3.33.The province's age distribution was 23.6% under the age of 15, 19.6% from 15 to 24, 37.9% from 25 to 44, 15.0% from 45 to 64, and 4.0% who are 65 years of age or older. The median age is 27 years. For every 100 females there are 101.2 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there are 102.3 males.In the province, 14.4% of residents speak Afrikaans at home, 12.5% speak English, 1.5% speak IsiNdebele, 6.3% speak IsiXhosa, 19.5% speak IsiZulu, 10.7% speak Sepedi, 13.1% speak Sesotho, 11.4% speak Setswana, 1.2% speak SiSwati, 3.2% speak Tshivenda, and 4.1% speak Xitsonga. 2.0% of the population speaks a non-official language at home.76.0% of residents are Christian, 18.4% have no religion, 1.7% are Muslim, 0.5% are Jewish, and 0.8% are Hindu. 2.6% have other or undetermined beliefs.8.4% of residents aged 20 and over have received no schooling, 11.2% have had some primary, 5.5% have completed only primary school, 34.3% have had some high education, 28.0% have finished only high school, and 12.6% have an education higher than the high school level. Overall, 40.6% of residents have completed high school.56.1% of housing units have a telephone and/or mobile phone in the dwelling, 41.5% have access to a phone nearby, and 2.3% have access that is not nearby or no access. 82.8% of households have a flush or chemical toilet. 84.2% have refuse removed by the municipality at least once a week and 2.6% have no rubbish disposal. 47.2% have running water inside their dwelling, 83.6% have running water on their property, and 97.5% have access to running water. 73.2% of households use electricity for cooking, 70.4% for heating, and 80.8% for lighting. 77.4% of households have a radio, 65.7% have a television, 15.1% own a computer, 62.1% have a refrigerator, and 45.1% have a mobile phone.25.8% of the population aged 15–65 is unemployed.The median annual income of working adults aged 15–65 is R 23 539 ($3,483). Males have a median annual income of R 24 977 ($3,696) versus R 20 838 ($3,083) for females.Gauteng is the province with the second highest life expectancy in the country in 2019 with females having a life expectancy of 69 years and males having a life expectancy of 64 years. At birth, life expectancy for 2013 is approximated at 57 years and 61 years for males and females respectively. This marks an improvement of a whole year in the life expectancy of South Africans as a whole.Previously described as the , the urban conurbation of Gauteng, referred to as the Gauteng City Region, contains the major urban populations of Johannesburg (7,860,781 ), Pretoria (1,763,336), Vereeniging (377,922), Evaton (605,504) and Soshanguve (728,063), coming to an urban population of over 11 million. Thomas Brinkhoff lists a "Consolidated Urban Area" in Gauteng as having a population of 13.1 million . The future governmental plans for the region indicate the gradual urbanisation and consolidation towards the creation of a megalopolis that connects these metros.The GCRO is a collaboration between the Universities of Johannesburg and Witwatersrand, the city of Johannesburg, Gauteng Provincial Government, and SALGA-Gauteng. The GCRO's purpose is to collect information and create a database on the Gauteng City Region to provide to Government, Lawmakers and civil society an informed understanding of the fastest urbanizing region in Southern Africa.Gauteng is considered the economic hub of South Africa and contributes heavily in the financial, manufacturing, transport, technology, and telecommunications sectors, among others. It also plays host to a large number of overseas companies requiring a commercial base in and gateway to Africa.Gauteng is home to the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, the largest stock exchange in Africa. Some of the largest companies in Africa and abroad are based in Gauteng, or have offices and branches there, such as Vodacom, MTN, Neotel, Microsoft South Africa and the largest Porsche Centre in the world.Although Gauteng is the smallest of South Africa's nine provinces—it covers a mere 1.5% of the country's total land area, the province is responsible for a third of South Africa's gross domestic product (GDP). Gauteng generates about 10% of the total GDP of sub-Saharan Africa and about 7% of total African GDP.SANRAL, a parastatal, is responsible for the maintenance, development and management of all national road networks in South Africa. SANRAL is responsible for instituting the Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project, which was met with a lot of opposition due to the tolling of Gauteng motorists. Many important national routes run through Gauteng such as the N1, N3, N4, N12, N14 and the N17. Johannesburg is quite dependent on freeways for transport in and around the city. The R21, R24, R59, M1 and M2 all run through Johannesburg while the R80 connects Pretoria Central to Soshanguve.The Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project led to a large decrease in traffic congestion when construction finished 2011–2012. Cape Town, for the first time in decades, is now the most congested city in South Africa.PUTCO, the largest commuter bus operator in South Africa, services the Gauteng area extensively. The bus rapid transit system Rea Vaya also serves to transport people from Johannesburg's southern neighbourhoods into and around the CBD. In an interview, Parks Tau stated that by the year 2040, Johannesburg will be dominated by pedestrians and public transport as opposed to the use of private transport or informal transport, such as minibus taxis.Gautrain and Metrorail both service the province's public transport sector where trains are concerned and Gautrain offers a bus service that transports commuters to and from various train stations and predetermined bus stops. Metrorail trains are considered one of the most cost-effective methods of transportation in and around Gauteng.The OR Tambo International Airport, Rand Airport, Lanseria International Airport, Wonderboom Airport and Grand Central Airport are located in Gauteng.There is a large informal transport sector in Gauteng, consisting of thousands of minibus taxis, which many of the urban and rural population makes use of. However, it is noted that taxis are often unsafe as their drivers ignore the rules of the road and the vehicles are often not roadworthy. The City of Johannesburg stated that: "major initiatives are under way to completely reform the taxi industry and provide more comfort and safety to customers."Gauteng is a large center of learning in South Africa, and it has many universities and educational institutions of higher learning.In 2002, the Gauteng Department of Education founded an initiative called "Gauteng Online" in an attempt to get the entire province to utilize a wide assortment of electronic and telecommunications systems. In 2007, this initiative was handed over to the Gauteng Department of Finance.In the 2013 national budget speech, it was announced that the Gauteng Department of Education would be granted over R700 million to improve education and to alleviate issues concerning the overcrowding in schools, a shortage in teaching staff and transport for poor pupils.In 2017/2018, the Gauteng Provincial government spent R42.4 billion on education which accounted for 38% the province's total expenditure.Although Gauteng province is dominated by the urban areas of Johannesburg and Pretoria, it has several nature reserves. Gauteng is home to the Cradle of Humankind UNESCO World Heritage Site which includes the Sterkfontein caves and the Wonder Cave Kromdraai. Johannesburg is home to the largest man-made urban forest in the world.There are 5 provincial reserves managed by the Gauteng Department of Agriculture, Conservation, Environment and Land Affairs:Gauteng is home to many stadiums and sporting grounds, notably Soccer City, Ellis Park Stadium, Odi Stadium, Loftus Versfeld Stadium, Orlando Stadium, Johannesburg Stadium, the Wanderers Stadium and SuperSport Park.Several teams from Gauteng play in the country's top-level association football (more commonly referred to as soccer) league, the Premier Soccer League (PSL), including Kaizer Chiefs and Orlando Pirates. The national squad Bafana Bafana's home stadium is Soccer City in Johannesburg. During the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the first ever world cup held by an African nation, Gauteng's stadia hosted many games. The first ever FIFA world cup match on African soil took place at Soccer City on 11 June 2010. Along with Soccer City, Loftus Versfeld Stadium and Ellis Park Stadium hosted matches in Gauteng.Rugby, or more accurately rugby union, is a popular sport in South Africa, and in Gauteng in particular. Two rugby teams from Gauteng participate in the Southern Hemisphere Super Rugby championship: the Pretoria-based Bulls, and the Johannesburg-based Lions (previously the Cats). Three Gauteng-based teams play in the country's domestic competition, the Currie Cup: the Blue Bulls from Pretoria, the Golden Lions from Johannesburg and the Falcons from the East Rand. In 1995, South Africa hosted the 1995 Rugby World Cup and proceeded to win the tournament at Ellis Park Stadium on 24 June 1995. The events surrounding the world cup formed the basis of the story for the movie Invictus.Many South African universities take part in the Varsity Rugby league. Of these, the Gauteng universities include the University of Pretoria, the University of Johannesburg and the University of the Witwatersrand.Cricket is also widely popular among all cultural groups in the country, and is the only sport to feature in the top two among all of South Africa's major ethnic/racial groups. The Highveld Lions represent both Gauteng and North West in the country's three domestic competitions—the first-class SuperSport Series, the List A one-day MTN Domestic Championship and the Twenty20 Standard Bank Pro 20 Series.Many marathons take place in Gauteng, such as the Gauteng Marathon, the Arwyp Medical Centre 15 km Nite Race and the Trisport Joburg City Triathlon.Gauteng's favourable weather conditions throughout the year make it an ideal hub for sports and other out door activities. This makes golf, horse racing and swimming very popular. The Vaal River facilitates water sports in the forms of jet skiing, water skiing and motor boating. Adventure sports are also quite popular in Gauteng, particularly skydiving, paragliding and hang-gliding.The amusement park Gold Reef City is situated in Gauteng, as is the Johannesburg Zoo and the Pretoria Zoo. Botanical gardens in the province include the Pretoria and Walter Sisulu national botanical gardens maintained by the South African National Botanical Institute as well as the Johannesburg and Manie van der Schijff botanical gardens.The Ticketpro Dome and the Gallagher Convention Centre, which are both popular events and expos venues, are also located within Gauteng. The province also has a Formula One racetrack, the Kyalami Circuit. The most recent F1 race at the venue was in 1993.	[ "Nomvula Mokonyane", "David Makhura", "Mosima Gabriel Sexwale", "Mathole Motshekga", "Mbhazima Shilowa" ]
Who was the head of Gauteng in 03/31/2009?	March 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "Paul Mashatile" ] }	L2_Q133083_P6_3	Mbhazima Shilowa is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 2008. David Makhura is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Paul Mashatile is the head of the government of Gauteng from Oct, 2008 to May, 2009. Mosima Gabriel Sexwale is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 1994 to Jan, 1998. Nomvula Mokonyane is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2009 to May, 2014. Mathole Motshekga is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jan, 1998 to Jun, 1999.	GautengGauteng ( ; ; Northern and Southern Sotho: "Gauteng"; ; Tsonga: "Gauteng/eXilungwini;" Ndebele, ; ; ) is one of the nine provinces of South Africa. The name in Sotho-Tswana languages means "place of gold".Situated on the Highveld, Gauteng is the smallest province in South Africa. Though Gauteng accounts for only 1.5% of the country's land area, it is home to more than a quarter of its population. Highly urbanised, the province contains the country's largest city, Johannesburg, its administrative capital, Pretoria, and other large areas such as Midrand and Vanderbijlpark. , Gauteng is the most populous province in South Africa with a population of approximately 15 million people according to estimates.The name "Gauteng" is derived from the Sotho-Tswana name, meaning "gold". There was a thriving gold industry in the province following the 1886 discovery of gold in Johannesburg. In Setswana, the name was used for Johannesburg and surrounding areas long before it was adopted in 1994 as the official name of a province.Gauteng was formed from part of the old Transvaal Province after South Africa's first multiracial elections on 27 April 1994. It was initially named Pretoria–Witwatersrand–Vereeniging (PWV) and was renamed "Gauteng" in December 1994. The term "PWV", describing the region existed long before the establishment of the province, with the "V" sometimes standing for "Vaal Triangle" rather than Vereeniging.Gauteng's history has only been properly documented since the 19th century and as a result, not much information regarding its history predating the 19th century is available. At the Sterkfontein caves, some of the oldest fossils of hominids have been discovered, such as Mrs. Ples and Little Foot. The recorded history of the area that is now Gauteng can be traced back to the early 19th century when settlers originating from the Cape Colony defeated chief Mzilikazi and started establishing villages in the area.The city of Pretoria was founded in 1855 as capital of the South African Republic (ZAR - ). After the discovery of gold in 1886, the region became the single largest gold producer in the world and the city of Johannesburg was founded. The older city Pretoria was not subject to the same attention and development. Pretoria grew at a slower rate and was highly regarded due to its role in the Second Boer War. The Cullinan Diamond which is the largest diamond ever mined was mined near Pretoria in a nearby town called Cullinan in the year 1905.Many crucial events happened in present-day Gauteng with regards to the anti-apartheid struggle, such as the Freedom Charter of 1955, Women's March of 1956, Sharpeville massacre of 1960, the Rivonia Trial in 1963 and 1964 and the Soweto Uprising of 1976. Today, the Apartheid Museum stands testament to these struggles in Johannesburg.Gauteng is governed by the Gauteng Provincial Legislature, a 73-person unicameral legislature elected by party-list proportional representation. The legislature elects one of its members as Premier of Gauteng to lead the executive, and the Premier appoints an Executive Council of up to 10 members of the legislature to serve as heads of the various government departments. The provincial government is responsible for the topics allocated to it in the national constitution, including such fields as basic education, health, housing, social services, agriculture and environmental protection.The most recent election of the provincial legislature was held on 8 May 2019, and the African National Congress (ANC) won 50.19% of the vote and a 37-seat majority in the legislature. The official opposition is the Democratic Alliance, which won 27.45% of the vote and 20 seats. Other parties represented are the Economic Freedom Fighters with eleven seats and the Freedom Front Plus with three seats. The Inkatha Freedom Party and African Christian Democratic Party hold one seat each. Premier David Makhura of the ANC was re-elected as premier on 22 May 2019, at the first meeting of the legislature after the general election.The Gauteng Division of the High Court of South Africa, which has seats in Pretoria and Johannesburg, is a superior court with general jurisdiction over the province. Johannesburg is also home to the Constitutional Court, South Africa's highest court, and to a branch of the Labour Court and Labour Appeal Court.Gauteng's southern border is the Vaal River, which separates it from the Free State. It also borders on North West to the west, Limpopo to the north, and Mpumalanga to the east. Gauteng is the only landlocked province of South Africa without a foreign border. Most of Gauteng is on the Highveld, a high-altitude grassland (circa above sea level). Between Johannesburg and Pretoria, there are low parallel ridges and undulating hills, some part of the Magaliesberg Mountains and the Witwatersrand. The north of the province is more subtropical, due to its lower altitude and is mostly dry savanna habitat.In the southern half of Gauteng, the Witwatersrand area is an older term describing a 120 km wide oblong-shaped conurbation from Randfontein in the West to Nigel in the East, named after the Witwatersrand, a geologically and economically important series of low ridges and their associated plateau that greater Johannesburg developed on. This area is also often referred to simply as "Witwatersrand", "the Rand" or "the Reef" (archaic, after the gold reefs that precipitated the development of the area), and was the "W" in "PWV", the initial name for Gauteng. It has traditionally been divided into the three areas of East Rand (governed by the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality), Central Rand (approximately today's Johannesburg Municipality) and West Rand.The climate is mostly influenced by altitude. Even though the province is at a subtropical latitude, the climate is comparatively cooler, especially in Johannesburg, at above sea level (Pretoria is at ). Most precipitation occurs as brief afternoon thunderstorms; however, relative humidity never becomes uncomfortable. Winters are crisp and dry with frost occurring often in the southern areas. Snow is rare, but it has occurred on some occasions in the Johannesburg metropolitan area. The Gauteng Province (as of May 2011) is divided into three metropolitan municipalities and two district municipalities. The district municipalities are in turn divided into six local municipalities:The former Metsweding district consisting of Nokeng Tsa Taemane and Kungwini in the North of the province was incorporated into Tshwane in 2011.Gauteng Province is home to 15.7 million (2019 Stats SA Mid-year estimates), with 25.8% of the total South African population. Gauteng Province is also the fastest growing province, experiencing a population growth of over 33% between the 1996 and 2011 censuses, thus Gauteng now has the largest population of any province in South Africa, though the smallest area.As of the census of 2011, there are 12,272,263 people and 3,909,022 households residing in Gauteng. The population density is 680/km². The density of households is 155.86/km².About 22.1% of all households are made up of individuals. The average household size is 3.33.The province's age distribution was 23.6% under the age of 15, 19.6% from 15 to 24, 37.9% from 25 to 44, 15.0% from 45 to 64, and 4.0% who are 65 years of age or older. The median age is 27 years. For every 100 females there are 101.2 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there are 102.3 males.In the province, 14.4% of residents speak Afrikaans at home, 12.5% speak English, 1.5% speak IsiNdebele, 6.3% speak IsiXhosa, 19.5% speak IsiZulu, 10.7% speak Sepedi, 13.1% speak Sesotho, 11.4% speak Setswana, 1.2% speak SiSwati, 3.2% speak Tshivenda, and 4.1% speak Xitsonga. 2.0% of the population speaks a non-official language at home.76.0% of residents are Christian, 18.4% have no religion, 1.7% are Muslim, 0.5% are Jewish, and 0.8% are Hindu. 2.6% have other or undetermined beliefs.8.4% of residents aged 20 and over have received no schooling, 11.2% have had some primary, 5.5% have completed only primary school, 34.3% have had some high education, 28.0% have finished only high school, and 12.6% have an education higher than the high school level. Overall, 40.6% of residents have completed high school.56.1% of housing units have a telephone and/or mobile phone in the dwelling, 41.5% have access to a phone nearby, and 2.3% have access that is not nearby or no access. 82.8% of households have a flush or chemical toilet. 84.2% have refuse removed by the municipality at least once a week and 2.6% have no rubbish disposal. 47.2% have running water inside their dwelling, 83.6% have running water on their property, and 97.5% have access to running water. 73.2% of households use electricity for cooking, 70.4% for heating, and 80.8% for lighting. 77.4% of households have a radio, 65.7% have a television, 15.1% own a computer, 62.1% have a refrigerator, and 45.1% have a mobile phone.25.8% of the population aged 15–65 is unemployed.The median annual income of working adults aged 15–65 is R 23 539 ($3,483). Males have a median annual income of R 24 977 ($3,696) versus R 20 838 ($3,083) for females.Gauteng is the province with the second highest life expectancy in the country in 2019 with females having a life expectancy of 69 years and males having a life expectancy of 64 years. At birth, life expectancy for 2013 is approximated at 57 years and 61 years for males and females respectively. This marks an improvement of a whole year in the life expectancy of South Africans as a whole.Previously described as the , the urban conurbation of Gauteng, referred to as the Gauteng City Region, contains the major urban populations of Johannesburg (7,860,781 ), Pretoria (1,763,336), Vereeniging (377,922), Evaton (605,504) and Soshanguve (728,063), coming to an urban population of over 11 million. Thomas Brinkhoff lists a "Consolidated Urban Area" in Gauteng as having a population of 13.1 million . The future governmental plans for the region indicate the gradual urbanisation and consolidation towards the creation of a megalopolis that connects these metros.The GCRO is a collaboration between the Universities of Johannesburg and Witwatersrand, the city of Johannesburg, Gauteng Provincial Government, and SALGA-Gauteng. The GCRO's purpose is to collect information and create a database on the Gauteng City Region to provide to Government, Lawmakers and civil society an informed understanding of the fastest urbanizing region in Southern Africa.Gauteng is considered the economic hub of South Africa and contributes heavily in the financial, manufacturing, transport, technology, and telecommunications sectors, among others. It also plays host to a large number of overseas companies requiring a commercial base in and gateway to Africa.Gauteng is home to the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, the largest stock exchange in Africa. Some of the largest companies in Africa and abroad are based in Gauteng, or have offices and branches there, such as Vodacom, MTN, Neotel, Microsoft South Africa and the largest Porsche Centre in the world.Although Gauteng is the smallest of South Africa's nine provinces—it covers a mere 1.5% of the country's total land area, the province is responsible for a third of South Africa's gross domestic product (GDP). Gauteng generates about 10% of the total GDP of sub-Saharan Africa and about 7% of total African GDP.SANRAL, a parastatal, is responsible for the maintenance, development and management of all national road networks in South Africa. SANRAL is responsible for instituting the Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project, which was met with a lot of opposition due to the tolling of Gauteng motorists. Many important national routes run through Gauteng such as the N1, N3, N4, N12, N14 and the N17. Johannesburg is quite dependent on freeways for transport in and around the city. The R21, R24, R59, M1 and M2 all run through Johannesburg while the R80 connects Pretoria Central to Soshanguve.The Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project led to a large decrease in traffic congestion when construction finished 2011–2012. Cape Town, for the first time in decades, is now the most congested city in South Africa.PUTCO, the largest commuter bus operator in South Africa, services the Gauteng area extensively. The bus rapid transit system Rea Vaya also serves to transport people from Johannesburg's southern neighbourhoods into and around the CBD. In an interview, Parks Tau stated that by the year 2040, Johannesburg will be dominated by pedestrians and public transport as opposed to the use of private transport or informal transport, such as minibus taxis.Gautrain and Metrorail both service the province's public transport sector where trains are concerned and Gautrain offers a bus service that transports commuters to and from various train stations and predetermined bus stops. Metrorail trains are considered one of the most cost-effective methods of transportation in and around Gauteng.The OR Tambo International Airport, Rand Airport, Lanseria International Airport, Wonderboom Airport and Grand Central Airport are located in Gauteng.There is a large informal transport sector in Gauteng, consisting of thousands of minibus taxis, which many of the urban and rural population makes use of. However, it is noted that taxis are often unsafe as their drivers ignore the rules of the road and the vehicles are often not roadworthy. The City of Johannesburg stated that: "major initiatives are under way to completely reform the taxi industry and provide more comfort and safety to customers."Gauteng is a large center of learning in South Africa, and it has many universities and educational institutions of higher learning.In 2002, the Gauteng Department of Education founded an initiative called "Gauteng Online" in an attempt to get the entire province to utilize a wide assortment of electronic and telecommunications systems. In 2007, this initiative was handed over to the Gauteng Department of Finance.In the 2013 national budget speech, it was announced that the Gauteng Department of Education would be granted over R700 million to improve education and to alleviate issues concerning the overcrowding in schools, a shortage in teaching staff and transport for poor pupils.In 2017/2018, the Gauteng Provincial government spent R42.4 billion on education which accounted for 38% the province's total expenditure.Although Gauteng province is dominated by the urban areas of Johannesburg and Pretoria, it has several nature reserves. Gauteng is home to the Cradle of Humankind UNESCO World Heritage Site which includes the Sterkfontein caves and the Wonder Cave Kromdraai. Johannesburg is home to the largest man-made urban forest in the world.There are 5 provincial reserves managed by the Gauteng Department of Agriculture, Conservation, Environment and Land Affairs:Gauteng is home to many stadiums and sporting grounds, notably Soccer City, Ellis Park Stadium, Odi Stadium, Loftus Versfeld Stadium, Orlando Stadium, Johannesburg Stadium, the Wanderers Stadium and SuperSport Park.Several teams from Gauteng play in the country's top-level association football (more commonly referred to as soccer) league, the Premier Soccer League (PSL), including Kaizer Chiefs and Orlando Pirates. The national squad Bafana Bafana's home stadium is Soccer City in Johannesburg. During the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the first ever world cup held by an African nation, Gauteng's stadia hosted many games. The first ever FIFA world cup match on African soil took place at Soccer City on 11 June 2010. Along with Soccer City, Loftus Versfeld Stadium and Ellis Park Stadium hosted matches in Gauteng.Rugby, or more accurately rugby union, is a popular sport in South Africa, and in Gauteng in particular. Two rugby teams from Gauteng participate in the Southern Hemisphere Super Rugby championship: the Pretoria-based Bulls, and the Johannesburg-based Lions (previously the Cats). Three Gauteng-based teams play in the country's domestic competition, the Currie Cup: the Blue Bulls from Pretoria, the Golden Lions from Johannesburg and the Falcons from the East Rand. In 1995, South Africa hosted the 1995 Rugby World Cup and proceeded to win the tournament at Ellis Park Stadium on 24 June 1995. The events surrounding the world cup formed the basis of the story for the movie Invictus.Many South African universities take part in the Varsity Rugby league. Of these, the Gauteng universities include the University of Pretoria, the University of Johannesburg and the University of the Witwatersrand.Cricket is also widely popular among all cultural groups in the country, and is the only sport to feature in the top two among all of South Africa's major ethnic/racial groups. The Highveld Lions represent both Gauteng and North West in the country's three domestic competitions—the first-class SuperSport Series, the List A one-day MTN Domestic Championship and the Twenty20 Standard Bank Pro 20 Series.Many marathons take place in Gauteng, such as the Gauteng Marathon, the Arwyp Medical Centre 15 km Nite Race and the Trisport Joburg City Triathlon.Gauteng's favourable weather conditions throughout the year make it an ideal hub for sports and other out door activities. This makes golf, horse racing and swimming very popular. The Vaal River facilitates water sports in the forms of jet skiing, water skiing and motor boating. Adventure sports are also quite popular in Gauteng, particularly skydiving, paragliding and hang-gliding.The amusement park Gold Reef City is situated in Gauteng, as is the Johannesburg Zoo and the Pretoria Zoo. Botanical gardens in the province include the Pretoria and Walter Sisulu national botanical gardens maintained by the South African National Botanical Institute as well as the Johannesburg and Manie van der Schijff botanical gardens.The Ticketpro Dome and the Gallagher Convention Centre, which are both popular events and expos venues, are also located within Gauteng. The province also has a Formula One racetrack, the Kyalami Circuit. The most recent F1 race at the venue was in 1993.	[ "Nomvula Mokonyane", "David Makhura", "Mosima Gabriel Sexwale", "Mathole Motshekga", "Mbhazima Shilowa" ]
Who was the head of Gauteng in 31-Mar-200931-March-2009?	March 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "Paul Mashatile" ] }	L2_Q133083_P6_3	Mbhazima Shilowa is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 2008. David Makhura is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Paul Mashatile is the head of the government of Gauteng from Oct, 2008 to May, 2009. Mosima Gabriel Sexwale is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 1994 to Jan, 1998. Nomvula Mokonyane is the head of the government of Gauteng from May, 2009 to May, 2014. Mathole Motshekga is the head of the government of Gauteng from Jan, 1998 to Jun, 1999.	GautengGauteng ( ; ; Northern and Southern Sotho: "Gauteng"; ; Tsonga: "Gauteng/eXilungwini;" Ndebele, ; ; ) is one of the nine provinces of South Africa. The name in Sotho-Tswana languages means "place of gold".Situated on the Highveld, Gauteng is the smallest province in South Africa. Though Gauteng accounts for only 1.5% of the country's land area, it is home to more than a quarter of its population. Highly urbanised, the province contains the country's largest city, Johannesburg, its administrative capital, Pretoria, and other large areas such as Midrand and Vanderbijlpark. , Gauteng is the most populous province in South Africa with a population of approximately 15 million people according to estimates.The name "Gauteng" is derived from the Sotho-Tswana name, meaning "gold". There was a thriving gold industry in the province following the 1886 discovery of gold in Johannesburg. In Setswana, the name was used for Johannesburg and surrounding areas long before it was adopted in 1994 as the official name of a province.Gauteng was formed from part of the old Transvaal Province after South Africa's first multiracial elections on 27 April 1994. It was initially named Pretoria–Witwatersrand–Vereeniging (PWV) and was renamed "Gauteng" in December 1994. The term "PWV", describing the region existed long before the establishment of the province, with the "V" sometimes standing for "Vaal Triangle" rather than Vereeniging.Gauteng's history has only been properly documented since the 19th century and as a result, not much information regarding its history predating the 19th century is available. At the Sterkfontein caves, some of the oldest fossils of hominids have been discovered, such as Mrs. Ples and Little Foot. The recorded history of the area that is now Gauteng can be traced back to the early 19th century when settlers originating from the Cape Colony defeated chief Mzilikazi and started establishing villages in the area.The city of Pretoria was founded in 1855 as capital of the South African Republic (ZAR - ). After the discovery of gold in 1886, the region became the single largest gold producer in the world and the city of Johannesburg was founded. The older city Pretoria was not subject to the same attention and development. Pretoria grew at a slower rate and was highly regarded due to its role in the Second Boer War. The Cullinan Diamond which is the largest diamond ever mined was mined near Pretoria in a nearby town called Cullinan in the year 1905.Many crucial events happened in present-day Gauteng with regards to the anti-apartheid struggle, such as the Freedom Charter of 1955, Women's March of 1956, Sharpeville massacre of 1960, the Rivonia Trial in 1963 and 1964 and the Soweto Uprising of 1976. Today, the Apartheid Museum stands testament to these struggles in Johannesburg.Gauteng is governed by the Gauteng Provincial Legislature, a 73-person unicameral legislature elected by party-list proportional representation. The legislature elects one of its members as Premier of Gauteng to lead the executive, and the Premier appoints an Executive Council of up to 10 members of the legislature to serve as heads of the various government departments. The provincial government is responsible for the topics allocated to it in the national constitution, including such fields as basic education, health, housing, social services, agriculture and environmental protection.The most recent election of the provincial legislature was held on 8 May 2019, and the African National Congress (ANC) won 50.19% of the vote and a 37-seat majority in the legislature. The official opposition is the Democratic Alliance, which won 27.45% of the vote and 20 seats. Other parties represented are the Economic Freedom Fighters with eleven seats and the Freedom Front Plus with three seats. The Inkatha Freedom Party and African Christian Democratic Party hold one seat each. Premier David Makhura of the ANC was re-elected as premier on 22 May 2019, at the first meeting of the legislature after the general election.The Gauteng Division of the High Court of South Africa, which has seats in Pretoria and Johannesburg, is a superior court with general jurisdiction over the province. Johannesburg is also home to the Constitutional Court, South Africa's highest court, and to a branch of the Labour Court and Labour Appeal Court.Gauteng's southern border is the Vaal River, which separates it from the Free State. It also borders on North West to the west, Limpopo to the north, and Mpumalanga to the east. Gauteng is the only landlocked province of South Africa without a foreign border. Most of Gauteng is on the Highveld, a high-altitude grassland (circa above sea level). Between Johannesburg and Pretoria, there are low parallel ridges and undulating hills, some part of the Magaliesberg Mountains and the Witwatersrand. The north of the province is more subtropical, due to its lower altitude and is mostly dry savanna habitat.In the southern half of Gauteng, the Witwatersrand area is an older term describing a 120 km wide oblong-shaped conurbation from Randfontein in the West to Nigel in the East, named after the Witwatersrand, a geologically and economically important series of low ridges and their associated plateau that greater Johannesburg developed on. This area is also often referred to simply as "Witwatersrand", "the Rand" or "the Reef" (archaic, after the gold reefs that precipitated the development of the area), and was the "W" in "PWV", the initial name for Gauteng. It has traditionally been divided into the three areas of East Rand (governed by the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality), Central Rand (approximately today's Johannesburg Municipality) and West Rand.The climate is mostly influenced by altitude. Even though the province is at a subtropical latitude, the climate is comparatively cooler, especially in Johannesburg, at above sea level (Pretoria is at ). Most precipitation occurs as brief afternoon thunderstorms; however, relative humidity never becomes uncomfortable. Winters are crisp and dry with frost occurring often in the southern areas. Snow is rare, but it has occurred on some occasions in the Johannesburg metropolitan area. The Gauteng Province (as of May 2011) is divided into three metropolitan municipalities and two district municipalities. The district municipalities are in turn divided into six local municipalities:The former Metsweding district consisting of Nokeng Tsa Taemane and Kungwini in the North of the province was incorporated into Tshwane in 2011.Gauteng Province is home to 15.7 million (2019 Stats SA Mid-year estimates), with 25.8% of the total South African population. Gauteng Province is also the fastest growing province, experiencing a population growth of over 33% between the 1996 and 2011 censuses, thus Gauteng now has the largest population of any province in South Africa, though the smallest area.As of the census of 2011, there are 12,272,263 people and 3,909,022 households residing in Gauteng. The population density is 680/km². The density of households is 155.86/km².About 22.1% of all households are made up of individuals. The average household size is 3.33.The province's age distribution was 23.6% under the age of 15, 19.6% from 15 to 24, 37.9% from 25 to 44, 15.0% from 45 to 64, and 4.0% who are 65 years of age or older. The median age is 27 years. For every 100 females there are 101.2 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there are 102.3 males.In the province, 14.4% of residents speak Afrikaans at home, 12.5% speak English, 1.5% speak IsiNdebele, 6.3% speak IsiXhosa, 19.5% speak IsiZulu, 10.7% speak Sepedi, 13.1% speak Sesotho, 11.4% speak Setswana, 1.2% speak SiSwati, 3.2% speak Tshivenda, and 4.1% speak Xitsonga. 2.0% of the population speaks a non-official language at home.76.0% of residents are Christian, 18.4% have no religion, 1.7% are Muslim, 0.5% are Jewish, and 0.8% are Hindu. 2.6% have other or undetermined beliefs.8.4% of residents aged 20 and over have received no schooling, 11.2% have had some primary, 5.5% have completed only primary school, 34.3% have had some high education, 28.0% have finished only high school, and 12.6% have an education higher than the high school level. Overall, 40.6% of residents have completed high school.56.1% of housing units have a telephone and/or mobile phone in the dwelling, 41.5% have access to a phone nearby, and 2.3% have access that is not nearby or no access. 82.8% of households have a flush or chemical toilet. 84.2% have refuse removed by the municipality at least once a week and 2.6% have no rubbish disposal. 47.2% have running water inside their dwelling, 83.6% have running water on their property, and 97.5% have access to running water. 73.2% of households use electricity for cooking, 70.4% for heating, and 80.8% for lighting. 77.4% of households have a radio, 65.7% have a television, 15.1% own a computer, 62.1% have a refrigerator, and 45.1% have a mobile phone.25.8% of the population aged 15–65 is unemployed.The median annual income of working adults aged 15–65 is R 23 539 ($3,483). Males have a median annual income of R 24 977 ($3,696) versus R 20 838 ($3,083) for females.Gauteng is the province with the second highest life expectancy in the country in 2019 with females having a life expectancy of 69 years and males having a life expectancy of 64 years. At birth, life expectancy for 2013 is approximated at 57 years and 61 years for males and females respectively. This marks an improvement of a whole year in the life expectancy of South Africans as a whole.Previously described as the , the urban conurbation of Gauteng, referred to as the Gauteng City Region, contains the major urban populations of Johannesburg (7,860,781 ), Pretoria (1,763,336), Vereeniging (377,922), Evaton (605,504) and Soshanguve (728,063), coming to an urban population of over 11 million. Thomas Brinkhoff lists a "Consolidated Urban Area" in Gauteng as having a population of 13.1 million . The future governmental plans for the region indicate the gradual urbanisation and consolidation towards the creation of a megalopolis that connects these metros.The GCRO is a collaboration between the Universities of Johannesburg and Witwatersrand, the city of Johannesburg, Gauteng Provincial Government, and SALGA-Gauteng. The GCRO's purpose is to collect information and create a database on the Gauteng City Region to provide to Government, Lawmakers and civil society an informed understanding of the fastest urbanizing region in Southern Africa.Gauteng is considered the economic hub of South Africa and contributes heavily in the financial, manufacturing, transport, technology, and telecommunications sectors, among others. It also plays host to a large number of overseas companies requiring a commercial base in and gateway to Africa.Gauteng is home to the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, the largest stock exchange in Africa. Some of the largest companies in Africa and abroad are based in Gauteng, or have offices and branches there, such as Vodacom, MTN, Neotel, Microsoft South Africa and the largest Porsche Centre in the world.Although Gauteng is the smallest of South Africa's nine provinces—it covers a mere 1.5% of the country's total land area, the province is responsible for a third of South Africa's gross domestic product (GDP). Gauteng generates about 10% of the total GDP of sub-Saharan Africa and about 7% of total African GDP.SANRAL, a parastatal, is responsible for the maintenance, development and management of all national road networks in South Africa. SANRAL is responsible for instituting the Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project, which was met with a lot of opposition due to the tolling of Gauteng motorists. Many important national routes run through Gauteng such as the N1, N3, N4, N12, N14 and the N17. Johannesburg is quite dependent on freeways for transport in and around the city. The R21, R24, R59, M1 and M2 all run through Johannesburg while the R80 connects Pretoria Central to Soshanguve.The Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project led to a large decrease in traffic congestion when construction finished 2011–2012. Cape Town, for the first time in decades, is now the most congested city in South Africa.PUTCO, the largest commuter bus operator in South Africa, services the Gauteng area extensively. The bus rapid transit system Rea Vaya also serves to transport people from Johannesburg's southern neighbourhoods into and around the CBD. In an interview, Parks Tau stated that by the year 2040, Johannesburg will be dominated by pedestrians and public transport as opposed to the use of private transport or informal transport, such as minibus taxis.Gautrain and Metrorail both service the province's public transport sector where trains are concerned and Gautrain offers a bus service that transports commuters to and from various train stations and predetermined bus stops. Metrorail trains are considered one of the most cost-effective methods of transportation in and around Gauteng.The OR Tambo International Airport, Rand Airport, Lanseria International Airport, Wonderboom Airport and Grand Central Airport are located in Gauteng.There is a large informal transport sector in Gauteng, consisting of thousands of minibus taxis, which many of the urban and rural population makes use of. However, it is noted that taxis are often unsafe as their drivers ignore the rules of the road and the vehicles are often not roadworthy. The City of Johannesburg stated that: "major initiatives are under way to completely reform the taxi industry and provide more comfort and safety to customers."Gauteng is a large center of learning in South Africa, and it has many universities and educational institutions of higher learning.In 2002, the Gauteng Department of Education founded an initiative called "Gauteng Online" in an attempt to get the entire province to utilize a wide assortment of electronic and telecommunications systems. In 2007, this initiative was handed over to the Gauteng Department of Finance.In the 2013 national budget speech, it was announced that the Gauteng Department of Education would be granted over R700 million to improve education and to alleviate issues concerning the overcrowding in schools, a shortage in teaching staff and transport for poor pupils.In 2017/2018, the Gauteng Provincial government spent R42.4 billion on education which accounted for 38% the province's total expenditure.Although Gauteng province is dominated by the urban areas of Johannesburg and Pretoria, it has several nature reserves. Gauteng is home to the Cradle of Humankind UNESCO World Heritage Site which includes the Sterkfontein caves and the Wonder Cave Kromdraai. Johannesburg is home to the largest man-made urban forest in the world.There are 5 provincial reserves managed by the Gauteng Department of Agriculture, Conservation, Environment and Land Affairs:Gauteng is home to many stadiums and sporting grounds, notably Soccer City, Ellis Park Stadium, Odi Stadium, Loftus Versfeld Stadium, Orlando Stadium, Johannesburg Stadium, the Wanderers Stadium and SuperSport Park.Several teams from Gauteng play in the country's top-level association football (more commonly referred to as soccer) league, the Premier Soccer League (PSL), including Kaizer Chiefs and Orlando Pirates. The national squad Bafana Bafana's home stadium is Soccer City in Johannesburg. During the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the first ever world cup held by an African nation, Gauteng's stadia hosted many games. The first ever FIFA world cup match on African soil took place at Soccer City on 11 June 2010. Along with Soccer City, Loftus Versfeld Stadium and Ellis Park Stadium hosted matches in Gauteng.Rugby, or more accurately rugby union, is a popular sport in South Africa, and in Gauteng in particular. Two rugby teams from Gauteng participate in the Southern Hemisphere Super Rugby championship: the Pretoria-based Bulls, and the Johannesburg-based Lions (previously the Cats). Three Gauteng-based teams play in the country's domestic competition, the Currie Cup: the Blue Bulls from Pretoria, the Golden Lions from Johannesburg and the Falcons from the East Rand. In 1995, South Africa hosted the 1995 Rugby World Cup and proceeded to win the tournament at Ellis Park Stadium on 24 June 1995. The events surrounding the world cup formed the basis of the story for the movie Invictus.Many South African universities take part in the Varsity Rugby league. Of these, the Gauteng universities include the University of Pretoria, the University of Johannesburg and the University of the Witwatersrand.Cricket is also widely popular among all cultural groups in the country, and is the only sport to feature in the top two among all of South Africa's major ethnic/racial groups. The Highveld Lions represent both Gauteng and North West in the country's three domestic competitions—the first-class SuperSport Series, the List A one-day MTN Domestic Championship and the Twenty20 Standard Bank Pro 20 Series.Many marathons take place in Gauteng, such as the Gauteng Marathon, the Arwyp Medical Centre 15 km Nite Race and the Trisport Joburg City Triathlon.Gauteng's favourable weather conditions throughout the year make it an ideal hub for sports and other out door activities. This makes golf, horse racing and swimming very popular. The Vaal River facilitates water sports in the forms of jet skiing, water skiing and motor boating. Adventure sports are also quite popular in Gauteng, particularly skydiving, paragliding and hang-gliding.The amusement park Gold Reef City is situated in Gauteng, as is the Johannesburg Zoo and the Pretoria Zoo. Botanical gardens in the province include the Pretoria and Walter Sisulu national botanical gardens maintained by the South African National Botanical Institute as well as the Johannesburg and Manie van der Schijff botanical gardens.The Ticketpro Dome and the Gallagher Convention Centre, which are both popular events and expos venues, are also located within Gauteng. The province also has a Formula One racetrack, the Kyalami Circuit. The most recent F1 race at the venue was in 1993.	[ "Nomvula Mokonyane", "David Makhura", "Mosima Gabriel Sexwale", "Mathole Motshekga", "Mbhazima Shilowa" ]
Which position did Francine Lalonde hold in Mar, 2010?	March 13, 2010	{ "text": [ "member of the House of Commons of Canada", "Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe" ] }	L2_Q527102_P39_3	Francine Lalonde holds the position of Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 2007 to Oct, 2007. Francine Lalonde holds the position of president from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Francine Lalonde holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Francine Lalonde holds the position of member of the House of Commons of Canada from Oct, 2008 to May, 2011.	Francine LalondeFrancine Lalonde (August 24, 1940 – January 17, 2014) was a politician on the federal (Canada) and provincial (Quebec) levels. Prior to being elected she was a lecturer, teacher and unionist.She was minister responsible for the status of women in the Lévesque government from January 16, 1985 until June 5, 1985. She resigned following her defeat to Robert Bourassa in the by-election of June 3, 1985 in the electoral district of Bertrand, failing to win a seat in the National Assembly of Quebec.She was a Bloc Québécois member of the House of Commons of Canada, representing the districts of La Pointe-de-l'Île from 2004 election to 2011, and Mercier from the 1993 election to 2004. She has in the past been the Bloc's critic of Human Resources Development and of Industry, and of Foreign Affairs.In June 2005, Lalonde introduced in Parliament a private Bill C-407 that would have legalized assisted suicide in Canada. Re-elected in January 2006, she promised to reintroduce her bill to legalize assisted suicide.On September 13, 2010, Lalonde announced she would not be a candidate for re-election following the expiration of her current mandate "because of the re-emergence of my cancer and the need to pursue new treatments". She died of cancer on January 17, 2014.	[ "Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "president" ]
Which position did Francine Lalonde hold in 2010-03-13?	March 13, 2010	{ "text": [ "member of the House of Commons of Canada", "Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe" ] }	L2_Q527102_P39_3	Francine Lalonde holds the position of Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 2007 to Oct, 2007. Francine Lalonde holds the position of president from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Francine Lalonde holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Francine Lalonde holds the position of member of the House of Commons of Canada from Oct, 2008 to May, 2011.	Francine LalondeFrancine Lalonde (August 24, 1940 – January 17, 2014) was a politician on the federal (Canada) and provincial (Quebec) levels. Prior to being elected she was a lecturer, teacher and unionist.She was minister responsible for the status of women in the Lévesque government from January 16, 1985 until June 5, 1985. She resigned following her defeat to Robert Bourassa in the by-election of June 3, 1985 in the electoral district of Bertrand, failing to win a seat in the National Assembly of Quebec.She was a Bloc Québécois member of the House of Commons of Canada, representing the districts of La Pointe-de-l'Île from 2004 election to 2011, and Mercier from the 1993 election to 2004. She has in the past been the Bloc's critic of Human Resources Development and of Industry, and of Foreign Affairs.In June 2005, Lalonde introduced in Parliament a private Bill C-407 that would have legalized assisted suicide in Canada. Re-elected in January 2006, she promised to reintroduce her bill to legalize assisted suicide.On September 13, 2010, Lalonde announced she would not be a candidate for re-election following the expiration of her current mandate "because of the re-emergence of my cancer and the need to pursue new treatments". She died of cancer on January 17, 2014.	[ "Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "president" ]
Which position did Francine Lalonde hold in 13/03/2010?	March 13, 2010	{ "text": [ "member of the House of Commons of Canada", "Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe" ] }	L2_Q527102_P39_3	Francine Lalonde holds the position of Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 2007 to Oct, 2007. Francine Lalonde holds the position of president from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Francine Lalonde holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Francine Lalonde holds the position of member of the House of Commons of Canada from Oct, 2008 to May, 2011.	Francine LalondeFrancine Lalonde (August 24, 1940 – January 17, 2014) was a politician on the federal (Canada) and provincial (Quebec) levels. Prior to being elected she was a lecturer, teacher and unionist.She was minister responsible for the status of women in the Lévesque government from January 16, 1985 until June 5, 1985. She resigned following her defeat to Robert Bourassa in the by-election of June 3, 1985 in the electoral district of Bertrand, failing to win a seat in the National Assembly of Quebec.She was a Bloc Québécois member of the House of Commons of Canada, representing the districts of La Pointe-de-l'Île from 2004 election to 2011, and Mercier from the 1993 election to 2004. She has in the past been the Bloc's critic of Human Resources Development and of Industry, and of Foreign Affairs.In June 2005, Lalonde introduced in Parliament a private Bill C-407 that would have legalized assisted suicide in Canada. Re-elected in January 2006, she promised to reintroduce her bill to legalize assisted suicide.On September 13, 2010, Lalonde announced she would not be a candidate for re-election following the expiration of her current mandate "because of the re-emergence of my cancer and the need to pursue new treatments". She died of cancer on January 17, 2014.	[ "Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "president" ]
Which position did Francine Lalonde hold in Mar 13, 2010?	March 13, 2010	{ "text": [ "member of the House of Commons of Canada", "Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe" ] }	L2_Q527102_P39_3	Francine Lalonde holds the position of Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 2007 to Oct, 2007. Francine Lalonde holds the position of president from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Francine Lalonde holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Francine Lalonde holds the position of member of the House of Commons of Canada from Oct, 2008 to May, 2011.	Francine LalondeFrancine Lalonde (August 24, 1940 – January 17, 2014) was a politician on the federal (Canada) and provincial (Quebec) levels. Prior to being elected she was a lecturer, teacher and unionist.She was minister responsible for the status of women in the Lévesque government from January 16, 1985 until June 5, 1985. She resigned following her defeat to Robert Bourassa in the by-election of June 3, 1985 in the electoral district of Bertrand, failing to win a seat in the National Assembly of Quebec.She was a Bloc Québécois member of the House of Commons of Canada, representing the districts of La Pointe-de-l'Île from 2004 election to 2011, and Mercier from the 1993 election to 2004. She has in the past been the Bloc's critic of Human Resources Development and of Industry, and of Foreign Affairs.In June 2005, Lalonde introduced in Parliament a private Bill C-407 that would have legalized assisted suicide in Canada. Re-elected in January 2006, she promised to reintroduce her bill to legalize assisted suicide.On September 13, 2010, Lalonde announced she would not be a candidate for re-election following the expiration of her current mandate "because of the re-emergence of my cancer and the need to pursue new treatments". She died of cancer on January 17, 2014.	[ "Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "president" ]
Which position did Francine Lalonde hold in 03/13/2010?	March 13, 2010	{ "text": [ "member of the House of Commons of Canada", "Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe" ] }	L2_Q527102_P39_3	Francine Lalonde holds the position of Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 2007 to Oct, 2007. Francine Lalonde holds the position of president from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Francine Lalonde holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Francine Lalonde holds the position of member of the House of Commons of Canada from Oct, 2008 to May, 2011.	Francine LalondeFrancine Lalonde (August 24, 1940 – January 17, 2014) was a politician on the federal (Canada) and provincial (Quebec) levels. Prior to being elected she was a lecturer, teacher and unionist.She was minister responsible for the status of women in the Lévesque government from January 16, 1985 until June 5, 1985. She resigned following her defeat to Robert Bourassa in the by-election of June 3, 1985 in the electoral district of Bertrand, failing to win a seat in the National Assembly of Quebec.She was a Bloc Québécois member of the House of Commons of Canada, representing the districts of La Pointe-de-l'Île from 2004 election to 2011, and Mercier from the 1993 election to 2004. She has in the past been the Bloc's critic of Human Resources Development and of Industry, and of Foreign Affairs.In June 2005, Lalonde introduced in Parliament a private Bill C-407 that would have legalized assisted suicide in Canada. Re-elected in January 2006, she promised to reintroduce her bill to legalize assisted suicide.On September 13, 2010, Lalonde announced she would not be a candidate for re-election following the expiration of her current mandate "because of the re-emergence of my cancer and the need to pursue new treatments". She died of cancer on January 17, 2014.	[ "Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "president" ]
Which position did Francine Lalonde hold in 13-Mar-201013-March-2010?	March 13, 2010	{ "text": [ "member of the House of Commons of Canada", "Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe" ] }	L2_Q527102_P39_3	Francine Lalonde holds the position of Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 2007 to Oct, 2007. Francine Lalonde holds the position of president from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Francine Lalonde holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Francine Lalonde holds the position of member of the House of Commons of Canada from Oct, 2008 to May, 2011.	Francine LalondeFrancine Lalonde (August 24, 1940 – January 17, 2014) was a politician on the federal (Canada) and provincial (Quebec) levels. Prior to being elected she was a lecturer, teacher and unionist.She was minister responsible for the status of women in the Lévesque government from January 16, 1985 until June 5, 1985. She resigned following her defeat to Robert Bourassa in the by-election of June 3, 1985 in the electoral district of Bertrand, failing to win a seat in the National Assembly of Quebec.She was a Bloc Québécois member of the House of Commons of Canada, representing the districts of La Pointe-de-l'Île from 2004 election to 2011, and Mercier from the 1993 election to 2004. She has in the past been the Bloc's critic of Human Resources Development and of Industry, and of Foreign Affairs.In June 2005, Lalonde introduced in Parliament a private Bill C-407 that would have legalized assisted suicide in Canada. Re-elected in January 2006, she promised to reintroduce her bill to legalize assisted suicide.On September 13, 2010, Lalonde announced she would not be a candidate for re-election following the expiration of her current mandate "because of the re-emergence of my cancer and the need to pursue new treatments". She died of cancer on January 17, 2014.	[ "Observer of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "president" ]
Which position did Harmar Nicholls hold in Nov, 1963?	November 15, 1963	{ "text": [ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q5659075_P39_3	Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1979 to Jul, 1984. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jan, 1975 to Sep, 2000. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.	Harmar NichollsHarmar Harmar-Nicholls, Baron Harmar-Nicholls (1 November 1912 – 15 September 2000), known as Sir Harmar Nicholls, 1st Baronet, from 1960 to 1975, was a British Conservative Party politician.Harmar Nicholls was born in Walsall, the son of Charles Edward Craddock Nicholls and Sarah Ann ("née" Wesley). He qualified as a barrister, called to the bar by Middle Temple. During World War II, he served in the Royal Engineers in India and Burma and fighting his first election as candidate for Nelson and Colne in 1945 before demobilisation, also contesting Preston in a 1946 by-election. He served as a councillor and chairman of Darlaston Urban District Council. He worked as a surveyor and as chairman of a paint company, serving as President of the Wallpaper and Paint Retailers' Association. He was a Lloyd's of London underwriter, a company director and chairman of Radio Luxembourg Ltd.Nicholls was Member of Parliament for Peterborough from 1950 to 1974, when he lost in the October election of that year to Labour's Michael Ward, having held on by just 22 votes in the election eight months earlier. This was the second close call during his time as MP for Peterborough – in 1966, he held his seat by just three votes. Nicholls was Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food from 1955 to 1958, and to the Ministry of Works from 1958 to 1961. He was created a Baronet, of Darlaston in the County of Stafford, in 1960, and in 1975, after he lost his seat in the House of Commons, he was given a life peerage as Baron Harmar-Nicholls, of Peterborough in the County of Cambridgeshire, changing his surname by deed poll to allow his forename to be incorporated into his title. From 1979 to 1984, he served as Member of the European Parliament for Greater Manchester South.His daughter is the actress Sue Nicholls of "Rentaghost" and "Coronation Street" fame. He had no sons and the baronetcy became extinct on his death, aged 87, in September 2000.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "member of the European Parliament", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Harmar Nicholls hold in 1963-11-15?	November 15, 1963	{ "text": [ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q5659075_P39_3	Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1979 to Jul, 1984. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jan, 1975 to Sep, 2000. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.	Harmar NichollsHarmar Harmar-Nicholls, Baron Harmar-Nicholls (1 November 1912 – 15 September 2000), known as Sir Harmar Nicholls, 1st Baronet, from 1960 to 1975, was a British Conservative Party politician.Harmar Nicholls was born in Walsall, the son of Charles Edward Craddock Nicholls and Sarah Ann ("née" Wesley). He qualified as a barrister, called to the bar by Middle Temple. During World War II, he served in the Royal Engineers in India and Burma and fighting his first election as candidate for Nelson and Colne in 1945 before demobilisation, also contesting Preston in a 1946 by-election. He served as a councillor and chairman of Darlaston Urban District Council. He worked as a surveyor and as chairman of a paint company, serving as President of the Wallpaper and Paint Retailers' Association. He was a Lloyd's of London underwriter, a company director and chairman of Radio Luxembourg Ltd.Nicholls was Member of Parliament for Peterborough from 1950 to 1974, when he lost in the October election of that year to Labour's Michael Ward, having held on by just 22 votes in the election eight months earlier. This was the second close call during his time as MP for Peterborough – in 1966, he held his seat by just three votes. Nicholls was Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food from 1955 to 1958, and to the Ministry of Works from 1958 to 1961. He was created a Baronet, of Darlaston in the County of Stafford, in 1960, and in 1975, after he lost his seat in the House of Commons, he was given a life peerage as Baron Harmar-Nicholls, of Peterborough in the County of Cambridgeshire, changing his surname by deed poll to allow his forename to be incorporated into his title. From 1979 to 1984, he served as Member of the European Parliament for Greater Manchester South.His daughter is the actress Sue Nicholls of "Rentaghost" and "Coronation Street" fame. He had no sons and the baronetcy became extinct on his death, aged 87, in September 2000.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "member of the European Parliament", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Harmar Nicholls hold in 15/11/1963?	November 15, 1963	{ "text": [ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q5659075_P39_3	Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1979 to Jul, 1984. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jan, 1975 to Sep, 2000. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.	Harmar NichollsHarmar Harmar-Nicholls, Baron Harmar-Nicholls (1 November 1912 – 15 September 2000), known as Sir Harmar Nicholls, 1st Baronet, from 1960 to 1975, was a British Conservative Party politician.Harmar Nicholls was born in Walsall, the son of Charles Edward Craddock Nicholls and Sarah Ann ("née" Wesley). He qualified as a barrister, called to the bar by Middle Temple. During World War II, he served in the Royal Engineers in India and Burma and fighting his first election as candidate for Nelson and Colne in 1945 before demobilisation, also contesting Preston in a 1946 by-election. He served as a councillor and chairman of Darlaston Urban District Council. He worked as a surveyor and as chairman of a paint company, serving as President of the Wallpaper and Paint Retailers' Association. He was a Lloyd's of London underwriter, a company director and chairman of Radio Luxembourg Ltd.Nicholls was Member of Parliament for Peterborough from 1950 to 1974, when he lost in the October election of that year to Labour's Michael Ward, having held on by just 22 votes in the election eight months earlier. This was the second close call during his time as MP for Peterborough – in 1966, he held his seat by just three votes. Nicholls was Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food from 1955 to 1958, and to the Ministry of Works from 1958 to 1961. He was created a Baronet, of Darlaston in the County of Stafford, in 1960, and in 1975, after he lost his seat in the House of Commons, he was given a life peerage as Baron Harmar-Nicholls, of Peterborough in the County of Cambridgeshire, changing his surname by deed poll to allow his forename to be incorporated into his title. From 1979 to 1984, he served as Member of the European Parliament for Greater Manchester South.His daughter is the actress Sue Nicholls of "Rentaghost" and "Coronation Street" fame. He had no sons and the baronetcy became extinct on his death, aged 87, in September 2000.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "member of the European Parliament", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Harmar Nicholls hold in Nov 15, 1963?	November 15, 1963	{ "text": [ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q5659075_P39_3	Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1979 to Jul, 1984. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jan, 1975 to Sep, 2000. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.	Harmar NichollsHarmar Harmar-Nicholls, Baron Harmar-Nicholls (1 November 1912 – 15 September 2000), known as Sir Harmar Nicholls, 1st Baronet, from 1960 to 1975, was a British Conservative Party politician.Harmar Nicholls was born in Walsall, the son of Charles Edward Craddock Nicholls and Sarah Ann ("née" Wesley). He qualified as a barrister, called to the bar by Middle Temple. During World War II, he served in the Royal Engineers in India and Burma and fighting his first election as candidate for Nelson and Colne in 1945 before demobilisation, also contesting Preston in a 1946 by-election. He served as a councillor and chairman of Darlaston Urban District Council. He worked as a surveyor and as chairman of a paint company, serving as President of the Wallpaper and Paint Retailers' Association. He was a Lloyd's of London underwriter, a company director and chairman of Radio Luxembourg Ltd.Nicholls was Member of Parliament for Peterborough from 1950 to 1974, when he lost in the October election of that year to Labour's Michael Ward, having held on by just 22 votes in the election eight months earlier. This was the second close call during his time as MP for Peterborough – in 1966, he held his seat by just three votes. Nicholls was Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food from 1955 to 1958, and to the Ministry of Works from 1958 to 1961. He was created a Baronet, of Darlaston in the County of Stafford, in 1960, and in 1975, after he lost his seat in the House of Commons, he was given a life peerage as Baron Harmar-Nicholls, of Peterborough in the County of Cambridgeshire, changing his surname by deed poll to allow his forename to be incorporated into his title. From 1979 to 1984, he served as Member of the European Parliament for Greater Manchester South.His daughter is the actress Sue Nicholls of "Rentaghost" and "Coronation Street" fame. He had no sons and the baronetcy became extinct on his death, aged 87, in September 2000.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "member of the European Parliament", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Harmar Nicholls hold in 11/15/1963?	November 15, 1963	{ "text": [ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q5659075_P39_3	Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1979 to Jul, 1984. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jan, 1975 to Sep, 2000. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.	Harmar NichollsHarmar Harmar-Nicholls, Baron Harmar-Nicholls (1 November 1912 – 15 September 2000), known as Sir Harmar Nicholls, 1st Baronet, from 1960 to 1975, was a British Conservative Party politician.Harmar Nicholls was born in Walsall, the son of Charles Edward Craddock Nicholls and Sarah Ann ("née" Wesley). He qualified as a barrister, called to the bar by Middle Temple. During World War II, he served in the Royal Engineers in India and Burma and fighting his first election as candidate for Nelson and Colne in 1945 before demobilisation, also contesting Preston in a 1946 by-election. He served as a councillor and chairman of Darlaston Urban District Council. He worked as a surveyor and as chairman of a paint company, serving as President of the Wallpaper and Paint Retailers' Association. He was a Lloyd's of London underwriter, a company director and chairman of Radio Luxembourg Ltd.Nicholls was Member of Parliament for Peterborough from 1950 to 1974, when he lost in the October election of that year to Labour's Michael Ward, having held on by just 22 votes in the election eight months earlier. This was the second close call during his time as MP for Peterborough – in 1966, he held his seat by just three votes. Nicholls was Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food from 1955 to 1958, and to the Ministry of Works from 1958 to 1961. He was created a Baronet, of Darlaston in the County of Stafford, in 1960, and in 1975, after he lost his seat in the House of Commons, he was given a life peerage as Baron Harmar-Nicholls, of Peterborough in the County of Cambridgeshire, changing his surname by deed poll to allow his forename to be incorporated into his title. From 1979 to 1984, he served as Member of the European Parliament for Greater Manchester South.His daughter is the actress Sue Nicholls of "Rentaghost" and "Coronation Street" fame. He had no sons and the baronetcy became extinct on his death, aged 87, in September 2000.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "member of the European Parliament", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Harmar Nicholls hold in 15-Nov-196315-November-1963?	November 15, 1963	{ "text": [ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q5659075_P39_3	Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of member of the European Parliament from Jul, 1979 to Jul, 1984. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Jan, 1975 to Sep, 2000. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Harmar Nicholls holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.	Harmar NichollsHarmar Harmar-Nicholls, Baron Harmar-Nicholls (1 November 1912 – 15 September 2000), known as Sir Harmar Nicholls, 1st Baronet, from 1960 to 1975, was a British Conservative Party politician.Harmar Nicholls was born in Walsall, the son of Charles Edward Craddock Nicholls and Sarah Ann ("née" Wesley). He qualified as a barrister, called to the bar by Middle Temple. During World War II, he served in the Royal Engineers in India and Burma and fighting his first election as candidate for Nelson and Colne in 1945 before demobilisation, also contesting Preston in a 1946 by-election. He served as a councillor and chairman of Darlaston Urban District Council. He worked as a surveyor and as chairman of a paint company, serving as President of the Wallpaper and Paint Retailers' Association. He was a Lloyd's of London underwriter, a company director and chairman of Radio Luxembourg Ltd.Nicholls was Member of Parliament for Peterborough from 1950 to 1974, when he lost in the October election of that year to Labour's Michael Ward, having held on by just 22 votes in the election eight months earlier. This was the second close call during his time as MP for Peterborough – in 1966, he held his seat by just three votes. Nicholls was Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food from 1955 to 1958, and to the Ministry of Works from 1958 to 1961. He was created a Baronet, of Darlaston in the County of Stafford, in 1960, and in 1975, after he lost his seat in the House of Commons, he was given a life peerage as Baron Harmar-Nicholls, of Peterborough in the County of Cambridgeshire, changing his surname by deed poll to allow his forename to be incorporated into his title. From 1979 to 1984, he served as Member of the European Parliament for Greater Manchester South.His daughter is the actress Sue Nicholls of "Rentaghost" and "Coronation Street" fame. He had no sons and the baronetcy became extinct on his death, aged 87, in September 2000.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "member of the European Parliament", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Who was the chair of Security Service of Ukraine in Aug, 2005?	August 19, 2005	{ "text": [ "Oleksandr Turchynov" ] }	L2_Q615811_P488_6	Oleksandr Yakymenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2014. Ihor Smeshko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2003 to Feb, 2005. Volodymyr Radchenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1995 to Apr, 1998. Leonid Derkach is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Apr, 1998 to Feb, 2001. Yevhen Marchuk is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Nov, 1991 to Jul, 1994. Wałerij Malikow is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1995. Ihor Drizhchany is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2005 to Dec, 2006. Igor Kalinin is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Mar, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Valentyn Nalyvaichenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Dec, 2006 to Mar, 2010. Ivan Bakanov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Aug, 2019 to Jul, 2022. Oleksandr Turchynov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2005 to Sep, 2005. Nikolai Golushko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 1991 to Nov, 1991. Vasyl Hrytsak is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 2015 to Jun, 2019.	Security Service of UkraineThe Security Service of Ukraine (; "Sluzhba bezpeky Ukrayiny") or SBU is Ukraine's law-enforcement authority and main government security agency in the areas of counterintelligence activity and combating terrorism.The Security Service of Ukraine is vested, within its competence defined by law, with the protection of national sovereignty, constitutional order, territorial integrity, economical, scientific, technical, and defense potential of Ukraine, legal interests of the state, and civil rights, from intelligence and subversion activities of foreign special services and from unlawful interference attempted by certain organizations, groups and individuals, as well with ensuring the protection of state secrets.Other duties include combating crimes that endanger the peace and security of mankind, terrorism, corruption, and organized criminal activities in the sphere of management and economy, as well as other unlawful acts immediately threatening Ukraine's vital interests.The general structure and operational methods of SBU appear to be very similar to that of its predecessor (KGB of Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) with exception of Ukrainian Border Guards and department responsible for security of high-rank state officials. Both of them became independent institutions. However the SBU keeps under control special operation units Alpha with bases in every Ukrainian province. According to British political expert Taras Kuzio the organizational structure of SBU remains to be as bloated in size as the Soviet Ukrainian KGB because the total number of active officers as high as 30,000. It is six times larger than British domestic MI5 and external MI6 combined together.On 14 January 1918 the Ukrainian People's Republic founded its Security Services.In May 1918 the Department of the State Guard of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian State started to form a new intelligence service. This was a much more effective agency than its predecessor due to the incorporation of former employees of Okhrana (the secret police force of the Russian Empire). After the fall of the Ukrainian State and the return of power of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR) in December 1918, the new UNR authorities destroyed virtually all of the state infrastructure of the Ukrainian State. Therefore, the new secret services founded in January 1919 (with two divisions - domestic and foreign) had to start practically from scratch. It never became as well lead, nor successful, as the security services of the Ukrainian State. The security services of the West Ukrainian People's Republic on the other hand were well-organized. The West Ukrainian People's Republic were formed in March 1919 as the Field Gendarmerie of the Ukrainian Galician Army (it also served as military police). There was no cooperation between the West Ukrainian People's Republic and Ukrainian People's Republic security services.In 1924 former (April–July 1919) head of intelligence of the Ukrainian People's Republic Mykola Chebotarov started intelligence work on his own initiative for the Ukrainian People's Republic government in exile on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR.The All-Ukrainian Cheka was formed on December 3, 1918 in Kursk on the initiative from Yakov Sverdlov and Lenin's orders. The commission was formed on the decree of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government of Ukraine and later adopted on May 30, 1919 by the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee. To support the Soviet government in Ukraine, in Moscow was formed a corps of special assignment with 24,500 soldiers as part of the All-Ukrainian Cheka. In spring 1919 there was created the Council in fight against counterrevolution and consisted of Adolph Joffe, Stanislav Kosior, and Martin Latsis. In its early years the security agency fought against the "kulak-nationalistic banditry" (peasants who resisted having their land confiscated and being forced into collective farms). On August 19, 1920 the All-Ukrainian Cheka arrested all members of the All-Ukrainian Conference of Mensheviks after accusing them in counterrevolution. On December 10, 1934 the State Political Directorate of Ukraine was dissolved, becoming part of the NKVD of Ukraine.The SBU is a successor of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch of the Soviet KGB, keeping the majority of its 1990s personnel. Many of whom came from the KGB's 5th directorate. It was created in September 1991 following the August 1991 independence of Ukraine. The last Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch head Colonel-General Nikolai Golushko stayed on as chairman of the newly formed Security Service of Ukraine for four months before moving to Russia. (Golushko headed the Russian Federal Counterintelligence Service in Golushko in 1993 and 1994.)Since 1992, the agency has been competing in intelligence functions with the intelligence branch of the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense. Despite this, a former Military Intelligence Chief and career GRU technological espionage expert, Ihor Smeshko, served as an SBU chief until 2005.According to Taras Kuzio during the 1990s in some regions of Ukraine (Donetsk) the SBU teamed up with local criminals taking part in privatization of state property (so-called "prykhvatizatsiya") ignoring its operational objectives and sky-rocketing level of local violence. A notorious incident took place in December 1995 in Western Ukraine when a local citizen Yuriy Mozola was arrested by SBU agents, interrogated and brutally tortured for three days. He refused to confess in trumped up murder charges and died in SBU custody. Later it turned out that the real killer was Anatoly Onoprienko. He was arrested the next year.Reports of SBU involvement in arms sales abroad began appearing regularly in the early 2000s. Ukrainian authorities have acknowledged these sales and arrested some alleged participants.In 2004, the SBU's Intelligence Department was reorganized into an independent agency called Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine. It is responsible for all kinds of intelligence as well as for external security. As of 2004, the exact functions of the new service, and respective responsibilities of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine were not regulated yet. On November 7, 2005 the President of Ukraine created the Ukraine State Service of special communications and protection of information, also known as Derzhspetszvyazok (StateSpecCom) in place of one of the departments of SBU and making it an autonomous agency. The SBU subsumed the Directorate of State Protection of Ukraine (), the personal protection agency for the most senior government officials, which was the former Ninth Directorate of the Ukrainian KGB.The SBU's State Directorate of Personal Protection is known for its former Major Mykola Mel'nychenko, the communications protection agent in President Leonid Kuchma's bodyguard team. Mel'nychenko was the central figure of the Cassette Scandal (2000)—one of the main events in Ukraine's post-independence history. SBU became involved in the case when Mel'nychenko accused Leonid Derkach, SBU Chief at the time, of several crimes, e.g., of clandestine relations with Russian mafia leader Semyon Mogilevich. However, the UDO was subsumed into the SBU after the scandal, so Mel'nychenko himself has never been an SBU agent.Later, the SBU played a significant role in the investigation of the Georgiy Gongadze murder case, the crime that caused the Cassette Scandal itself.In 2004, General Valeriy Kravchenko, SBU's intelligence representative in Germany, publicly accused his agency of political involvement, including overseas spying on Ukrainian opposition politicians and German TV journalists. He was fired without returning home. After a half-year of hiding in Germany, Kravchenko returned to Ukraine and surrendered in October 2004 (an investigation is underway).Later, the agency commanders became involved in the scandal around the poisoning of Viktor Yushchenko—a main candidate in the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election. Yushchenko felt unwell soon after supper with SBU Chief Ihor Smeshko, at the home of Smeshko's first deputy. However, neither the politician himself nor the investigators have ever directly accused these officers. It is also important to note that the Personal Protection department has been officially responsible for Yushchenko's personal security since he became a candidate. During the Orange Revolution, several SBU veterans and cadets publicly supported him as president-elect, while the agency as a whole remained neutral.In 2005, soon after the elections, sacked SBU Chief Smeshko and other intelligence agents stated their own version of the revolution's events. They claimed to have prevented militsiya from violently suppressing the protests, contradicting the orders of President Kuchma and threatening "militsiya" with armed involvement of SBU's special forces units. This story was first described by the American journalist C.J. Chivers of "The New York Times" and has never been supported with documents or legally.The SBU is widely suspected of illegal surveillance and eavesdropping of offices and phones.An episode of human rights abuse by SBU happened during the case of serial killer Anatoly Onoprienko. Yuriy Mozola, an initial suspect in the investigation, died in SBU custody in Lviv as a result of torture. Several agents were convicted in the case. The SBU remains a political controversial subject in Ukrainian politics.The former Security Service of Ukraine Head Valeriy Khoroshkovsky was involved in several controversies during his tenure. The rector of the Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv Borys Gudziak heavily criticized a visit from the SBU, forcing Khoroshkovskiy to apologize. Later the head of the Kyiv Bureau of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Nico Lange, was detained for a short while and released only after several high-ranking officials from the "German Chancellery" vouched for him. The Security Service described the incident as a misunderstanding. Khoroshkovskiy, as the Chairman of the SBU, eliminated the main competition of Ukrainian TV-giant "Inter", officially owned by his wife Olena Khoroshkovskiy, in the face of "TVi" and "Channel 5". In July 2010, Konrad Schuller of the "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung" wrote that Khoroshkovskiy had connections with RosUkrEnergo. The most important source of Khoroshkovskiy's came from RosUkrEnergo. The President's spokesperson, Hanna Herman, in an interview with this newspaper, did not dispute that Dmytro Firtash was one of the sponsors of the Presidential Party of Regions, with the help of which Khoroshkovskiy was appointed to the position of the State Security chairman. Khoroshkovskiy denied any connections to RosUkrEnergo. However it is a fact that Firtash possesses certain privileges in Inter. Schuller also stated that the SBU acts in direct association with RosUkrEnergo, arresting their main opponents (see RosUkrEnergo) in order to recover their invested money in the recent presidential campaign. Khoroshkovskiy having declined to give an interview to "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung", Schuller posted a quote from one of his other interviews:When Minister of Finance Fedir Yaroshenko resigned on January 18, 2012, Khoroshkovsky replaced him in the post on the same day. Khoroshkovsky is also the owner of U.A. Inter Media Group which owns major shares in various Ukrainian TV channels including Inter TV. 238 members of the Verkhovna Rada voted for Khoroshkovsky, however the head of the parliamentary committee for the National Security and Defense Anatoliy Hrytsenko stated that the committee accepted the decision to recommend Verkhovna Rada to deny the candidature of Khoroshkovskiy on the post of the chairman of Security Service of Ukraine.Khoroshkovskiy said the SBU's main duty was to protect the president rather than the interests of Ukraine. On July 26, 2010 it arrested an internet blogger, producing a warrant for his arrest the next day. SBU accused the blogger of threatening the President of Ukraine, citing his comment "May thunder strike Yanukovych!"; he was released after a short discussion. However, SBU showed a rather passive reaction to the statements of the Russian state official who claimed that Crimea and Sevastopol belong to the Russian Federation. Protest group FEMEN said that after the early 2010 election of President Viktor Yanukovych the SBU attempted to intimidate the FEMEN activists.On May 22, 2012 Volodymyr Rokytskyi, Deputy Head of the SBU, was photographed in public wearing a $32,000 luxury wristwatch despite the fact that its price amounts to his yearly official income. The instance happened at a joint Ukrainian-American event dedicated to fighting the drug trade.The SBU uncovered seven spies and 16 special service agents in 2009.A large number of arrests and searches occurred in 2011.In February 2014, numerous documents, hard drives, and flash drives, including data on over 22,000 officers and informants, were stolen or destroyed in a raid on the SBU allegedly ordered by President Viktor Yanukovych.Late February 2014 opposition MP Hennadiy Moskal released papers that showed the SBU had allegedly infiltrated the late 2013-February 2014 anti-government Euromaidan protest. According to BBC Ukraine analyst Olexiy Solohubenko many tactics discussed in the paper had indeed been performed.After the overthrow of Yanukovich in the February 2014 Ukrainian revolution the new SBU head Valentyn Nalyvaichenko claimed to have found his new office building empty, saying "the agency’s former leadership had all fled to Russia or Crimea. There were no operative files, no weapons. Institutionally, the place was totally destroyed". Nalyvaichenko also claimed that at that time the agency was heavily infiltrated by Russian spies. Indeed, Nalyvaichenko predecessor Oleksandr Yakymenko with about 15 former SBU top officials surfaced in Russia a few days later. Allegedly in the months following the 2014 Ukrainian revolution thousands of Ukrainian spies switched sides and began reporting to Russia during the 2014 Crimean crisis and the pro-Russian unrest in east and south Ukraine. At the end of 2014 235 SBU agents, including the former counterintelligence chief and his cousin, and hundreds of other operatives had been arrested and 25 high treason probes against Yanukovych-era SBU officials had been launched; also all regional directors had been changed, as well as half of their deputies. In July 2015 Nalyvaichenko claimed “There’s no longer a total infiltration of Russian agents. The danger is no longer widespread”. The arrested agents were replaced by new recruits from western Ukraine, many of them in their early twenties. To test loyalty, all SBU agents are subjected to recurrent interrogations and lie detector tests.In June 2015, the "Kyiv Post" reported that a deputy chief of the SBU, Vitaly Malikov, had supported events leading to the annexation of Crimea. According to February 2016 official figures of the Ukrainian parliamentary Committee on National Security, after Russia's annexation 10% of SBU personnel left Crimea. According to the SBU itself (in November 2017) 13% did so.On December 21, 2017, two Ukrainian civil servants were arrested by the SBU for spying on behalf of Russia, one of them being an SBU employee while the other, Stanislav Yezhov, worked for various cabinet ministers.In late 2018, the SBU carries out raids across the country targeting the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) churches and priests.On July 8, 2019, the SBU announced that they conducted a raid into Donbass to apprehend Vladimir Borysovich Tsemakh, who was head of the air defense in Snizhne and a 'person of interest' when a Buk missile launcher was used to shoot down MH17. The SBU mentioned that he's a witness to the incident.On April 14, 2020, the SBU announced the arrest of Lt. General Valeriy Shaytanov, who was recruited in 2014 by the FSB during a Russian-Ukrainian anti-terrorist working group under the command of Colonel Igor Egorov. He was known to head the anti-terrorist division who had played a prominent role in negotiating ceasefires and prisoner exchanges with Russia-backed militants in Eastern Ukraine. He had planned the future assassination of Adam Osmayev, a Chechen in the International Peacekeeping Battalion named after Dzhokhar Dudayev which is defending Ukraine against Russia aggression."Department of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs""Special Commission of the All Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs"According to reports of UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, the SBU personnel is accountable for multiple cases of human rights abuses including enforced disappearings, sexual violence, and torture.In the 2016 Amnesty International and human Rights Watch reported that the SBU operates secret detention facilities where civilians are held incommunicado being subjected to improper treatment and torture.In December 2017 the UN mission in Ukraine expressed concerns about a situation with "freedom of opinion and expression" in Ukraine which facing "mounting challenges". According to the UN reports the SBU is taking advantage of broad interpretation and application of Ukrainian Criminal Code against independent Ukrainian journalists, bloggers, and media activists.	[ "Yevhen Marchuk", "Volodymyr Radchenko", "Nikolai Golushko", "Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi", "Igor Kalinin", "Ihor Smeshko", "Valentyn Nalyvaichenko", "Vasyl Hrytsak", "Ihor Drizhchany", "Wałerij Malikow", "Ivan Bakanov", "Leonid Derkach", "Oleksandr Yakymenko" ]
Who was the chair of Security Service of Ukraine in 2005-08-19?	August 19, 2005	{ "text": [ "Oleksandr Turchynov" ] }	L2_Q615811_P488_6	Oleksandr Yakymenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2014. Ihor Smeshko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2003 to Feb, 2005. Volodymyr Radchenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1995 to Apr, 1998. Leonid Derkach is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Apr, 1998 to Feb, 2001. Yevhen Marchuk is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Nov, 1991 to Jul, 1994. Wałerij Malikow is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1995. Ihor Drizhchany is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2005 to Dec, 2006. Igor Kalinin is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Mar, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Valentyn Nalyvaichenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Dec, 2006 to Mar, 2010. Ivan Bakanov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Aug, 2019 to Jul, 2022. Oleksandr Turchynov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2005 to Sep, 2005. Nikolai Golushko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 1991 to Nov, 1991. Vasyl Hrytsak is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 2015 to Jun, 2019.	Security Service of UkraineThe Security Service of Ukraine (; "Sluzhba bezpeky Ukrayiny") or SBU is Ukraine's law-enforcement authority and main government security agency in the areas of counterintelligence activity and combating terrorism.The Security Service of Ukraine is vested, within its competence defined by law, with the protection of national sovereignty, constitutional order, territorial integrity, economical, scientific, technical, and defense potential of Ukraine, legal interests of the state, and civil rights, from intelligence and subversion activities of foreign special services and from unlawful interference attempted by certain organizations, groups and individuals, as well with ensuring the protection of state secrets.Other duties include combating crimes that endanger the peace and security of mankind, terrorism, corruption, and organized criminal activities in the sphere of management and economy, as well as other unlawful acts immediately threatening Ukraine's vital interests.The general structure and operational methods of SBU appear to be very similar to that of its predecessor (KGB of Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) with exception of Ukrainian Border Guards and department responsible for security of high-rank state officials. Both of them became independent institutions. However the SBU keeps under control special operation units Alpha with bases in every Ukrainian province. According to British political expert Taras Kuzio the organizational structure of SBU remains to be as bloated in size as the Soviet Ukrainian KGB because the total number of active officers as high as 30,000. It is six times larger than British domestic MI5 and external MI6 combined together.On 14 January 1918 the Ukrainian People's Republic founded its Security Services.In May 1918 the Department of the State Guard of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian State started to form a new intelligence service. This was a much more effective agency than its predecessor due to the incorporation of former employees of Okhrana (the secret police force of the Russian Empire). After the fall of the Ukrainian State and the return of power of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR) in December 1918, the new UNR authorities destroyed virtually all of the state infrastructure of the Ukrainian State. Therefore, the new secret services founded in January 1919 (with two divisions - domestic and foreign) had to start practically from scratch. It never became as well lead, nor successful, as the security services of the Ukrainian State. The security services of the West Ukrainian People's Republic on the other hand were well-organized. The West Ukrainian People's Republic were formed in March 1919 as the Field Gendarmerie of the Ukrainian Galician Army (it also served as military police). There was no cooperation between the West Ukrainian People's Republic and Ukrainian People's Republic security services.In 1924 former (April–July 1919) head of intelligence of the Ukrainian People's Republic Mykola Chebotarov started intelligence work on his own initiative for the Ukrainian People's Republic government in exile on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR.The All-Ukrainian Cheka was formed on December 3, 1918 in Kursk on the initiative from Yakov Sverdlov and Lenin's orders. The commission was formed on the decree of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government of Ukraine and later adopted on May 30, 1919 by the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee. To support the Soviet government in Ukraine, in Moscow was formed a corps of special assignment with 24,500 soldiers as part of the All-Ukrainian Cheka. In spring 1919 there was created the Council in fight against counterrevolution and consisted of Adolph Joffe, Stanislav Kosior, and Martin Latsis. In its early years the security agency fought against the "kulak-nationalistic banditry" (peasants who resisted having their land confiscated and being forced into collective farms). On August 19, 1920 the All-Ukrainian Cheka arrested all members of the All-Ukrainian Conference of Mensheviks after accusing them in counterrevolution. On December 10, 1934 the State Political Directorate of Ukraine was dissolved, becoming part of the NKVD of Ukraine.The SBU is a successor of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch of the Soviet KGB, keeping the majority of its 1990s personnel. Many of whom came from the KGB's 5th directorate. It was created in September 1991 following the August 1991 independence of Ukraine. The last Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch head Colonel-General Nikolai Golushko stayed on as chairman of the newly formed Security Service of Ukraine for four months before moving to Russia. (Golushko headed the Russian Federal Counterintelligence Service in Golushko in 1993 and 1994.)Since 1992, the agency has been competing in intelligence functions with the intelligence branch of the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense. Despite this, a former Military Intelligence Chief and career GRU technological espionage expert, Ihor Smeshko, served as an SBU chief until 2005.According to Taras Kuzio during the 1990s in some regions of Ukraine (Donetsk) the SBU teamed up with local criminals taking part in privatization of state property (so-called "prykhvatizatsiya") ignoring its operational objectives and sky-rocketing level of local violence. A notorious incident took place in December 1995 in Western Ukraine when a local citizen Yuriy Mozola was arrested by SBU agents, interrogated and brutally tortured for three days. He refused to confess in trumped up murder charges and died in SBU custody. Later it turned out that the real killer was Anatoly Onoprienko. He was arrested the next year.Reports of SBU involvement in arms sales abroad began appearing regularly in the early 2000s. Ukrainian authorities have acknowledged these sales and arrested some alleged participants.In 2004, the SBU's Intelligence Department was reorganized into an independent agency called Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine. It is responsible for all kinds of intelligence as well as for external security. As of 2004, the exact functions of the new service, and respective responsibilities of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine were not regulated yet. On November 7, 2005 the President of Ukraine created the Ukraine State Service of special communications and protection of information, also known as Derzhspetszvyazok (StateSpecCom) in place of one of the departments of SBU and making it an autonomous agency. The SBU subsumed the Directorate of State Protection of Ukraine (), the personal protection agency for the most senior government officials, which was the former Ninth Directorate of the Ukrainian KGB.The SBU's State Directorate of Personal Protection is known for its former Major Mykola Mel'nychenko, the communications protection agent in President Leonid Kuchma's bodyguard team. Mel'nychenko was the central figure of the Cassette Scandal (2000)—one of the main events in Ukraine's post-independence history. SBU became involved in the case when Mel'nychenko accused Leonid Derkach, SBU Chief at the time, of several crimes, e.g., of clandestine relations with Russian mafia leader Semyon Mogilevich. However, the UDO was subsumed into the SBU after the scandal, so Mel'nychenko himself has never been an SBU agent.Later, the SBU played a significant role in the investigation of the Georgiy Gongadze murder case, the crime that caused the Cassette Scandal itself.In 2004, General Valeriy Kravchenko, SBU's intelligence representative in Germany, publicly accused his agency of political involvement, including overseas spying on Ukrainian opposition politicians and German TV journalists. He was fired without returning home. After a half-year of hiding in Germany, Kravchenko returned to Ukraine and surrendered in October 2004 (an investigation is underway).Later, the agency commanders became involved in the scandal around the poisoning of Viktor Yushchenko—a main candidate in the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election. Yushchenko felt unwell soon after supper with SBU Chief Ihor Smeshko, at the home of Smeshko's first deputy. However, neither the politician himself nor the investigators have ever directly accused these officers. It is also important to note that the Personal Protection department has been officially responsible for Yushchenko's personal security since he became a candidate. During the Orange Revolution, several SBU veterans and cadets publicly supported him as president-elect, while the agency as a whole remained neutral.In 2005, soon after the elections, sacked SBU Chief Smeshko and other intelligence agents stated their own version of the revolution's events. They claimed to have prevented militsiya from violently suppressing the protests, contradicting the orders of President Kuchma and threatening "militsiya" with armed involvement of SBU's special forces units. This story was first described by the American journalist C.J. Chivers of "The New York Times" and has never been supported with documents or legally.The SBU is widely suspected of illegal surveillance and eavesdropping of offices and phones.An episode of human rights abuse by SBU happened during the case of serial killer Anatoly Onoprienko. Yuriy Mozola, an initial suspect in the investigation, died in SBU custody in Lviv as a result of torture. Several agents were convicted in the case. The SBU remains a political controversial subject in Ukrainian politics.The former Security Service of Ukraine Head Valeriy Khoroshkovsky was involved in several controversies during his tenure. The rector of the Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv Borys Gudziak heavily criticized a visit from the SBU, forcing Khoroshkovskiy to apologize. Later the head of the Kyiv Bureau of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Nico Lange, was detained for a short while and released only after several high-ranking officials from the "German Chancellery" vouched for him. The Security Service described the incident as a misunderstanding. Khoroshkovskiy, as the Chairman of the SBU, eliminated the main competition of Ukrainian TV-giant "Inter", officially owned by his wife Olena Khoroshkovskiy, in the face of "TVi" and "Channel 5". In July 2010, Konrad Schuller of the "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung" wrote that Khoroshkovskiy had connections with RosUkrEnergo. The most important source of Khoroshkovskiy's came from RosUkrEnergo. The President's spokesperson, Hanna Herman, in an interview with this newspaper, did not dispute that Dmytro Firtash was one of the sponsors of the Presidential Party of Regions, with the help of which Khoroshkovskiy was appointed to the position of the State Security chairman. Khoroshkovskiy denied any connections to RosUkrEnergo. However it is a fact that Firtash possesses certain privileges in Inter. Schuller also stated that the SBU acts in direct association with RosUkrEnergo, arresting their main opponents (see RosUkrEnergo) in order to recover their invested money in the recent presidential campaign. Khoroshkovskiy having declined to give an interview to "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung", Schuller posted a quote from one of his other interviews:When Minister of Finance Fedir Yaroshenko resigned on January 18, 2012, Khoroshkovsky replaced him in the post on the same day. Khoroshkovsky is also the owner of U.A. Inter Media Group which owns major shares in various Ukrainian TV channels including Inter TV. 238 members of the Verkhovna Rada voted for Khoroshkovsky, however the head of the parliamentary committee for the National Security and Defense Anatoliy Hrytsenko stated that the committee accepted the decision to recommend Verkhovna Rada to deny the candidature of Khoroshkovskiy on the post of the chairman of Security Service of Ukraine.Khoroshkovskiy said the SBU's main duty was to protect the president rather than the interests of Ukraine. On July 26, 2010 it arrested an internet blogger, producing a warrant for his arrest the next day. SBU accused the blogger of threatening the President of Ukraine, citing his comment "May thunder strike Yanukovych!"; he was released after a short discussion. However, SBU showed a rather passive reaction to the statements of the Russian state official who claimed that Crimea and Sevastopol belong to the Russian Federation. Protest group FEMEN said that after the early 2010 election of President Viktor Yanukovych the SBU attempted to intimidate the FEMEN activists.On May 22, 2012 Volodymyr Rokytskyi, Deputy Head of the SBU, was photographed in public wearing a $32,000 luxury wristwatch despite the fact that its price amounts to his yearly official income. The instance happened at a joint Ukrainian-American event dedicated to fighting the drug trade.The SBU uncovered seven spies and 16 special service agents in 2009.A large number of arrests and searches occurred in 2011.In February 2014, numerous documents, hard drives, and flash drives, including data on over 22,000 officers and informants, were stolen or destroyed in a raid on the SBU allegedly ordered by President Viktor Yanukovych.Late February 2014 opposition MP Hennadiy Moskal released papers that showed the SBU had allegedly infiltrated the late 2013-February 2014 anti-government Euromaidan protest. According to BBC Ukraine analyst Olexiy Solohubenko many tactics discussed in the paper had indeed been performed.After the overthrow of Yanukovich in the February 2014 Ukrainian revolution the new SBU head Valentyn Nalyvaichenko claimed to have found his new office building empty, saying "the agency’s former leadership had all fled to Russia or Crimea. There were no operative files, no weapons. Institutionally, the place was totally destroyed". Nalyvaichenko also claimed that at that time the agency was heavily infiltrated by Russian spies. Indeed, Nalyvaichenko predecessor Oleksandr Yakymenko with about 15 former SBU top officials surfaced in Russia a few days later. Allegedly in the months following the 2014 Ukrainian revolution thousands of Ukrainian spies switched sides and began reporting to Russia during the 2014 Crimean crisis and the pro-Russian unrest in east and south Ukraine. At the end of 2014 235 SBU agents, including the former counterintelligence chief and his cousin, and hundreds of other operatives had been arrested and 25 high treason probes against Yanukovych-era SBU officials had been launched; also all regional directors had been changed, as well as half of their deputies. In July 2015 Nalyvaichenko claimed “There’s no longer a total infiltration of Russian agents. The danger is no longer widespread”. The arrested agents were replaced by new recruits from western Ukraine, many of them in their early twenties. To test loyalty, all SBU agents are subjected to recurrent interrogations and lie detector tests.In June 2015, the "Kyiv Post" reported that a deputy chief of the SBU, Vitaly Malikov, had supported events leading to the annexation of Crimea. According to February 2016 official figures of the Ukrainian parliamentary Committee on National Security, after Russia's annexation 10% of SBU personnel left Crimea. According to the SBU itself (in November 2017) 13% did so.On December 21, 2017, two Ukrainian civil servants were arrested by the SBU for spying on behalf of Russia, one of them being an SBU employee while the other, Stanislav Yezhov, worked for various cabinet ministers.In late 2018, the SBU carries out raids across the country targeting the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) churches and priests.On July 8, 2019, the SBU announced that they conducted a raid into Donbass to apprehend Vladimir Borysovich Tsemakh, who was head of the air defense in Snizhne and a 'person of interest' when a Buk missile launcher was used to shoot down MH17. The SBU mentioned that he's a witness to the incident.On April 14, 2020, the SBU announced the arrest of Lt. General Valeriy Shaytanov, who was recruited in 2014 by the FSB during a Russian-Ukrainian anti-terrorist working group under the command of Colonel Igor Egorov. He was known to head the anti-terrorist division who had played a prominent role in negotiating ceasefires and prisoner exchanges with Russia-backed militants in Eastern Ukraine. He had planned the future assassination of Adam Osmayev, a Chechen in the International Peacekeeping Battalion named after Dzhokhar Dudayev which is defending Ukraine against Russia aggression."Department of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs""Special Commission of the All Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs"According to reports of UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, the SBU personnel is accountable for multiple cases of human rights abuses including enforced disappearings, sexual violence, and torture.In the 2016 Amnesty International and human Rights Watch reported that the SBU operates secret detention facilities where civilians are held incommunicado being subjected to improper treatment and torture.In December 2017 the UN mission in Ukraine expressed concerns about a situation with "freedom of opinion and expression" in Ukraine which facing "mounting challenges". According to the UN reports the SBU is taking advantage of broad interpretation and application of Ukrainian Criminal Code against independent Ukrainian journalists, bloggers, and media activists.	[ "Yevhen Marchuk", "Volodymyr Radchenko", "Nikolai Golushko", "Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi", "Igor Kalinin", "Ihor Smeshko", "Valentyn Nalyvaichenko", "Vasyl Hrytsak", "Ihor Drizhchany", "Wałerij Malikow", "Ivan Bakanov", "Leonid Derkach", "Oleksandr Yakymenko" ]
Who was the chair of Security Service of Ukraine in 19/08/2005?	August 19, 2005	{ "text": [ "Oleksandr Turchynov" ] }	L2_Q615811_P488_6	Oleksandr Yakymenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2014. Ihor Smeshko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2003 to Feb, 2005. Volodymyr Radchenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1995 to Apr, 1998. Leonid Derkach is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Apr, 1998 to Feb, 2001. Yevhen Marchuk is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Nov, 1991 to Jul, 1994. Wałerij Malikow is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1995. Ihor Drizhchany is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2005 to Dec, 2006. Igor Kalinin is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Mar, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Valentyn Nalyvaichenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Dec, 2006 to Mar, 2010. Ivan Bakanov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Aug, 2019 to Jul, 2022. Oleksandr Turchynov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2005 to Sep, 2005. Nikolai Golushko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 1991 to Nov, 1991. Vasyl Hrytsak is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 2015 to Jun, 2019.	Security Service of UkraineThe Security Service of Ukraine (; "Sluzhba bezpeky Ukrayiny") or SBU is Ukraine's law-enforcement authority and main government security agency in the areas of counterintelligence activity and combating terrorism.The Security Service of Ukraine is vested, within its competence defined by law, with the protection of national sovereignty, constitutional order, territorial integrity, economical, scientific, technical, and defense potential of Ukraine, legal interests of the state, and civil rights, from intelligence and subversion activities of foreign special services and from unlawful interference attempted by certain organizations, groups and individuals, as well with ensuring the protection of state secrets.Other duties include combating crimes that endanger the peace and security of mankind, terrorism, corruption, and organized criminal activities in the sphere of management and economy, as well as other unlawful acts immediately threatening Ukraine's vital interests.The general structure and operational methods of SBU appear to be very similar to that of its predecessor (KGB of Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) with exception of Ukrainian Border Guards and department responsible for security of high-rank state officials. Both of them became independent institutions. However the SBU keeps under control special operation units Alpha with bases in every Ukrainian province. According to British political expert Taras Kuzio the organizational structure of SBU remains to be as bloated in size as the Soviet Ukrainian KGB because the total number of active officers as high as 30,000. It is six times larger than British domestic MI5 and external MI6 combined together.On 14 January 1918 the Ukrainian People's Republic founded its Security Services.In May 1918 the Department of the State Guard of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian State started to form a new intelligence service. This was a much more effective agency than its predecessor due to the incorporation of former employees of Okhrana (the secret police force of the Russian Empire). After the fall of the Ukrainian State and the return of power of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR) in December 1918, the new UNR authorities destroyed virtually all of the state infrastructure of the Ukrainian State. Therefore, the new secret services founded in January 1919 (with two divisions - domestic and foreign) had to start practically from scratch. It never became as well lead, nor successful, as the security services of the Ukrainian State. The security services of the West Ukrainian People's Republic on the other hand were well-organized. The West Ukrainian People's Republic were formed in March 1919 as the Field Gendarmerie of the Ukrainian Galician Army (it also served as military police). There was no cooperation between the West Ukrainian People's Republic and Ukrainian People's Republic security services.In 1924 former (April–July 1919) head of intelligence of the Ukrainian People's Republic Mykola Chebotarov started intelligence work on his own initiative for the Ukrainian People's Republic government in exile on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR.The All-Ukrainian Cheka was formed on December 3, 1918 in Kursk on the initiative from Yakov Sverdlov and Lenin's orders. The commission was formed on the decree of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government of Ukraine and later adopted on May 30, 1919 by the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee. To support the Soviet government in Ukraine, in Moscow was formed a corps of special assignment with 24,500 soldiers as part of the All-Ukrainian Cheka. In spring 1919 there was created the Council in fight against counterrevolution and consisted of Adolph Joffe, Stanislav Kosior, and Martin Latsis. In its early years the security agency fought against the "kulak-nationalistic banditry" (peasants who resisted having their land confiscated and being forced into collective farms). On August 19, 1920 the All-Ukrainian Cheka arrested all members of the All-Ukrainian Conference of Mensheviks after accusing them in counterrevolution. On December 10, 1934 the State Political Directorate of Ukraine was dissolved, becoming part of the NKVD of Ukraine.The SBU is a successor of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch of the Soviet KGB, keeping the majority of its 1990s personnel. Many of whom came from the KGB's 5th directorate. It was created in September 1991 following the August 1991 independence of Ukraine. The last Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch head Colonel-General Nikolai Golushko stayed on as chairman of the newly formed Security Service of Ukraine for four months before moving to Russia. (Golushko headed the Russian Federal Counterintelligence Service in Golushko in 1993 and 1994.)Since 1992, the agency has been competing in intelligence functions with the intelligence branch of the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense. Despite this, a former Military Intelligence Chief and career GRU technological espionage expert, Ihor Smeshko, served as an SBU chief until 2005.According to Taras Kuzio during the 1990s in some regions of Ukraine (Donetsk) the SBU teamed up with local criminals taking part in privatization of state property (so-called "prykhvatizatsiya") ignoring its operational objectives and sky-rocketing level of local violence. A notorious incident took place in December 1995 in Western Ukraine when a local citizen Yuriy Mozola was arrested by SBU agents, interrogated and brutally tortured for three days. He refused to confess in trumped up murder charges and died in SBU custody. Later it turned out that the real killer was Anatoly Onoprienko. He was arrested the next year.Reports of SBU involvement in arms sales abroad began appearing regularly in the early 2000s. Ukrainian authorities have acknowledged these sales and arrested some alleged participants.In 2004, the SBU's Intelligence Department was reorganized into an independent agency called Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine. It is responsible for all kinds of intelligence as well as for external security. As of 2004, the exact functions of the new service, and respective responsibilities of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine were not regulated yet. On November 7, 2005 the President of Ukraine created the Ukraine State Service of special communications and protection of information, also known as Derzhspetszvyazok (StateSpecCom) in place of one of the departments of SBU and making it an autonomous agency. The SBU subsumed the Directorate of State Protection of Ukraine (), the personal protection agency for the most senior government officials, which was the former Ninth Directorate of the Ukrainian KGB.The SBU's State Directorate of Personal Protection is known for its former Major Mykola Mel'nychenko, the communications protection agent in President Leonid Kuchma's bodyguard team. Mel'nychenko was the central figure of the Cassette Scandal (2000)—one of the main events in Ukraine's post-independence history. SBU became involved in the case when Mel'nychenko accused Leonid Derkach, SBU Chief at the time, of several crimes, e.g., of clandestine relations with Russian mafia leader Semyon Mogilevich. However, the UDO was subsumed into the SBU after the scandal, so Mel'nychenko himself has never been an SBU agent.Later, the SBU played a significant role in the investigation of the Georgiy Gongadze murder case, the crime that caused the Cassette Scandal itself.In 2004, General Valeriy Kravchenko, SBU's intelligence representative in Germany, publicly accused his agency of political involvement, including overseas spying on Ukrainian opposition politicians and German TV journalists. He was fired without returning home. After a half-year of hiding in Germany, Kravchenko returned to Ukraine and surrendered in October 2004 (an investigation is underway).Later, the agency commanders became involved in the scandal around the poisoning of Viktor Yushchenko—a main candidate in the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election. Yushchenko felt unwell soon after supper with SBU Chief Ihor Smeshko, at the home of Smeshko's first deputy. However, neither the politician himself nor the investigators have ever directly accused these officers. It is also important to note that the Personal Protection department has been officially responsible for Yushchenko's personal security since he became a candidate. During the Orange Revolution, several SBU veterans and cadets publicly supported him as president-elect, while the agency as a whole remained neutral.In 2005, soon after the elections, sacked SBU Chief Smeshko and other intelligence agents stated their own version of the revolution's events. They claimed to have prevented militsiya from violently suppressing the protests, contradicting the orders of President Kuchma and threatening "militsiya" with armed involvement of SBU's special forces units. This story was first described by the American journalist C.J. Chivers of "The New York Times" and has never been supported with documents or legally.The SBU is widely suspected of illegal surveillance and eavesdropping of offices and phones.An episode of human rights abuse by SBU happened during the case of serial killer Anatoly Onoprienko. Yuriy Mozola, an initial suspect in the investigation, died in SBU custody in Lviv as a result of torture. Several agents were convicted in the case. The SBU remains a political controversial subject in Ukrainian politics.The former Security Service of Ukraine Head Valeriy Khoroshkovsky was involved in several controversies during his tenure. The rector of the Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv Borys Gudziak heavily criticized a visit from the SBU, forcing Khoroshkovskiy to apologize. Later the head of the Kyiv Bureau of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Nico Lange, was detained for a short while and released only after several high-ranking officials from the "German Chancellery" vouched for him. The Security Service described the incident as a misunderstanding. Khoroshkovskiy, as the Chairman of the SBU, eliminated the main competition of Ukrainian TV-giant "Inter", officially owned by his wife Olena Khoroshkovskiy, in the face of "TVi" and "Channel 5". In July 2010, Konrad Schuller of the "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung" wrote that Khoroshkovskiy had connections with RosUkrEnergo. The most important source of Khoroshkovskiy's came from RosUkrEnergo. The President's spokesperson, Hanna Herman, in an interview with this newspaper, did not dispute that Dmytro Firtash was one of the sponsors of the Presidential Party of Regions, with the help of which Khoroshkovskiy was appointed to the position of the State Security chairman. Khoroshkovskiy denied any connections to RosUkrEnergo. However it is a fact that Firtash possesses certain privileges in Inter. Schuller also stated that the SBU acts in direct association with RosUkrEnergo, arresting their main opponents (see RosUkrEnergo) in order to recover their invested money in the recent presidential campaign. Khoroshkovskiy having declined to give an interview to "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung", Schuller posted a quote from one of his other interviews:When Minister of Finance Fedir Yaroshenko resigned on January 18, 2012, Khoroshkovsky replaced him in the post on the same day. Khoroshkovsky is also the owner of U.A. Inter Media Group which owns major shares in various Ukrainian TV channels including Inter TV. 238 members of the Verkhovna Rada voted for Khoroshkovsky, however the head of the parliamentary committee for the National Security and Defense Anatoliy Hrytsenko stated that the committee accepted the decision to recommend Verkhovna Rada to deny the candidature of Khoroshkovskiy on the post of the chairman of Security Service of Ukraine.Khoroshkovskiy said the SBU's main duty was to protect the president rather than the interests of Ukraine. On July 26, 2010 it arrested an internet blogger, producing a warrant for his arrest the next day. SBU accused the blogger of threatening the President of Ukraine, citing his comment "May thunder strike Yanukovych!"; he was released after a short discussion. However, SBU showed a rather passive reaction to the statements of the Russian state official who claimed that Crimea and Sevastopol belong to the Russian Federation. Protest group FEMEN said that after the early 2010 election of President Viktor Yanukovych the SBU attempted to intimidate the FEMEN activists.On May 22, 2012 Volodymyr Rokytskyi, Deputy Head of the SBU, was photographed in public wearing a $32,000 luxury wristwatch despite the fact that its price amounts to his yearly official income. The instance happened at a joint Ukrainian-American event dedicated to fighting the drug trade.The SBU uncovered seven spies and 16 special service agents in 2009.A large number of arrests and searches occurred in 2011.In February 2014, numerous documents, hard drives, and flash drives, including data on over 22,000 officers and informants, were stolen or destroyed in a raid on the SBU allegedly ordered by President Viktor Yanukovych.Late February 2014 opposition MP Hennadiy Moskal released papers that showed the SBU had allegedly infiltrated the late 2013-February 2014 anti-government Euromaidan protest. According to BBC Ukraine analyst Olexiy Solohubenko many tactics discussed in the paper had indeed been performed.After the overthrow of Yanukovich in the February 2014 Ukrainian revolution the new SBU head Valentyn Nalyvaichenko claimed to have found his new office building empty, saying "the agency’s former leadership had all fled to Russia or Crimea. There were no operative files, no weapons. Institutionally, the place was totally destroyed". Nalyvaichenko also claimed that at that time the agency was heavily infiltrated by Russian spies. Indeed, Nalyvaichenko predecessor Oleksandr Yakymenko with about 15 former SBU top officials surfaced in Russia a few days later. Allegedly in the months following the 2014 Ukrainian revolution thousands of Ukrainian spies switched sides and began reporting to Russia during the 2014 Crimean crisis and the pro-Russian unrest in east and south Ukraine. At the end of 2014 235 SBU agents, including the former counterintelligence chief and his cousin, and hundreds of other operatives had been arrested and 25 high treason probes against Yanukovych-era SBU officials had been launched; also all regional directors had been changed, as well as half of their deputies. In July 2015 Nalyvaichenko claimed “There’s no longer a total infiltration of Russian agents. The danger is no longer widespread”. The arrested agents were replaced by new recruits from western Ukraine, many of them in their early twenties. To test loyalty, all SBU agents are subjected to recurrent interrogations and lie detector tests.In June 2015, the "Kyiv Post" reported that a deputy chief of the SBU, Vitaly Malikov, had supported events leading to the annexation of Crimea. According to February 2016 official figures of the Ukrainian parliamentary Committee on National Security, after Russia's annexation 10% of SBU personnel left Crimea. According to the SBU itself (in November 2017) 13% did so.On December 21, 2017, two Ukrainian civil servants were arrested by the SBU for spying on behalf of Russia, one of them being an SBU employee while the other, Stanislav Yezhov, worked for various cabinet ministers.In late 2018, the SBU carries out raids across the country targeting the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) churches and priests.On July 8, 2019, the SBU announced that they conducted a raid into Donbass to apprehend Vladimir Borysovich Tsemakh, who was head of the air defense in Snizhne and a 'person of interest' when a Buk missile launcher was used to shoot down MH17. The SBU mentioned that he's a witness to the incident.On April 14, 2020, the SBU announced the arrest of Lt. General Valeriy Shaytanov, who was recruited in 2014 by the FSB during a Russian-Ukrainian anti-terrorist working group under the command of Colonel Igor Egorov. He was known to head the anti-terrorist division who had played a prominent role in negotiating ceasefires and prisoner exchanges with Russia-backed militants in Eastern Ukraine. He had planned the future assassination of Adam Osmayev, a Chechen in the International Peacekeeping Battalion named after Dzhokhar Dudayev which is defending Ukraine against Russia aggression."Department of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs""Special Commission of the All Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs"According to reports of UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, the SBU personnel is accountable for multiple cases of human rights abuses including enforced disappearings, sexual violence, and torture.In the 2016 Amnesty International and human Rights Watch reported that the SBU operates secret detention facilities where civilians are held incommunicado being subjected to improper treatment and torture.In December 2017 the UN mission in Ukraine expressed concerns about a situation with "freedom of opinion and expression" in Ukraine which facing "mounting challenges". According to the UN reports the SBU is taking advantage of broad interpretation and application of Ukrainian Criminal Code against independent Ukrainian journalists, bloggers, and media activists.	[ "Yevhen Marchuk", "Volodymyr Radchenko", "Nikolai Golushko", "Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi", "Igor Kalinin", "Ihor Smeshko", "Valentyn Nalyvaichenko", "Vasyl Hrytsak", "Ihor Drizhchany", "Wałerij Malikow", "Ivan Bakanov", "Leonid Derkach", "Oleksandr Yakymenko" ]
Who was the chair of Security Service of Ukraine in Aug 19, 2005?	August 19, 2005	{ "text": [ "Oleksandr Turchynov" ] }	L2_Q615811_P488_6	Oleksandr Yakymenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2014. Ihor Smeshko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2003 to Feb, 2005. Volodymyr Radchenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1995 to Apr, 1998. Leonid Derkach is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Apr, 1998 to Feb, 2001. Yevhen Marchuk is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Nov, 1991 to Jul, 1994. Wałerij Malikow is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1995. Ihor Drizhchany is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2005 to Dec, 2006. Igor Kalinin is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Mar, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Valentyn Nalyvaichenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Dec, 2006 to Mar, 2010. Ivan Bakanov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Aug, 2019 to Jul, 2022. Oleksandr Turchynov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2005 to Sep, 2005. Nikolai Golushko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 1991 to Nov, 1991. Vasyl Hrytsak is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 2015 to Jun, 2019.	Security Service of UkraineThe Security Service of Ukraine (; "Sluzhba bezpeky Ukrayiny") or SBU is Ukraine's law-enforcement authority and main government security agency in the areas of counterintelligence activity and combating terrorism.The Security Service of Ukraine is vested, within its competence defined by law, with the protection of national sovereignty, constitutional order, territorial integrity, economical, scientific, technical, and defense potential of Ukraine, legal interests of the state, and civil rights, from intelligence and subversion activities of foreign special services and from unlawful interference attempted by certain organizations, groups and individuals, as well with ensuring the protection of state secrets.Other duties include combating crimes that endanger the peace and security of mankind, terrorism, corruption, and organized criminal activities in the sphere of management and economy, as well as other unlawful acts immediately threatening Ukraine's vital interests.The general structure and operational methods of SBU appear to be very similar to that of its predecessor (KGB of Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) with exception of Ukrainian Border Guards and department responsible for security of high-rank state officials. Both of them became independent institutions. However the SBU keeps under control special operation units Alpha with bases in every Ukrainian province. According to British political expert Taras Kuzio the organizational structure of SBU remains to be as bloated in size as the Soviet Ukrainian KGB because the total number of active officers as high as 30,000. It is six times larger than British domestic MI5 and external MI6 combined together.On 14 January 1918 the Ukrainian People's Republic founded its Security Services.In May 1918 the Department of the State Guard of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian State started to form a new intelligence service. This was a much more effective agency than its predecessor due to the incorporation of former employees of Okhrana (the secret police force of the Russian Empire). After the fall of the Ukrainian State and the return of power of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR) in December 1918, the new UNR authorities destroyed virtually all of the state infrastructure of the Ukrainian State. Therefore, the new secret services founded in January 1919 (with two divisions - domestic and foreign) had to start practically from scratch. It never became as well lead, nor successful, as the security services of the Ukrainian State. The security services of the West Ukrainian People's Republic on the other hand were well-organized. The West Ukrainian People's Republic were formed in March 1919 as the Field Gendarmerie of the Ukrainian Galician Army (it also served as military police). There was no cooperation between the West Ukrainian People's Republic and Ukrainian People's Republic security services.In 1924 former (April–July 1919) head of intelligence of the Ukrainian People's Republic Mykola Chebotarov started intelligence work on his own initiative for the Ukrainian People's Republic government in exile on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR.The All-Ukrainian Cheka was formed on December 3, 1918 in Kursk on the initiative from Yakov Sverdlov and Lenin's orders. The commission was formed on the decree of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government of Ukraine and later adopted on May 30, 1919 by the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee. To support the Soviet government in Ukraine, in Moscow was formed a corps of special assignment with 24,500 soldiers as part of the All-Ukrainian Cheka. In spring 1919 there was created the Council in fight against counterrevolution and consisted of Adolph Joffe, Stanislav Kosior, and Martin Latsis. In its early years the security agency fought against the "kulak-nationalistic banditry" (peasants who resisted having their land confiscated and being forced into collective farms). On August 19, 1920 the All-Ukrainian Cheka arrested all members of the All-Ukrainian Conference of Mensheviks after accusing them in counterrevolution. On December 10, 1934 the State Political Directorate of Ukraine was dissolved, becoming part of the NKVD of Ukraine.The SBU is a successor of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch of the Soviet KGB, keeping the majority of its 1990s personnel. Many of whom came from the KGB's 5th directorate. It was created in September 1991 following the August 1991 independence of Ukraine. The last Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch head Colonel-General Nikolai Golushko stayed on as chairman of the newly formed Security Service of Ukraine for four months before moving to Russia. (Golushko headed the Russian Federal Counterintelligence Service in Golushko in 1993 and 1994.)Since 1992, the agency has been competing in intelligence functions with the intelligence branch of the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense. Despite this, a former Military Intelligence Chief and career GRU technological espionage expert, Ihor Smeshko, served as an SBU chief until 2005.According to Taras Kuzio during the 1990s in some regions of Ukraine (Donetsk) the SBU teamed up with local criminals taking part in privatization of state property (so-called "prykhvatizatsiya") ignoring its operational objectives and sky-rocketing level of local violence. A notorious incident took place in December 1995 in Western Ukraine when a local citizen Yuriy Mozola was arrested by SBU agents, interrogated and brutally tortured for three days. He refused to confess in trumped up murder charges and died in SBU custody. Later it turned out that the real killer was Anatoly Onoprienko. He was arrested the next year.Reports of SBU involvement in arms sales abroad began appearing regularly in the early 2000s. Ukrainian authorities have acknowledged these sales and arrested some alleged participants.In 2004, the SBU's Intelligence Department was reorganized into an independent agency called Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine. It is responsible for all kinds of intelligence as well as for external security. As of 2004, the exact functions of the new service, and respective responsibilities of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine were not regulated yet. On November 7, 2005 the President of Ukraine created the Ukraine State Service of special communications and protection of information, also known as Derzhspetszvyazok (StateSpecCom) in place of one of the departments of SBU and making it an autonomous agency. The SBU subsumed the Directorate of State Protection of Ukraine (), the personal protection agency for the most senior government officials, which was the former Ninth Directorate of the Ukrainian KGB.The SBU's State Directorate of Personal Protection is known for its former Major Mykola Mel'nychenko, the communications protection agent in President Leonid Kuchma's bodyguard team. Mel'nychenko was the central figure of the Cassette Scandal (2000)—one of the main events in Ukraine's post-independence history. SBU became involved in the case when Mel'nychenko accused Leonid Derkach, SBU Chief at the time, of several crimes, e.g., of clandestine relations with Russian mafia leader Semyon Mogilevich. However, the UDO was subsumed into the SBU after the scandal, so Mel'nychenko himself has never been an SBU agent.Later, the SBU played a significant role in the investigation of the Georgiy Gongadze murder case, the crime that caused the Cassette Scandal itself.In 2004, General Valeriy Kravchenko, SBU's intelligence representative in Germany, publicly accused his agency of political involvement, including overseas spying on Ukrainian opposition politicians and German TV journalists. He was fired without returning home. After a half-year of hiding in Germany, Kravchenko returned to Ukraine and surrendered in October 2004 (an investigation is underway).Later, the agency commanders became involved in the scandal around the poisoning of Viktor Yushchenko—a main candidate in the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election. Yushchenko felt unwell soon after supper with SBU Chief Ihor Smeshko, at the home of Smeshko's first deputy. However, neither the politician himself nor the investigators have ever directly accused these officers. It is also important to note that the Personal Protection department has been officially responsible for Yushchenko's personal security since he became a candidate. During the Orange Revolution, several SBU veterans and cadets publicly supported him as president-elect, while the agency as a whole remained neutral.In 2005, soon after the elections, sacked SBU Chief Smeshko and other intelligence agents stated their own version of the revolution's events. They claimed to have prevented militsiya from violently suppressing the protests, contradicting the orders of President Kuchma and threatening "militsiya" with armed involvement of SBU's special forces units. This story was first described by the American journalist C.J. Chivers of "The New York Times" and has never been supported with documents or legally.The SBU is widely suspected of illegal surveillance and eavesdropping of offices and phones.An episode of human rights abuse by SBU happened during the case of serial killer Anatoly Onoprienko. Yuriy Mozola, an initial suspect in the investigation, died in SBU custody in Lviv as a result of torture. Several agents were convicted in the case. The SBU remains a political controversial subject in Ukrainian politics.The former Security Service of Ukraine Head Valeriy Khoroshkovsky was involved in several controversies during his tenure. The rector of the Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv Borys Gudziak heavily criticized a visit from the SBU, forcing Khoroshkovskiy to apologize. Later the head of the Kyiv Bureau of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Nico Lange, was detained for a short while and released only after several high-ranking officials from the "German Chancellery" vouched for him. The Security Service described the incident as a misunderstanding. Khoroshkovskiy, as the Chairman of the SBU, eliminated the main competition of Ukrainian TV-giant "Inter", officially owned by his wife Olena Khoroshkovskiy, in the face of "TVi" and "Channel 5". In July 2010, Konrad Schuller of the "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung" wrote that Khoroshkovskiy had connections with RosUkrEnergo. The most important source of Khoroshkovskiy's came from RosUkrEnergo. The President's spokesperson, Hanna Herman, in an interview with this newspaper, did not dispute that Dmytro Firtash was one of the sponsors of the Presidential Party of Regions, with the help of which Khoroshkovskiy was appointed to the position of the State Security chairman. Khoroshkovskiy denied any connections to RosUkrEnergo. However it is a fact that Firtash possesses certain privileges in Inter. Schuller also stated that the SBU acts in direct association with RosUkrEnergo, arresting their main opponents (see RosUkrEnergo) in order to recover their invested money in the recent presidential campaign. Khoroshkovskiy having declined to give an interview to "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung", Schuller posted a quote from one of his other interviews:When Minister of Finance Fedir Yaroshenko resigned on January 18, 2012, Khoroshkovsky replaced him in the post on the same day. Khoroshkovsky is also the owner of U.A. Inter Media Group which owns major shares in various Ukrainian TV channels including Inter TV. 238 members of the Verkhovna Rada voted for Khoroshkovsky, however the head of the parliamentary committee for the National Security and Defense Anatoliy Hrytsenko stated that the committee accepted the decision to recommend Verkhovna Rada to deny the candidature of Khoroshkovskiy on the post of the chairman of Security Service of Ukraine.Khoroshkovskiy said the SBU's main duty was to protect the president rather than the interests of Ukraine. On July 26, 2010 it arrested an internet blogger, producing a warrant for his arrest the next day. SBU accused the blogger of threatening the President of Ukraine, citing his comment "May thunder strike Yanukovych!"; he was released after a short discussion. However, SBU showed a rather passive reaction to the statements of the Russian state official who claimed that Crimea and Sevastopol belong to the Russian Federation. Protest group FEMEN said that after the early 2010 election of President Viktor Yanukovych the SBU attempted to intimidate the FEMEN activists.On May 22, 2012 Volodymyr Rokytskyi, Deputy Head of the SBU, was photographed in public wearing a $32,000 luxury wristwatch despite the fact that its price amounts to his yearly official income. The instance happened at a joint Ukrainian-American event dedicated to fighting the drug trade.The SBU uncovered seven spies and 16 special service agents in 2009.A large number of arrests and searches occurred in 2011.In February 2014, numerous documents, hard drives, and flash drives, including data on over 22,000 officers and informants, were stolen or destroyed in a raid on the SBU allegedly ordered by President Viktor Yanukovych.Late February 2014 opposition MP Hennadiy Moskal released papers that showed the SBU had allegedly infiltrated the late 2013-February 2014 anti-government Euromaidan protest. According to BBC Ukraine analyst Olexiy Solohubenko many tactics discussed in the paper had indeed been performed.After the overthrow of Yanukovich in the February 2014 Ukrainian revolution the new SBU head Valentyn Nalyvaichenko claimed to have found his new office building empty, saying "the agency’s former leadership had all fled to Russia or Crimea. There were no operative files, no weapons. Institutionally, the place was totally destroyed". Nalyvaichenko also claimed that at that time the agency was heavily infiltrated by Russian spies. Indeed, Nalyvaichenko predecessor Oleksandr Yakymenko with about 15 former SBU top officials surfaced in Russia a few days later. Allegedly in the months following the 2014 Ukrainian revolution thousands of Ukrainian spies switched sides and began reporting to Russia during the 2014 Crimean crisis and the pro-Russian unrest in east and south Ukraine. At the end of 2014 235 SBU agents, including the former counterintelligence chief and his cousin, and hundreds of other operatives had been arrested and 25 high treason probes against Yanukovych-era SBU officials had been launched; also all regional directors had been changed, as well as half of their deputies. In July 2015 Nalyvaichenko claimed “There’s no longer a total infiltration of Russian agents. The danger is no longer widespread”. The arrested agents were replaced by new recruits from western Ukraine, many of them in their early twenties. To test loyalty, all SBU agents are subjected to recurrent interrogations and lie detector tests.In June 2015, the "Kyiv Post" reported that a deputy chief of the SBU, Vitaly Malikov, had supported events leading to the annexation of Crimea. According to February 2016 official figures of the Ukrainian parliamentary Committee on National Security, after Russia's annexation 10% of SBU personnel left Crimea. According to the SBU itself (in November 2017) 13% did so.On December 21, 2017, two Ukrainian civil servants were arrested by the SBU for spying on behalf of Russia, one of them being an SBU employee while the other, Stanislav Yezhov, worked for various cabinet ministers.In late 2018, the SBU carries out raids across the country targeting the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) churches and priests.On July 8, 2019, the SBU announced that they conducted a raid into Donbass to apprehend Vladimir Borysovich Tsemakh, who was head of the air defense in Snizhne and a 'person of interest' when a Buk missile launcher was used to shoot down MH17. The SBU mentioned that he's a witness to the incident.On April 14, 2020, the SBU announced the arrest of Lt. General Valeriy Shaytanov, who was recruited in 2014 by the FSB during a Russian-Ukrainian anti-terrorist working group under the command of Colonel Igor Egorov. He was known to head the anti-terrorist division who had played a prominent role in negotiating ceasefires and prisoner exchanges with Russia-backed militants in Eastern Ukraine. He had planned the future assassination of Adam Osmayev, a Chechen in the International Peacekeeping Battalion named after Dzhokhar Dudayev which is defending Ukraine against Russia aggression."Department of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs""Special Commission of the All Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs"According to reports of UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, the SBU personnel is accountable for multiple cases of human rights abuses including enforced disappearings, sexual violence, and torture.In the 2016 Amnesty International and human Rights Watch reported that the SBU operates secret detention facilities where civilians are held incommunicado being subjected to improper treatment and torture.In December 2017 the UN mission in Ukraine expressed concerns about a situation with "freedom of opinion and expression" in Ukraine which facing "mounting challenges". According to the UN reports the SBU is taking advantage of broad interpretation and application of Ukrainian Criminal Code against independent Ukrainian journalists, bloggers, and media activists.	[ "Yevhen Marchuk", "Volodymyr Radchenko", "Nikolai Golushko", "Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi", "Igor Kalinin", "Ihor Smeshko", "Valentyn Nalyvaichenko", "Vasyl Hrytsak", "Ihor Drizhchany", "Wałerij Malikow", "Ivan Bakanov", "Leonid Derkach", "Oleksandr Yakymenko" ]
Who was the chair of Security Service of Ukraine in 08/19/2005?	August 19, 2005	{ "text": [ "Oleksandr Turchynov" ] }	L2_Q615811_P488_6	Oleksandr Yakymenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2014. Ihor Smeshko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2003 to Feb, 2005. Volodymyr Radchenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1995 to Apr, 1998. Leonid Derkach is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Apr, 1998 to Feb, 2001. Yevhen Marchuk is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Nov, 1991 to Jul, 1994. Wałerij Malikow is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1995. Ihor Drizhchany is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2005 to Dec, 2006. Igor Kalinin is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Mar, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Valentyn Nalyvaichenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Dec, 2006 to Mar, 2010. Ivan Bakanov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Aug, 2019 to Jul, 2022. Oleksandr Turchynov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2005 to Sep, 2005. Nikolai Golushko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 1991 to Nov, 1991. Vasyl Hrytsak is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 2015 to Jun, 2019.	Security Service of UkraineThe Security Service of Ukraine (; "Sluzhba bezpeky Ukrayiny") or SBU is Ukraine's law-enforcement authority and main government security agency in the areas of counterintelligence activity and combating terrorism.The Security Service of Ukraine is vested, within its competence defined by law, with the protection of national sovereignty, constitutional order, territorial integrity, economical, scientific, technical, and defense potential of Ukraine, legal interests of the state, and civil rights, from intelligence and subversion activities of foreign special services and from unlawful interference attempted by certain organizations, groups and individuals, as well with ensuring the protection of state secrets.Other duties include combating crimes that endanger the peace and security of mankind, terrorism, corruption, and organized criminal activities in the sphere of management and economy, as well as other unlawful acts immediately threatening Ukraine's vital interests.The general structure and operational methods of SBU appear to be very similar to that of its predecessor (KGB of Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) with exception of Ukrainian Border Guards and department responsible for security of high-rank state officials. Both of them became independent institutions. However the SBU keeps under control special operation units Alpha with bases in every Ukrainian province. According to British political expert Taras Kuzio the organizational structure of SBU remains to be as bloated in size as the Soviet Ukrainian KGB because the total number of active officers as high as 30,000. It is six times larger than British domestic MI5 and external MI6 combined together.On 14 January 1918 the Ukrainian People's Republic founded its Security Services.In May 1918 the Department of the State Guard of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian State started to form a new intelligence service. This was a much more effective agency than its predecessor due to the incorporation of former employees of Okhrana (the secret police force of the Russian Empire). After the fall of the Ukrainian State and the return of power of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR) in December 1918, the new UNR authorities destroyed virtually all of the state infrastructure of the Ukrainian State. Therefore, the new secret services founded in January 1919 (with two divisions - domestic and foreign) had to start practically from scratch. It never became as well lead, nor successful, as the security services of the Ukrainian State. The security services of the West Ukrainian People's Republic on the other hand were well-organized. The West Ukrainian People's Republic were formed in March 1919 as the Field Gendarmerie of the Ukrainian Galician Army (it also served as military police). There was no cooperation between the West Ukrainian People's Republic and Ukrainian People's Republic security services.In 1924 former (April–July 1919) head of intelligence of the Ukrainian People's Republic Mykola Chebotarov started intelligence work on his own initiative for the Ukrainian People's Republic government in exile on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR.The All-Ukrainian Cheka was formed on December 3, 1918 in Kursk on the initiative from Yakov Sverdlov and Lenin's orders. The commission was formed on the decree of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government of Ukraine and later adopted on May 30, 1919 by the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee. To support the Soviet government in Ukraine, in Moscow was formed a corps of special assignment with 24,500 soldiers as part of the All-Ukrainian Cheka. In spring 1919 there was created the Council in fight against counterrevolution and consisted of Adolph Joffe, Stanislav Kosior, and Martin Latsis. In its early years the security agency fought against the "kulak-nationalistic banditry" (peasants who resisted having their land confiscated and being forced into collective farms). On August 19, 1920 the All-Ukrainian Cheka arrested all members of the All-Ukrainian Conference of Mensheviks after accusing them in counterrevolution. On December 10, 1934 the State Political Directorate of Ukraine was dissolved, becoming part of the NKVD of Ukraine.The SBU is a successor of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch of the Soviet KGB, keeping the majority of its 1990s personnel. Many of whom came from the KGB's 5th directorate. It was created in September 1991 following the August 1991 independence of Ukraine. The last Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch head Colonel-General Nikolai Golushko stayed on as chairman of the newly formed Security Service of Ukraine for four months before moving to Russia. (Golushko headed the Russian Federal Counterintelligence Service in Golushko in 1993 and 1994.)Since 1992, the agency has been competing in intelligence functions with the intelligence branch of the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense. Despite this, a former Military Intelligence Chief and career GRU technological espionage expert, Ihor Smeshko, served as an SBU chief until 2005.According to Taras Kuzio during the 1990s in some regions of Ukraine (Donetsk) the SBU teamed up with local criminals taking part in privatization of state property (so-called "prykhvatizatsiya") ignoring its operational objectives and sky-rocketing level of local violence. A notorious incident took place in December 1995 in Western Ukraine when a local citizen Yuriy Mozola was arrested by SBU agents, interrogated and brutally tortured for three days. He refused to confess in trumped up murder charges and died in SBU custody. Later it turned out that the real killer was Anatoly Onoprienko. He was arrested the next year.Reports of SBU involvement in arms sales abroad began appearing regularly in the early 2000s. Ukrainian authorities have acknowledged these sales and arrested some alleged participants.In 2004, the SBU's Intelligence Department was reorganized into an independent agency called Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine. It is responsible for all kinds of intelligence as well as for external security. As of 2004, the exact functions of the new service, and respective responsibilities of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine were not regulated yet. On November 7, 2005 the President of Ukraine created the Ukraine State Service of special communications and protection of information, also known as Derzhspetszvyazok (StateSpecCom) in place of one of the departments of SBU and making it an autonomous agency. The SBU subsumed the Directorate of State Protection of Ukraine (), the personal protection agency for the most senior government officials, which was the former Ninth Directorate of the Ukrainian KGB.The SBU's State Directorate of Personal Protection is known for its former Major Mykola Mel'nychenko, the communications protection agent in President Leonid Kuchma's bodyguard team. Mel'nychenko was the central figure of the Cassette Scandal (2000)—one of the main events in Ukraine's post-independence history. SBU became involved in the case when Mel'nychenko accused Leonid Derkach, SBU Chief at the time, of several crimes, e.g., of clandestine relations with Russian mafia leader Semyon Mogilevich. However, the UDO was subsumed into the SBU after the scandal, so Mel'nychenko himself has never been an SBU agent.Later, the SBU played a significant role in the investigation of the Georgiy Gongadze murder case, the crime that caused the Cassette Scandal itself.In 2004, General Valeriy Kravchenko, SBU's intelligence representative in Germany, publicly accused his agency of political involvement, including overseas spying on Ukrainian opposition politicians and German TV journalists. He was fired without returning home. After a half-year of hiding in Germany, Kravchenko returned to Ukraine and surrendered in October 2004 (an investigation is underway).Later, the agency commanders became involved in the scandal around the poisoning of Viktor Yushchenko—a main candidate in the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election. Yushchenko felt unwell soon after supper with SBU Chief Ihor Smeshko, at the home of Smeshko's first deputy. However, neither the politician himself nor the investigators have ever directly accused these officers. It is also important to note that the Personal Protection department has been officially responsible for Yushchenko's personal security since he became a candidate. During the Orange Revolution, several SBU veterans and cadets publicly supported him as president-elect, while the agency as a whole remained neutral.In 2005, soon after the elections, sacked SBU Chief Smeshko and other intelligence agents stated their own version of the revolution's events. They claimed to have prevented militsiya from violently suppressing the protests, contradicting the orders of President Kuchma and threatening "militsiya" with armed involvement of SBU's special forces units. This story was first described by the American journalist C.J. Chivers of "The New York Times" and has never been supported with documents or legally.The SBU is widely suspected of illegal surveillance and eavesdropping of offices and phones.An episode of human rights abuse by SBU happened during the case of serial killer Anatoly Onoprienko. Yuriy Mozola, an initial suspect in the investigation, died in SBU custody in Lviv as a result of torture. Several agents were convicted in the case. The SBU remains a political controversial subject in Ukrainian politics.The former Security Service of Ukraine Head Valeriy Khoroshkovsky was involved in several controversies during his tenure. The rector of the Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv Borys Gudziak heavily criticized a visit from the SBU, forcing Khoroshkovskiy to apologize. Later the head of the Kyiv Bureau of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Nico Lange, was detained for a short while and released only after several high-ranking officials from the "German Chancellery" vouched for him. The Security Service described the incident as a misunderstanding. Khoroshkovskiy, as the Chairman of the SBU, eliminated the main competition of Ukrainian TV-giant "Inter", officially owned by his wife Olena Khoroshkovskiy, in the face of "TVi" and "Channel 5". In July 2010, Konrad Schuller of the "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung" wrote that Khoroshkovskiy had connections with RosUkrEnergo. The most important source of Khoroshkovskiy's came from RosUkrEnergo. The President's spokesperson, Hanna Herman, in an interview with this newspaper, did not dispute that Dmytro Firtash was one of the sponsors of the Presidential Party of Regions, with the help of which Khoroshkovskiy was appointed to the position of the State Security chairman. Khoroshkovskiy denied any connections to RosUkrEnergo. However it is a fact that Firtash possesses certain privileges in Inter. Schuller also stated that the SBU acts in direct association with RosUkrEnergo, arresting their main opponents (see RosUkrEnergo) in order to recover their invested money in the recent presidential campaign. Khoroshkovskiy having declined to give an interview to "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung", Schuller posted a quote from one of his other interviews:When Minister of Finance Fedir Yaroshenko resigned on January 18, 2012, Khoroshkovsky replaced him in the post on the same day. Khoroshkovsky is also the owner of U.A. Inter Media Group which owns major shares in various Ukrainian TV channels including Inter TV. 238 members of the Verkhovna Rada voted for Khoroshkovsky, however the head of the parliamentary committee for the National Security and Defense Anatoliy Hrytsenko stated that the committee accepted the decision to recommend Verkhovna Rada to deny the candidature of Khoroshkovskiy on the post of the chairman of Security Service of Ukraine.Khoroshkovskiy said the SBU's main duty was to protect the president rather than the interests of Ukraine. On July 26, 2010 it arrested an internet blogger, producing a warrant for his arrest the next day. SBU accused the blogger of threatening the President of Ukraine, citing his comment "May thunder strike Yanukovych!"; he was released after a short discussion. However, SBU showed a rather passive reaction to the statements of the Russian state official who claimed that Crimea and Sevastopol belong to the Russian Federation. Protest group FEMEN said that after the early 2010 election of President Viktor Yanukovych the SBU attempted to intimidate the FEMEN activists.On May 22, 2012 Volodymyr Rokytskyi, Deputy Head of the SBU, was photographed in public wearing a $32,000 luxury wristwatch despite the fact that its price amounts to his yearly official income. The instance happened at a joint Ukrainian-American event dedicated to fighting the drug trade.The SBU uncovered seven spies and 16 special service agents in 2009.A large number of arrests and searches occurred in 2011.In February 2014, numerous documents, hard drives, and flash drives, including data on over 22,000 officers and informants, were stolen or destroyed in a raid on the SBU allegedly ordered by President Viktor Yanukovych.Late February 2014 opposition MP Hennadiy Moskal released papers that showed the SBU had allegedly infiltrated the late 2013-February 2014 anti-government Euromaidan protest. According to BBC Ukraine analyst Olexiy Solohubenko many tactics discussed in the paper had indeed been performed.After the overthrow of Yanukovich in the February 2014 Ukrainian revolution the new SBU head Valentyn Nalyvaichenko claimed to have found his new office building empty, saying "the agency’s former leadership had all fled to Russia or Crimea. There were no operative files, no weapons. Institutionally, the place was totally destroyed". Nalyvaichenko also claimed that at that time the agency was heavily infiltrated by Russian spies. Indeed, Nalyvaichenko predecessor Oleksandr Yakymenko with about 15 former SBU top officials surfaced in Russia a few days later. Allegedly in the months following the 2014 Ukrainian revolution thousands of Ukrainian spies switched sides and began reporting to Russia during the 2014 Crimean crisis and the pro-Russian unrest in east and south Ukraine. At the end of 2014 235 SBU agents, including the former counterintelligence chief and his cousin, and hundreds of other operatives had been arrested and 25 high treason probes against Yanukovych-era SBU officials had been launched; also all regional directors had been changed, as well as half of their deputies. In July 2015 Nalyvaichenko claimed “There’s no longer a total infiltration of Russian agents. The danger is no longer widespread”. The arrested agents were replaced by new recruits from western Ukraine, many of them in their early twenties. To test loyalty, all SBU agents are subjected to recurrent interrogations and lie detector tests.In June 2015, the "Kyiv Post" reported that a deputy chief of the SBU, Vitaly Malikov, had supported events leading to the annexation of Crimea. According to February 2016 official figures of the Ukrainian parliamentary Committee on National Security, after Russia's annexation 10% of SBU personnel left Crimea. According to the SBU itself (in November 2017) 13% did so.On December 21, 2017, two Ukrainian civil servants were arrested by the SBU for spying on behalf of Russia, one of them being an SBU employee while the other, Stanislav Yezhov, worked for various cabinet ministers.In late 2018, the SBU carries out raids across the country targeting the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) churches and priests.On July 8, 2019, the SBU announced that they conducted a raid into Donbass to apprehend Vladimir Borysovich Tsemakh, who was head of the air defense in Snizhne and a 'person of interest' when a Buk missile launcher was used to shoot down MH17. The SBU mentioned that he's a witness to the incident.On April 14, 2020, the SBU announced the arrest of Lt. General Valeriy Shaytanov, who was recruited in 2014 by the FSB during a Russian-Ukrainian anti-terrorist working group under the command of Colonel Igor Egorov. He was known to head the anti-terrorist division who had played a prominent role in negotiating ceasefires and prisoner exchanges with Russia-backed militants in Eastern Ukraine. He had planned the future assassination of Adam Osmayev, a Chechen in the International Peacekeeping Battalion named after Dzhokhar Dudayev which is defending Ukraine against Russia aggression."Department of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs""Special Commission of the All Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs"According to reports of UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, the SBU personnel is accountable for multiple cases of human rights abuses including enforced disappearings, sexual violence, and torture.In the 2016 Amnesty International and human Rights Watch reported that the SBU operates secret detention facilities where civilians are held incommunicado being subjected to improper treatment and torture.In December 2017 the UN mission in Ukraine expressed concerns about a situation with "freedom of opinion and expression" in Ukraine which facing "mounting challenges". According to the UN reports the SBU is taking advantage of broad interpretation and application of Ukrainian Criminal Code against independent Ukrainian journalists, bloggers, and media activists.	[ "Yevhen Marchuk", "Volodymyr Radchenko", "Nikolai Golushko", "Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi", "Igor Kalinin", "Ihor Smeshko", "Valentyn Nalyvaichenko", "Vasyl Hrytsak", "Ihor Drizhchany", "Wałerij Malikow", "Ivan Bakanov", "Leonid Derkach", "Oleksandr Yakymenko" ]
Who was the chair of Security Service of Ukraine in 19-Aug-200519-August-2005?	August 19, 2005	{ "text": [ "Oleksandr Turchynov" ] }	L2_Q615811_P488_6	Oleksandr Yakymenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jan, 2013 to Feb, 2014. Ihor Smeshko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2003 to Feb, 2005. Volodymyr Radchenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1995 to Apr, 1998. Leonid Derkach is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Apr, 1998 to Feb, 2001. Yevhen Marchuk is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Nov, 1991 to Jul, 1994. Wałerij Malikow is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 1994 to Jul, 1995. Ihor Drizhchany is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 2005 to Dec, 2006. Igor Kalinin is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Mar, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Valentyn Nalyvaichenko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Dec, 2006 to Mar, 2010. Ivan Bakanov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Aug, 2019 to Jul, 2022. Oleksandr Turchynov is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Feb, 2005 to Sep, 2005. Nikolai Golushko is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Sep, 1991 to Nov, 1991. Vasyl Hrytsak is the chair of Security Service of Ukraine from Jul, 2015 to Jun, 2019.	Security Service of UkraineThe Security Service of Ukraine (; "Sluzhba bezpeky Ukrayiny") or SBU is Ukraine's law-enforcement authority and main government security agency in the areas of counterintelligence activity and combating terrorism.The Security Service of Ukraine is vested, within its competence defined by law, with the protection of national sovereignty, constitutional order, territorial integrity, economical, scientific, technical, and defense potential of Ukraine, legal interests of the state, and civil rights, from intelligence and subversion activities of foreign special services and from unlawful interference attempted by certain organizations, groups and individuals, as well with ensuring the protection of state secrets.Other duties include combating crimes that endanger the peace and security of mankind, terrorism, corruption, and organized criminal activities in the sphere of management and economy, as well as other unlawful acts immediately threatening Ukraine's vital interests.The general structure and operational methods of SBU appear to be very similar to that of its predecessor (KGB of Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) with exception of Ukrainian Border Guards and department responsible for security of high-rank state officials. Both of them became independent institutions. However the SBU keeps under control special operation units Alpha with bases in every Ukrainian province. According to British political expert Taras Kuzio the organizational structure of SBU remains to be as bloated in size as the Soviet Ukrainian KGB because the total number of active officers as high as 30,000. It is six times larger than British domestic MI5 and external MI6 combined together.On 14 January 1918 the Ukrainian People's Republic founded its Security Services.In May 1918 the Department of the State Guard of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian State started to form a new intelligence service. This was a much more effective agency than its predecessor due to the incorporation of former employees of Okhrana (the secret police force of the Russian Empire). After the fall of the Ukrainian State and the return of power of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR) in December 1918, the new UNR authorities destroyed virtually all of the state infrastructure of the Ukrainian State. Therefore, the new secret services founded in January 1919 (with two divisions - domestic and foreign) had to start practically from scratch. It never became as well lead, nor successful, as the security services of the Ukrainian State. The security services of the West Ukrainian People's Republic on the other hand were well-organized. The West Ukrainian People's Republic were formed in March 1919 as the Field Gendarmerie of the Ukrainian Galician Army (it also served as military police). There was no cooperation between the West Ukrainian People's Republic and Ukrainian People's Republic security services.In 1924 former (April–July 1919) head of intelligence of the Ukrainian People's Republic Mykola Chebotarov started intelligence work on his own initiative for the Ukrainian People's Republic government in exile on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR.The All-Ukrainian Cheka was formed on December 3, 1918 in Kursk on the initiative from Yakov Sverdlov and Lenin's orders. The commission was formed on the decree of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Government of Ukraine and later adopted on May 30, 1919 by the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee. To support the Soviet government in Ukraine, in Moscow was formed a corps of special assignment with 24,500 soldiers as part of the All-Ukrainian Cheka. In spring 1919 there was created the Council in fight against counterrevolution and consisted of Adolph Joffe, Stanislav Kosior, and Martin Latsis. In its early years the security agency fought against the "kulak-nationalistic banditry" (peasants who resisted having their land confiscated and being forced into collective farms). On August 19, 1920 the All-Ukrainian Cheka arrested all members of the All-Ukrainian Conference of Mensheviks after accusing them in counterrevolution. On December 10, 1934 the State Political Directorate of Ukraine was dissolved, becoming part of the NKVD of Ukraine.The SBU is a successor of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch of the Soviet KGB, keeping the majority of its 1990s personnel. Many of whom came from the KGB's 5th directorate. It was created in September 1991 following the August 1991 independence of Ukraine. The last Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic's Branch head Colonel-General Nikolai Golushko stayed on as chairman of the newly formed Security Service of Ukraine for four months before moving to Russia. (Golushko headed the Russian Federal Counterintelligence Service in Golushko in 1993 and 1994.)Since 1992, the agency has been competing in intelligence functions with the intelligence branch of the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense. Despite this, a former Military Intelligence Chief and career GRU technological espionage expert, Ihor Smeshko, served as an SBU chief until 2005.According to Taras Kuzio during the 1990s in some regions of Ukraine (Donetsk) the SBU teamed up with local criminals taking part in privatization of state property (so-called "prykhvatizatsiya") ignoring its operational objectives and sky-rocketing level of local violence. A notorious incident took place in December 1995 in Western Ukraine when a local citizen Yuriy Mozola was arrested by SBU agents, interrogated and brutally tortured for three days. He refused to confess in trumped up murder charges and died in SBU custody. Later it turned out that the real killer was Anatoly Onoprienko. He was arrested the next year.Reports of SBU involvement in arms sales abroad began appearing regularly in the early 2000s. Ukrainian authorities have acknowledged these sales and arrested some alleged participants.In 2004, the SBU's Intelligence Department was reorganized into an independent agency called Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine. It is responsible for all kinds of intelligence as well as for external security. As of 2004, the exact functions of the new service, and respective responsibilities of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine were not regulated yet. On November 7, 2005 the President of Ukraine created the Ukraine State Service of special communications and protection of information, also known as Derzhspetszvyazok (StateSpecCom) in place of one of the departments of SBU and making it an autonomous agency. The SBU subsumed the Directorate of State Protection of Ukraine (), the personal protection agency for the most senior government officials, which was the former Ninth Directorate of the Ukrainian KGB.The SBU's State Directorate of Personal Protection is known for its former Major Mykola Mel'nychenko, the communications protection agent in President Leonid Kuchma's bodyguard team. Mel'nychenko was the central figure of the Cassette Scandal (2000)—one of the main events in Ukraine's post-independence history. SBU became involved in the case when Mel'nychenko accused Leonid Derkach, SBU Chief at the time, of several crimes, e.g., of clandestine relations with Russian mafia leader Semyon Mogilevich. However, the UDO was subsumed into the SBU after the scandal, so Mel'nychenko himself has never been an SBU agent.Later, the SBU played a significant role in the investigation of the Georgiy Gongadze murder case, the crime that caused the Cassette Scandal itself.In 2004, General Valeriy Kravchenko, SBU's intelligence representative in Germany, publicly accused his agency of political involvement, including overseas spying on Ukrainian opposition politicians and German TV journalists. He was fired without returning home. After a half-year of hiding in Germany, Kravchenko returned to Ukraine and surrendered in October 2004 (an investigation is underway).Later, the agency commanders became involved in the scandal around the poisoning of Viktor Yushchenko—a main candidate in the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election. Yushchenko felt unwell soon after supper with SBU Chief Ihor Smeshko, at the home of Smeshko's first deputy. However, neither the politician himself nor the investigators have ever directly accused these officers. It is also important to note that the Personal Protection department has been officially responsible for Yushchenko's personal security since he became a candidate. During the Orange Revolution, several SBU veterans and cadets publicly supported him as president-elect, while the agency as a whole remained neutral.In 2005, soon after the elections, sacked SBU Chief Smeshko and other intelligence agents stated their own version of the revolution's events. They claimed to have prevented militsiya from violently suppressing the protests, contradicting the orders of President Kuchma and threatening "militsiya" with armed involvement of SBU's special forces units. This story was first described by the American journalist C.J. Chivers of "The New York Times" and has never been supported with documents or legally.The SBU is widely suspected of illegal surveillance and eavesdropping of offices and phones.An episode of human rights abuse by SBU happened during the case of serial killer Anatoly Onoprienko. Yuriy Mozola, an initial suspect in the investigation, died in SBU custody in Lviv as a result of torture. Several agents were convicted in the case. The SBU remains a political controversial subject in Ukrainian politics.The former Security Service of Ukraine Head Valeriy Khoroshkovsky was involved in several controversies during his tenure. The rector of the Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv Borys Gudziak heavily criticized a visit from the SBU, forcing Khoroshkovskiy to apologize. Later the head of the Kyiv Bureau of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, Nico Lange, was detained for a short while and released only after several high-ranking officials from the "German Chancellery" vouched for him. The Security Service described the incident as a misunderstanding. Khoroshkovskiy, as the Chairman of the SBU, eliminated the main competition of Ukrainian TV-giant "Inter", officially owned by his wife Olena Khoroshkovskiy, in the face of "TVi" and "Channel 5". In July 2010, Konrad Schuller of the "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung" wrote that Khoroshkovskiy had connections with RosUkrEnergo. The most important source of Khoroshkovskiy's came from RosUkrEnergo. The President's spokesperson, Hanna Herman, in an interview with this newspaper, did not dispute that Dmytro Firtash was one of the sponsors of the Presidential Party of Regions, with the help of which Khoroshkovskiy was appointed to the position of the State Security chairman. Khoroshkovskiy denied any connections to RosUkrEnergo. However it is a fact that Firtash possesses certain privileges in Inter. Schuller also stated that the SBU acts in direct association with RosUkrEnergo, arresting their main opponents (see RosUkrEnergo) in order to recover their invested money in the recent presidential campaign. Khoroshkovskiy having declined to give an interview to "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung", Schuller posted a quote from one of his other interviews:When Minister of Finance Fedir Yaroshenko resigned on January 18, 2012, Khoroshkovsky replaced him in the post on the same day. Khoroshkovsky is also the owner of U.A. Inter Media Group which owns major shares in various Ukrainian TV channels including Inter TV. 238 members of the Verkhovna Rada voted for Khoroshkovsky, however the head of the parliamentary committee for the National Security and Defense Anatoliy Hrytsenko stated that the committee accepted the decision to recommend Verkhovna Rada to deny the candidature of Khoroshkovskiy on the post of the chairman of Security Service of Ukraine.Khoroshkovskiy said the SBU's main duty was to protect the president rather than the interests of Ukraine. On July 26, 2010 it arrested an internet blogger, producing a warrant for his arrest the next day. SBU accused the blogger of threatening the President of Ukraine, citing his comment "May thunder strike Yanukovych!"; he was released after a short discussion. However, SBU showed a rather passive reaction to the statements of the Russian state official who claimed that Crimea and Sevastopol belong to the Russian Federation. Protest group FEMEN said that after the early 2010 election of President Viktor Yanukovych the SBU attempted to intimidate the FEMEN activists.On May 22, 2012 Volodymyr Rokytskyi, Deputy Head of the SBU, was photographed in public wearing a $32,000 luxury wristwatch despite the fact that its price amounts to his yearly official income. The instance happened at a joint Ukrainian-American event dedicated to fighting the drug trade.The SBU uncovered seven spies and 16 special service agents in 2009.A large number of arrests and searches occurred in 2011.In February 2014, numerous documents, hard drives, and flash drives, including data on over 22,000 officers and informants, were stolen or destroyed in a raid on the SBU allegedly ordered by President Viktor Yanukovych.Late February 2014 opposition MP Hennadiy Moskal released papers that showed the SBU had allegedly infiltrated the late 2013-February 2014 anti-government Euromaidan protest. According to BBC Ukraine analyst Olexiy Solohubenko many tactics discussed in the paper had indeed been performed.After the overthrow of Yanukovich in the February 2014 Ukrainian revolution the new SBU head Valentyn Nalyvaichenko claimed to have found his new office building empty, saying "the agency’s former leadership had all fled to Russia or Crimea. There were no operative files, no weapons. Institutionally, the place was totally destroyed". Nalyvaichenko also claimed that at that time the agency was heavily infiltrated by Russian spies. Indeed, Nalyvaichenko predecessor Oleksandr Yakymenko with about 15 former SBU top officials surfaced in Russia a few days later. Allegedly in the months following the 2014 Ukrainian revolution thousands of Ukrainian spies switched sides and began reporting to Russia during the 2014 Crimean crisis and the pro-Russian unrest in east and south Ukraine. At the end of 2014 235 SBU agents, including the former counterintelligence chief and his cousin, and hundreds of other operatives had been arrested and 25 high treason probes against Yanukovych-era SBU officials had been launched; also all regional directors had been changed, as well as half of their deputies. In July 2015 Nalyvaichenko claimed “There’s no longer a total infiltration of Russian agents. The danger is no longer widespread”. The arrested agents were replaced by new recruits from western Ukraine, many of them in their early twenties. To test loyalty, all SBU agents are subjected to recurrent interrogations and lie detector tests.In June 2015, the "Kyiv Post" reported that a deputy chief of the SBU, Vitaly Malikov, had supported events leading to the annexation of Crimea. According to February 2016 official figures of the Ukrainian parliamentary Committee on National Security, after Russia's annexation 10% of SBU personnel left Crimea. According to the SBU itself (in November 2017) 13% did so.On December 21, 2017, two Ukrainian civil servants were arrested by the SBU for spying on behalf of Russia, one of them being an SBU employee while the other, Stanislav Yezhov, worked for various cabinet ministers.In late 2018, the SBU carries out raids across the country targeting the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) churches and priests.On July 8, 2019, the SBU announced that they conducted a raid into Donbass to apprehend Vladimir Borysovich Tsemakh, who was head of the air defense in Snizhne and a 'person of interest' when a Buk missile launcher was used to shoot down MH17. The SBU mentioned that he's a witness to the incident.On April 14, 2020, the SBU announced the arrest of Lt. General Valeriy Shaytanov, who was recruited in 2014 by the FSB during a Russian-Ukrainian anti-terrorist working group under the command of Colonel Igor Egorov. He was known to head the anti-terrorist division who had played a prominent role in negotiating ceasefires and prisoner exchanges with Russia-backed militants in Eastern Ukraine. He had planned the future assassination of Adam Osmayev, a Chechen in the International Peacekeeping Battalion named after Dzhokhar Dudayev which is defending Ukraine against Russia aggression."Department of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs""Special Commission of the All Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Special Commission of the Council of People's Commissars of Ukraine""Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs"According to reports of UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, the SBU personnel is accountable for multiple cases of human rights abuses including enforced disappearings, sexual violence, and torture.In the 2016 Amnesty International and human Rights Watch reported that the SBU operates secret detention facilities where civilians are held incommunicado being subjected to improper treatment and torture.In December 2017 the UN mission in Ukraine expressed concerns about a situation with "freedom of opinion and expression" in Ukraine which facing "mounting challenges". According to the UN reports the SBU is taking advantage of broad interpretation and application of Ukrainian Criminal Code against independent Ukrainian journalists, bloggers, and media activists.	[ "Yevhen Marchuk", "Volodymyr Radchenko", "Nikolai Golushko", "Valeriy Khoroshkovskyi", "Igor Kalinin", "Ihor Smeshko", "Valentyn Nalyvaichenko", "Vasyl Hrytsak", "Ihor Drizhchany", "Wałerij Malikow", "Ivan Bakanov", "Leonid Derkach", "Oleksandr Yakymenko" ]
Which position did Gareth Evans hold in Jun, 1983?	June 14, 1983	{ "text": [ "Member of the Australian Senate", "Attorney-General for Australia" ] }	L2_Q381902_P39_1	Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987. Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.	Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977	[ "Leader of the Government in the Senate", "Minister for Industry and Innovation", "Minister for Infrastructure and Transport", "Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998", "Member of the Australian House of Representatives", "Minister for Foreign Affairs" ]
Which position did Gareth Evans hold in 1983-06-14?	June 14, 1983	{ "text": [ "Member of the Australian Senate", "Attorney-General for Australia" ] }	L2_Q381902_P39_1	Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987. Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.	Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977	[ "Leader of the Government in the Senate", "Minister for Industry and Innovation", "Minister for Infrastructure and Transport", "Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998", "Member of the Australian House of Representatives", "Minister for Foreign Affairs" ]
Which position did Gareth Evans hold in 14/06/1983?	June 14, 1983	{ "text": [ "Member of the Australian Senate", "Attorney-General for Australia" ] }	L2_Q381902_P39_1	Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987. Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.	Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977	[ "Leader of the Government in the Senate", "Minister for Industry and Innovation", "Minister for Infrastructure and Transport", "Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998", "Member of the Australian House of Representatives", "Minister for Foreign Affairs" ]
Which position did Gareth Evans hold in Jun 14, 1983?	June 14, 1983	{ "text": [ "Member of the Australian Senate", "Attorney-General for Australia" ] }	L2_Q381902_P39_1	Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987. Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.	Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977	[ "Leader of the Government in the Senate", "Minister for Industry and Innovation", "Minister for Infrastructure and Transport", "Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998", "Member of the Australian House of Representatives", "Minister for Foreign Affairs" ]
Which position did Gareth Evans hold in 06/14/1983?	June 14, 1983	{ "text": [ "Member of the Australian Senate", "Attorney-General for Australia" ] }	L2_Q381902_P39_1	Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987. Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.	Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977	[ "Leader of the Government in the Senate", "Minister for Industry and Innovation", "Minister for Infrastructure and Transport", "Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998", "Member of the Australian House of Representatives", "Minister for Foreign Affairs" ]
Which position did Gareth Evans hold in 14-Jun-198314-June-1983?	June 14, 1983	{ "text": [ "Member of the Australian Senate", "Attorney-General for Australia" ] }	L2_Q381902_P39_1	Gareth Evans holds the position of Leader of the Government in the Senate from Mar, 1993 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998 from Feb, 1998 to Feb, 1998. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian Senate from Jul, 1978 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs from Sep, 1988 to Mar, 1996. Gareth Evans holds the position of Member of the Australian House of Representatives from Mar, 1996 to Sep, 1999. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Infrastructure and Transport from Jul, 1987 to Sep, 1988. Gareth Evans holds the position of Minister for Industry and Innovation from Dec, 1984 to Jul, 1987. Gareth Evans holds the position of Attorney-General for Australia from Mar, 1983 to Dec, 1984.	Gareth Evans (politician)Gareth John Evans AC, QC (born 5 September 1944), is an Australian politician, international policymaker, academic and barrister. He represented the Australian Labor Party in the Senate and House of Representatives from 1978 to 1999, serving as a Cabinet Minister in the Hawke and Keating governments from 1983 to 1996 as Attorney-General, Minister for Resources and Energy, Minister for Transport and Communications and most prominently, from 1988 to 1996, as Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was Leader of the Government in the Senate from 1993 to 1996, Deputy Leader of the Opposition from 1996 to 1998, and remains one of the two longest-serving federal Cabinet Ministers in Labor Party history.After leaving politics, he was president and chief executive officer of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group from 2000 to 2009. On returning to Australia he was appointed in 2009 honorary professorial fellow at the University of Melbourne. He has served on a number of major international commissions and panels, including as co-chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–01) and International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament (2008–10). Evans has written extensively on international relations and legal, constitutional and political affairs, and has been internationally recognised for his contributions to the theory and practice of mass atrocity and conflict prevention, arms control and disarmament.From 2010 to 2020, Evans was the Chancellor of the Australian National University (ANU). He was appointed an Honorary Professorial Fellow at the ANU in 2012. He currently is a member of the Board of Sponsors for the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists".Evans was born in Melbourne, Victoria. His father was a tram driver, and his mother, who had been a wartime Woolworths store manager, ran a small baby-wear business from home. He was educated at Hawthorn West Central School (1950–57); Melbourne High School, where he was school captain (1958–61); the University of Melbourne (1962–67) where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws with First-Class Honours, sharing the Supreme Court Prize, was a Member of the Melbourne University Law Review and was President of the Students Representative Council from 1964 to 1966; and Magdalen College, Oxford (1968–70), where he attended on a Shell scholarship and graduated with a Master of Arts with First-Class Honours in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE).In 2004, he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, his alma mater at Oxford.From 1971 to 1976, he was law academic at the University of Melbourne, teaching crime, torts, civil liberties law and federal constitutional law, and becoming a prominent commentator on legal issues, especially at the time of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government in 1975. In 1977 he edited "Labor and the Constitution" 1972–75, a collection of essays on constitutional issues arising during the life of the Whitlam Government, and later co-authored "Australia's Constitution", arguing for major constitutional reforms. From 1976 to his entry into the Parliament he practised full-time as a barrister, specialising in industrial law, and appellate argument, and became a Queen's Counsel (in Victoria and the ACT) in 1983.Evans was active in civil liberties issues from his student days on, campaigning on issues such as censorship, capital punishment, the White Australia policy, apartheid and abortion law reform. He was a long-serving vice-president of the Victorian Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty Victoria), and an active executive member of the Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service.During the Whitlam Labor Government, he acted as a consultant to Aboriginal Affairs Minister Gordon Bryant, advising on Indigenous land rights and legal services issues, and Attorney-General Lionel Murphy, where he was closely involved in drafting the "Racial Discrimination Act 1975" and the (unsuccessful) Human Rights Bill 1973. He was appointed by Murphy as a foundation member of the Australian Law Reform Commission, chaired by Justice Michael Kirby, and was primarily responsible for the commission's 1975 report on "Criminal Investigation".Evans joined the Australian Labor Party while at University of Melbourne and became actively involved after his return from Oxford in 1975, joining the centrist Labor Unity faction and working closely with its leaders including Clyde Holding, Peter Redlich and Ian Turner – and Bob Hawke, whose ambition to lead the party he strongly supported. He was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the Senate in 1975, but was elected in 1977 and took his seat in 1978.As a young backbencher, Evans was one of the two parliamentarians chosen to sit – along with international architects I. M. Pei and John Andrews – on the Parliament House Competition Assessment Panel which in 1979 chose the winning design for the new Australian Parliament House.In his first years in the Senate, Evans focused strongly on legal and constitutional reform issues, attracting early attention with his series of attacks on Sir Garfield Barwick, for potential conflict of interest between his role as the Chief Justice of the High Court and his involvement in his family company Mundroola. After the October 1980 election he was promoted to the Opposition front bench in 1980, becoming Shadow Attorney-General.Evans played an active part in ALP National Conferences during this period seeking to modernize the Party's Platform, in particular the language of the 'socialist objective', and within the Parliamentary Party in developing a detailed 'transition to government' strategy. He supported Bob Hawke's leadership challenge against Bill Hayden in 1982 which led ultimately to Hayden resigning just hours before Malcolm Fraser announced the March 1983 election and Hawke leading Labor to victory.As Attorney-General, Evans undertook a large agenda for law reform on a range of issues. He immediately ran into controversy, arranging for the Royal Australian Air Force to take surveillance photos of the Franklin Dam project in Tasmania. The Hawke government was pledged to (and ultimately did) stop the project, over the objections of the Tasmanian Liberal government, on the ground that it endangered a World Heritage listed area. The Hawke government was accused of misusing the RAAF for domestic political purposes, and Evans's use of RAAF planes led to his earning the nickname "Biggles", after Captain W. E. Johns's fictional aviation hero – a self-inflicted wound, following his remark to journalists at the time 'whatever you do, don't call me Biggles'. This incident also led to Evans coining the expression 'streaker's defence' (i.e. 'it seemed like a good idea at the time), which has entered the Australian vocabulary. More serious controversy surrounded the Government's handling of national security issues including the Combe-Ivanov affair and the attempted suppression of publication of leaked documents by journalist Brian Toohey, and the allegations of impropriety made against High Court Justice Lionel Murphy, all of which created stress for Evans as an avowed civil libertarian. He achieved a number of reforms, including the establishment of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions and the National Crime Authority, the strengthening of the Family Law and "Freedom of Information Act", and some business regulation changes, but failed in his attempts to achieve uniform national defamation law, a legislative bill of rights, and constitutional reform. In a demotion following this mixed record, Hawke moved him to the less sensitive portfolio of Resources and Energy after the 1984 election.In the two major industry portfolios he held over the next five years, Evans was generally perceived as playing himself back into the government mainstream. As Minister for Resources and Energy from 1984 to 1987 he won industry support for his role in rescuing from possible collapse of the huge North West Shelf gas project, managing the Australian fallout from the crash in world oil prices in 1986, and seeking to strike a workable balance, between resource sector and competing interests, on uranium mining, the environment and Aboriginal land rights.As Transport and Communications minister in 1987–88, he was involved in some controversy with the Australian Broadcasting Commission over funding guarantees and charter reform, but primarily concerned with issues at the heart of the government's micro-economic strategy: major airline deregulation, and the reform of government business enterprises in the telecommunications and other sectors, designed to corporatize their commercial practices, as a necessary prelude to the privatisation that later followed.Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988, after his predecessor Bill Hayden retired to become Governor-General. He held the position for seven years and six months, the longest-serving Labor minister in that portfolio. He became a well-known Foreign Minister and highly regarded internationally, and continues to be regarded as one of Australia's most successful. The Hawke and Keating governments were committed to shifting emphasis from Australia's traditional relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom to increased involvement with Asian neighbours, particularly Indonesia and China, and were strongly committed to multilateral diplomacy both globally and regionally.Evans brought a strongly structured and analytical approach to foreign policymaking and is credited with significant innovative thinking in his articulation, in particular, of the concepts of middle power and niche diplomacy, 'good international citizenship' as a national interest, and cooperative security (see 'Contributions to international relations thinking', below).His most widely acknowledged successes as foreign minister were his initiation of the UN peace plan for Cambodia, and the roles that he and Australia played in bringing to fruition the International Chemical Weapons Convention and establishing both the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Major contributions to international agenda setting, though not bearing much immediate fruit, were his book on UN reform launched in New York City in 1993, and his initiation with Paul Keating of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.Evans famously became the first person to drop the f-bomb in the Australian Parliament, interjecting "for fuck's sake" during a speech by Senator Robert Hill. Despite his reputation as a negotiator he was widely reputed to be in possession of a short-temper with a particular intolerance for elected representatives of the Australian Greens.Evans ran into significant controversy on two major issues: relations with Indonesia over East Timor and French Nuclear Tests in the Pacific. Evans continues to be strongly criticised by many commentators – most prominently Noam Chomsky and John Pilger – for supporting Australia's recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor following its military invasion in 1975, negotiating (and celebrating 'replete with champagne') with then Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas the Timor Gap Treaty, and describing the 1991 Dili massacre as 'an aberration, not an act of state policy'. Evans has replied at length to these charges in various forums, acknowledging that the Indonesian military's behaviour had been appalling and conceding that Australia had been too optimistic about its capacity for redemption, but arguing, that de jure recognition by Australian (and other) governments had never denied the continuing right of the East Timorese to self-determination; that he personally had worked hard (as subsequently acknowledged by José Ramos-Horta) to achieve real autonomy for East Timor as the only realistic option before the events of 1997; and that independent East Timor had fully inherited the benefits of the Timor Gap Treaty.When in June 1995 the resumption of French underground nuclear tests at Moruroa Atoll was announced, Evans generated a storm of press and public criticism for remarking that while Australia deplored the decision 'it could have been worse'. This was strictly accurate as the test series was limited in number, and France promised to then permanently close the test facility and join the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty negotiations, but it politically damaged Evans and his party.In 1993, as a member of the Keating government, Senator Evans became Leader of the Government in the Senate, replacing the retiring John Button, whose Deputy he had been since 1987. In this position he led the government's domestic legislative agenda in the upper house, where the government did not have a majority, and every bill had to be negotiated with the minor parties. In what was described at the time as 'perhaps the finest moment in his political career', he played the leading role in getting the government's Native Title Act 1993 through the Senate in one of the Parliament's longest-ever debates following the High Court of Australia's decision in "Mabo v Queensland".Evans had long desired to move from the Senate to the House of Representatives, where he hoped to pursue leadership ambitions. His first attempt to do so, in 1984, had been thwarted by the Socialist Left faction, but in 1996 he gained endorsement for the seat of Holt, in Melbourne's eastern suburbs, and was elected at the 1996 election. He was elected Deputy Leader of the Labor Party, defeating Simon Crean, and appointed Shadow Treasurer by Leader Kim Beazley. As Deputy Leader Evans led a major policy review in every shadow portfolio area, and during 1997 orchestrated in secret the defection to the Labor Party of the popular leader of the Australian Democrats, Senator Cheryl Kernot, who resigned from the Senate in October and became a Labor House of Representatives candidate at the 1998 election. The political triumph of the defection was, however, soured by the later revelation – by Laurie Oakes in his column in "The Bulletin" in 2002 – that Evans and Kernot had been having an affair at the time.Evans, after eighteen years in the Senate, found the transition to the very different lower house environment not easy to manage, and – with Australia sailing comfortably through the 1997 Asian financial crisis – also found it difficult to get traction with his own economic policy brief. He also did not enjoy the move to opposition after thirteen years in government, coining the expression 'relevance deprivation syndrome', which – while he was criticised more than applauded for his honesty at the time – is now entrenched in the national vocabulary. His biographer, Keith Scott, commented that 'Overwhelmingly, Evans's period as deputy leader and shadow treasurer – from March 1996 to October 1998 – was his least successful in federal parliament'. Labor's defeat at the 1998 election led to Evans's resignation from the opposition front bench, and in September 1999 he resigned from Parliament causing a by-election, which was later won by Labor candidate Anthony Byrne.Throughout his time as a member of both houses of Parliament, Evans served in three of the four leadership positions, deputy Senate leader, Senate leader and deputy leader in the House of Representatives.In 1994, while Foreign Minister of Australia, Evans committed his government to donate $500,000 as initial funding for Brussels-based conflict prevention and resolution organisation, the International Crisis Group.From 2000–2009 Evans was president and CEO of the ICG, which during his tenure grew in staff from 25 to over 130, in budget from $US2 million to over $15 million, and in operating area from a handful of countries in the Balkans and Central Africa to over 60 across four continents, and published 784 worldwide-distributed reports.Crisis Group made important contributions during this period in early-warning bellringing in cases like Darfur and Ethiopia-Eritrea, supporting conflict mediation in situations like Southern Sudan, Kosovo and Aceh, making path-breaking recommendations on Israel-Palestine, Iran and Burma/Myanmar, analysing the different strands of Islamism, and generally providing timely and detailed field-based analysis and recommendations to policymakers on hundreds of separate conflict-related issues.Although subject to occasional attack for the positions it has taken, Crisis Group was firmly established by the time of Evans's departure, and has remained, the preeminent international NGO working on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict, praised by leaders across the spectrum from Condoleezza Rice to Hillary Clinton, and regularly being identified as one of the world's most influential think tanks.In 2000–2001 Evans co-chaired, with Mohamed Sahnoun, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), appointed by the government of Canada to address the issue of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes, which published its report, "The Responsibility to Protect", in December 2001. He was a member of the UN Secretary General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, whose report "A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility", addressing mass atrocity crimes and many other UN reform issues, was published in December 2004. Evans also serves on the UN Secretary-General's Advisory Committee on Genocide Prevention.On nuclear issues, he was a member of the Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction sponsored by Sweden and chaired by Hans Blix which reported in June 2006; and the Commission of Eminent Persons on The Role of the IAEA to 2020 and Beyond, chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, whose report "Reinforcing the Global Nuclear Order for Peace and Prosperity" was launched in June 2008. From 2008 to 2010 he co-chaired (with former Japanese Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi) the Australia and Japan sponsored International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: its report "Eliminating Nuclear Threats: A Practical Agenda for Global Policymakers" was published in December 2009.Evans had previously served as a member of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1994–97), co-chaired by Cyrus Vance and David Hamburg. He was also a member of the International Task Force on Global Public Goods, sponsored by Sweden and France and chaired by Ernesto Zedillo, which reported in September 2006.He is a member of the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative Advisory Council, a project of the Whitney R. Harris World Law Institute at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis to establish the world's first treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity.His other recorded affiliations with internationally focused organisations include:Before entering Australian politics Evans was a Lecturer, then Senior Lecturer, in Law at the University of Melbourne, teaching constitutional and civil liberties law, crime and torts, from 1971 to 1976. In 2009, after his retirement from politics and his subsequent career as head of the International Crisis Group, he returned to academic life as an honorary professorial fellow (later professorial fellow) in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne, teaching a graduate course on International Policymaking in Practice in 2011 and 2012.He was elected as Chancellor of the Australian National University from 1 January 2010, replacing Kim Beazley following Beazley's appointment as Australian Ambassador to the United States. Evans was installed by Governor-General Quentin Bryce at a ceremony in Canberra on 18 February 2010.He is also an Honorary Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford; a Distinguished Fellow of the Australia India Institute; Chair of the International Advisory Board of the Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament; and Member of the Advisory Boards of the ANU Crawford School of Public Policy, Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy and Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies, and the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.Evans has written or edited 13 books, most recently "Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017). His other major works include "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Brookings Institution Press, September 2008, paperback edition 2009), which was awarded an Honorable Mention in the US Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award 2009 as one of the best three books on international relations published in the previous year, as well as "Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant, Melbourne University Press 1991, 2nd ed 1995), "Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s" (Allen & Unwin, 1993), "Australia's Constitution" (with John McMillan and Haddon Storey, Allen & Unwin, 1983) and the edited collection, "Labor and the Constitution", 1972–1975 (Heinemann, 1977). He co-edited the annual "Labor Essays" series from 1980 to 1982.Evans has also published nearly 150 chapters in books, monographs and articles in refereed and other journals – and many more newspaper and magazine articles – on foreign relations, politics, human rights and legal reform.The core idea of the responsibility to protect (often abbreviated as 'R2P' or 'RtoP'), as endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit, is that every state has the responsibility to protect its population from genocide and other mass atrocity crimes; the international community has a responsibility to assist the state if it is unable to protect its population on its own; and that if the state fails to protect its citizens from mass atrocities and peaceful measures have failed, the international community has the responsibility to intervene with appropriate measures, with coercive military intervention, approved by the UN Security Council, available as a last resort. The concept was expressly designed to supersede the idea of 'humanitarian intervention', which had failed to generate any international consensus about how to respond to the 1990s catastrophes of Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo.Evans has been widely acknowledged as playing a crucial role in initiating, and advocating the international acceptance of, the concept, first as Co-Chair of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which introduced the expression in its 2001 report of that name, and subsequently as a member of the UN Secretary-General's High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, Co-Chair of the Advisory Board of the Global Centre on the Responsibility to Protect, and as the author of the Brookings Institution-published "The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All" and many other published works. He has made innumerable speeches and presentations on the issue, including in July 2009 participating at the United Nations General Assembly in an interactive dialogue with Noam Chomsky.Evans introduced the idea of 'good international citizenship' in his first major speeches as Australian foreign minister, and repeated and refined it in subsequent writing. The core notion was that 'being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen' should be seen not as the 'foreign policy equivalent of boy-scout good deeds', but as a distinct component of any country's national interest, 'quite distinct from the familiar duo of security and economic interests':The interest in question here is more than just the pleasure of basking in approbation. There are many direct reciprocal benefits to be gained in a world where no country can solve all its own problems: my assistance for you today in solving your drugs and terrorism problem might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental problem tomorrow. But the reputational benefit does also count. The perception of being a country willing to take principled stands for other than immediately self-interested reasons does no harm at all – as the Scandinavians in particular seem to have well understood – when it comes to advancing one's own commercial or political agendas.The concept of 'good international citizenship' has been specifically attributed to Evans in academic writing; its 'idealistic pragmatism' has been seen as a way of bridging or transcending rival doctrines of realism and idealism in international relations theory; and the idea has been advanced as mapping a possible 'third way for British foreign policy'.'Niche diplomacy' was identified by Evans as one of the characteristic methods of the larger and more familiar concept of middle power diplomacy which has traditionally characterized the approach to international relations of Canada (especially during the Pearson years) and Australia (especially under the Labor governments of Hawke, Keating and Rudd). He defined it as 'concentrating resources in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field. By definition, middle powers are not powerful enough in most circumstances to impose their will, but they may be persuasive enough to have likeminded others see their point of view, and to act accordingly'. The concept is now familiar in academic discourse, and has been specifically attributed to Evans.Evans won the 1995 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order (following Mikhail Gorbachev the year before ) for his Fall 1994 "Foreign Policy" article, 'Cooperative Security and Intra-State Conflict', which was cited as presenting ideas that, following the end of the Cold War 'could quicken the process ... to help maintain a new world order'. He described 'cooperative security' as being a single conceptual theme that effectively captured the essence of three more familiar concepts in international security discourse, viz. comprehensive security, common security and collective security. Its defining – and attractive – characteristics were that 'the term tends to connote consultation rather than confrontation, reassurance rather than deterrence, transparency rather than secrecy, prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism'.On 11 June 2012, Evans was named a Companion of the Order of Australia for "eminent service to international relations, particularly in the Asia Pacific Region as an adviser to governments on a range of global policy matters, to conflict prevention and resolution, and to arms control and disarmament." He had previously been made an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) in 2001 for "service to the Australian Parliament, particularly through advancing Australia's foreign policy and trade interests, especially in Asia and through the United Nations", and has been awarded Honorary Doctorates of Laws by the University of Melbourne in 2002, Carleton University in 2005, the University of Sydney in 2008 and Queen's University Ontario in 2010. In October 2005 he and the International Crisis Group were named European and Asian 'Heroes of 2005'. In July 2008, he was selected as an inaugural fellow of the Australian Institute of International Affairs in recognition of his 'outstanding contribution to Australian international relations'. In May 2010 he was awarded the 2010 Roosevelt Institute Four Freedoms Award for Freedom from Fear for his pioneering work on the responsibility to protect concept and his contributions to conflict prevention and resolution, arms control and disarmament. In October 2011, he was presented by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, led by Sam Nunn and Ted Turner, the Amartya Sen Award 'for intrepid and creative leadership in creating momentum toward a world free of nuclear weapons'. In December 2011 Foreign Policy magazine cited him, along with Francis Deng, as one of the Top 100 Global Thinkers for 2011 "for making 'the responsibility to protect' more than academic".Earlier in his career he was designated Australian Humanist of the Year in 1990 by the Council of Australian Humanist Societies, won the ANZAC Peace Prize in 1994 for his 'leadership role in the Cambodian Peace Process, was awarded in 1995 the prestigious University of Louisville $150 000 Grawemeyer Prize for Ideas Improving World Order for his 1994 "Foreign Policy" article "Cooperative Security and Intrastate Conflict", and in 1999 received the Chilean Order of Merit (Grand Officer) for his work in initiating APEC.In April 2007, Evans gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Mass Atrocities: Making 'Never Again' a Reality" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series.In 2012 Evans was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia.Evans has been married since 1969 to Professor Merran Evans, of Monash University, with whom he has two adult children. They have four grandchildren.In 2002, Evans admitted to having an extramarital relationship with Cheryl Kernot.He has been a lifelong supporter, and was during his time in Australian government a Special Patron, of the Hawthorn Football Club. His other stated leisure interests are reading and writing, travel, architecture, opera and golf."Incorrigible Optimist: A Political Memoir" (Melbourne University Press, 2017)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play 2015" (with Ramesh Thakur and Tanya Ogilvie-White co-authors), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2015"Inside the Hawke-Keating Government: A Cabinet Diary" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2014)"Nuclear Weapons: The State of Play" (with Ramesh Thakur co-ed), Canberra, Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, 2013"The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All" (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2008)"Australia's Foreign Relations" (with Bruce Grant), Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 2nd ed. 1995"Cooperating for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond", Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1993"Australia's Constitution ("with John McMillan and Haddon Storey), Law Foundation of NSW & Allen and Unwin, Sydney, 1983"Labor Essays 1982: Socialist Principles and Parliamentary Government" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1982"Labor Essays 1981" (with John Reeves and Justin Malbon co-eds), Melbourne, Drummond, 1981"Labor Essays 1980" (with John Reeves co-ed.), Melbourne, Drummond, 1980"Law, Politics and the Labor Movement" (ed.), LSB, Melbourne, 1980"Labor and the Constitution, 1972–1975" (ed.), Melbourne, Heinemann, 1977	[ "Leader of the Government in the Senate", "Minister for Industry and Innovation", "Minister for Infrastructure and Transport", "Delegate to the Australian Constitutional Convention, 1998", "Member of the Australian House of Representatives", "Minister for Foreign Affairs" ]
Who was the head of Lower Saxony in Aug, 2001?	August 19, 2001	{ "text": [ "Sigmar Gabriel" ] }	L2_Q1197_P6_7	Gerhard Schröder is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1998. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1955. Georg Diederichs is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1970. Christian Wulff is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Mar, 2003 to Jun, 2010. Heinrich Hellwege is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1959. Sigmar Gabriel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Dec, 1999 to Mar, 2003. Alfred Kubel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Ernst Albrecht is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1990. Gerhard Glogowski is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999. David McAllister is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jul, 2010 to Feb, 2013. Stephan Weil is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Feb, 2013 to Dec, 2022.	Lower SaxonyLower Saxony ( ; ; ) is a German state ("Land") situated in northwestern Germany. It is the second-largest state by land area, being larger than Denmark with , and fourth-largest in population (7.9 million) among the 16 "Länder" federated as the Federal Republic of Germany. In rural areas, Northern Low Saxon (a dialect of Low German) and Saterland Frisian (a variety of the Frisian language) are still spoken, but the number of speakers is declining.Lower Saxony borders on (from north and clockwise) the North Sea, the states of Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Brandenburg, Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia, Hesse and North Rhine-Westphalia, and the Netherlands (Drenthe, Groningen and Overijssel). Furthermore, the state of Bremen forms two enclaves within Lower Saxony, one being the city of Bremen, the other, its seaport city of Bremerhaven (which is a semi-enclave, as it has a coastline). In fact, Lower Saxony borders more neighbours than any other single "Bundesland." The state's principal cities include the state capital Hanover, Braunschweig (Brunswick), Lüneburg, Osnabrück, Oldenburg, Hildesheim, Wolfenbüttel, Wolfsburg, and Göttingen.The northwestern area of Lower Saxony, which lies on the coast of the North Sea, is called East Frisia and the seven East Frisian Islands offshore are popular with tourists. In the extreme west of Lower Saxony is the Emsland, an economically emerging but rather sparsely populated area, once dominated by inaccessible swamps. The northern half of Lower Saxony, also known as the North German Plains, is almost invariably flat except for the gentle hills around the Bremen geestland. Towards the south and southwest lie the northern parts of the German Central Uplands: the Weser Uplands and the Harz mountains. Between these two lie the Lower Saxon Hills, a range of low ridges. Thus, Lower Saxony is the only "Bundesland" that encompasses both maritime and mountainous areas.Lower Saxony's major cities and economic centres are mainly situated in its central and southern parts, namely Hanover, Braunschweig, Osnabrück, Wolfsburg, Salzgitter, Hildesheim, and Göttingen. Oldenburg, near the northwestern coastline, is another economic centre. The region in the northeast is called the Lüneburg Heath ("Lüneburger Heide"), the largest heathland area of Germany and in medieval times wealthy due to salt mining and salt trade, as well as to a lesser degree the exploitation of its peat bogs until about the 1960s. To the north, the Elbe River separates Lower Saxony from Hamburg, Schleswig-Holstein, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Brandenburg. The banks just south of the Elbe are known as "Altes Land" (Old Country). Due to its gentle local climate and fertile soil, it is the state's largest area of fruit farming, its chief produce being apples.Most of the state's territory was part of the historic Kingdom of Hanover; the state of Lower Saxony has adopted the coat of arms and other symbols of the former kingdom. It was created by the merger of the State of Hanover with three smaller states on 1 November 1946.Lower Saxony has a natural boundary in the north in the North Sea and the lower and middle reaches of the River Elbe, although parts of the city of Hamburg lie south of the Elbe. The state and city of Bremen is an enclave entirely surrounded by Lower Saxony. The Bremen/Oldenburg Metropolitan Region is a cooperative body for the enclave area. To the southeast, the state border runs through the Harz, low mountains that are part of the German Central Uplands. The northeast and west of the state, which form roughly three-quarters of its land area, belong to the North German Plain, while the south is in the Lower Saxon Hills, including the Weser Uplands, Leine Uplands, Schaumburg Land, Brunswick Land, Untereichsfeld, Elm, and Lappwald. In northeast, Lower Saxony is Lüneburg Heath. The heath is dominated by the poor, sandy soils of the geest, whilst in the central east and southeast in the loess "börde" zone, productive soils with high natural fertility occur. Under these conditions—with loam and sand-containing soils—the land is well-developed agriculturally. In the west lie the County of Bentheim, Osnabrück Land, Emsland, Oldenburg Land, Ammerland, Oldenburg Münsterland, and on the coast East Frisia.The state is dominated by several large rivers running northwards through the state: the Ems, Weser, Aller, and Elbe.The highest mountain in Lower Saxony is the Wurmberg (971 m) in the Harz. For other significant elevations see: List of mountains and hills in Lower Saxony. Most of the mountains and hills are found in the southeastern part of the state. The lowest point in the state, at about 2.5 m below sea level, is a depression near Freepsum in East Frisia.The state's economy, population, and infrastructure are centred on the cities and towns of Hanover, Stadthagen, Celle, Braunschweig, Wolfsburg, Hildesheim, and Salzgitter. Together with Göttingen in southern Lower Saxony, they form the core of the Hannover–Braunschweig–Göttingen–Wolfsburg Metropolitan Region.Lower Saxony has clear regional divisions that manifest themselves geographically, as well as historically and culturally. In the regions that used to be independent, especially the heartlands of the former states of Brunswick, Hanover, Oldenburg and Schaumburg-Lippe, a marked local regional awareness exists. By contrast, the areas surrounding the Hanseatic cities of Bremen and Hamburg are much more oriented towards those centres.Sometimes, overlaps and transition areas happen between the various regions of Lower Saxony. Several of the regions listed here are part of other, larger regions, that are also included in the list.Just under 20% of the land area of Lower Saxony is designated as nature parks, i.e.: Dümmer, Elbhöhen-Wendland, Elm-Lappwald, Harz, Lüneburger Heide, Münden, Terra.vita, Solling-Vogler, Lake Steinhude, Südheide, Weser Uplands, Wildeshausen Geest, Bourtanger Moor-Bargerveen.Lower Saxony falls climatically into the north temperate zone of central Europe that is affected by prevailing Westerlies and is located in a transition zone between the maritime climate of Western Europe and the continental climate of Eastern Europe. This transition is clearly noticeable within the state: whilst the northwest experiences an Atlantic (North Sea coastal) to Sub-Atlantic climate, with comparatively low variations in temperature during the course of the year and a surplus water budget, the climate towards the southeast is increasingly affected by the Continent. This is clearly shown by greater temperature variations between the summer and winter halves of the year and in lower and more variable amounts of precipitation across the year. This sub-continental effect is most sharply seen in the Wendland, in the Weser Uplands (Hamelin to Göttingen) and in the area of Helmstedt. The highest levels of precipitation are experienced in the Harz because the Lower Saxon part forms the windward side of this mountain range against which orographic rain falls. The average annual temperature is 8 °C (7.5 °C in the Altes Land and 8.5 °C in the district of Cloppenburg).Lower Saxony is divided into 37 districts ("Landkreise" or simply "Kreise"):Furthermore, there are eight urban districts and two cities with special status:¹ "following the "Göttingen Law" of 1 January 1964, the town of Göttingen is incorporated into the rural district ("Landkreis") of Göttingen, but is treated as an urban district unless other rules apply. On 1 November 2016 the districts of Osterode and Göttingen were merged under the name Göttingen, not influencing the city's special status."² "following the "Law on the region of Hanover", Hanover merged with the district of Hanover to form the Hanover Region, which has been treated mostly as a rural district, but Hanover is treated as an urban district since 1 November 2001 unless other rules apply."The name of Saxony derives from that of the Germanic confederation of tribes called the Saxons. Before the late medieval period, there was a single Duchy of Saxony. The term "Lower Saxony" was used after the dissolution of the stem duchy in the late 13th century to disambiguate the parts of the former duchy ruled by the House of Welf from the Electorate of Saxony on one hand, and from the Duchy of Westphalia on the other.The name and coat of arms of the present state go back to the Germanic tribe of Saxons. During the Migration Period some of the Saxon peoples left their homeland in Holstein about the 3rd century and pushed southwards over the Elbe, where they expanded into the sparsely populated regions in the rest of the lowlands, in the present-day Northwest Germany and the northeastern part of what is now the Netherlands. From about the 7th century the Saxons had occupied a settlement area that roughly corresponds to the present state of Lower Saxony, of Westphalia and a number of areas to the east, for example, in what is now west and north Saxony-Anhalt. The land of the Saxons was divided into about 60 "Gaue". The Frisians had not moved into this region; for centuries they preserved their independence in the most northwesterly region of the present-day Lower Saxon territory. The original language of the folk in the area of Old Saxony was West Low German, one of the varieties of language in the Low German dialect group.The establishment of permanent boundaries between what later became Lower Saxony and Westphalia began in the 12th century. In 1260, in a treaty between the Archbishopric of Cologne and the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg the lands claimed by the two territories were separated from each other. The border ran along the Weser to a point north of Nienburg. The northern part of the Weser-Ems region was placed under the rule of Brunswick-Lüneburg.The word "Niedersachsen" was first used before 1300 in a Dutch rhyming chronicle ("Reimchronik"). From the 14th century it referred to the Duchy of Saxe-Lauenburg (as opposed to Saxe-Wittenberg). On the creation of the imperial circles in 1500, a Lower Saxon Circle was distinguished from a Lower Rhenish–Westphalian Circle. The latter included the following territories that, in whole or in part, belong today to the state of Lower Saxony: the Bishopric of Osnabrück, the Bishopric of Münster, the County of Bentheim, the County of Hoya, the Principality of East Frisia, the Principality of Verden, the County of Diepholz, the County of Oldenburg, the County of Schaumburg and the County of Spiegelberg. At the same time a distinction was made with the eastern part of the old Saxon lands from the central German principalities later called Upper Saxony for dynastic reasons. (see also → Electorate of Saxony, History of Saxony).The close historical links between the domains of the Lower Saxon Circle now in modern Lower Saxony survived for centuries especially from a dynastic point of view. The majority of historic territories whose land now lies within Lower Saxony were sub-principalities of the medieval, Welf estates of the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg. All the Welf princes called themselves dukes "of Brunswick and Lüneburg" despite often ruling parts of a duchy that was forever being divided and reunited as various Welf lines multiplied or died out.Over the course of time two great principalities survived east of the Weser: the Kingdom of Hanover and the Duchy of Brunswick (after 1866 Hanover became a Prussian province; after 1919 Brunswick became a free state). Historically a close tie exists between the royal house of Hanover (Electorate of Hanover) to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as a result of their personal union in the 18th century.West of the River Hunte a "de-Westphalianising process" began in 1815. After the Congress of Vienna the territories of the later administrative regions ("Regierungsbezirke") of Osnabrück and Aurich transferred to the Kingdom of Hanover. Until 1946, the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg and the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe retained their stately authority. Nevertheless, the entire Weser-Ems region (including the city of Bremen) were grouped in 1920 into a Lower Saxon Constituency Association ("Wahlkreisverband IX (Niedersachsen)"). This indicates that at that time the western administrations of the Prussian Province of Hanover and the state of Oldenburg were perceived as being "Lower Saxon".The forerunners of today's state of Lower Saxony were lands that were geographically and, to some extent, institutionally interrelated from very early on. The County of Schaumburg (not to be confused with the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe) around the towns of Rinteln and Hessisch Oldendorf did indeed belong to the Prussian province of Hesse-Nassau until 1932, a province that also included large parts of the present state of Hesse, including the cities of Kassel, Wiesbaden and Frankfurt am Main; but in 1932, however, the County of Schaumburg became part of the Prussian Province of Hanover. Also before 1945, namely 1937, the city of Cuxhaven has been fully integrated into the Prussian Province of Hanover by the Greater Hamburg Act, so that in 1946, when the state of Lower Saxony was founded, only four states needed to be merged. With the exception of Bremen and the areas that were ceded to the Soviet Occupation Zone in 1945, all those areas allocated to the new state of Lower Saxony in 1946, had already been merged into the "Constituency Association of Lower Saxony" in 1920.In a lecture on 14 September 2007, Dietmar von Reeken described the emergence of a "Lower Saxony consciousness" in the 19th century, the geographical basis of which was used to invent a territorial construct: the resulting local heritage societies ("Heimatvereine") and their associated magazines routinely used the terms "Lower Saxony" or "Lower Saxon" in their names. At the end of the 1920s in the context of discussions about a reform of the Reich, and promoted by the expanding local heritage movement ("Heimatbewegung"), a 25-year conflict started between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia". The supporters of this dispute were administrative officials and politicians, but regionally focussed scientists of various disciplines were supposed to have fuelled the arguments. In the 1930s, a real Lower Saxony did not yet exist, but there was a plethora of institutions that would have called themselves "Lower Saxon". The motives and arguments in the disputes between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia" were very similar on both sides: economic interests, political aims, cultural interests and historical aspects.After the Second World War most of Northwest Germany lay within the British Zone of Occupation. On 23 August 1946, the British Military Government issued Ordinance No. 46 ""Concerning the dissolution of the provinces of the former state of Prussia in the British Zone and their reconstitution as independent states"", which initially established the State of Hanover on the territory of the former Prussian Province of Hanover. Its minister president, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, had already suggested in June 1945 the formation of a state of Lower Saxony, that was to include the largest possible region in the middle of the British Zone. In addition to the regions that actually became Lower Saxony subsequently, Kopf asked, in a memorandum dated April 1946, for the inclusion of the former Prussian district of Minden-Ravensberg (i.e. the Westphalian city of Bielefeld as well as the Westphalian districts of Minden, Lübbecke, Bielefeld, Herford and Halle), the district of Tecklenburg and the state of Lippe. Kopf's plan was ultimately based on a draft for the reform of the German Empire from the late 1920s by Georg Schnath and Kurt Brüning. The strong Welf connotations of this draft, according to Thomas Vogtherr, did not simplify the development of a Lower Saxon identity after 1946.An alternative model, proposed by politicians in Oldenburg and Brunswick, envisaged the foundation of the independent state of "Weser-Ems", that would be formed from the state of Oldenburg, the Hanseatic City of Bremen and the administrative regions of Aurich and Osnabrück. Several representatives of the state of Oldenburg even demanded the inclusion of the Hanoverian districts of Diepholz, Syke, Osterholz-Scharmbeck and Wesermünde in the proposed state of "Weser-Ems". Likewise an enlarged State of Brunswick was proposed in the southeast to include the "Regierungsbezirk" of Hildesheim and the district of Gifhorn. Had this plan come to fruition, the territory of the present Lower Saxony would have consisted of three states of roughly equal size.The district council of Vechta protested on 12 June 1946 against being incorporated into the metropolitan area of Hanover ("Großraum Hannover"). If the State of Oldenburg was to be dissolved, Vechta District would much rather be included in the Westphalian region. Particularly in the districts where there was a political Catholicism the notion was widespread, that Oldenburg Münsterland and the "Regierungsbezirk" of Osnabrück should be part of a newly formed State of Westphalia.Since the foundation of the states of North Rhine-Westphalia and Hanover on 23 August 1946 the northern and eastern border of North Rhine-Westphalia has largely been identical with that of the Prussian Province of Westphalia. Only the Free State of Lippe was not incorporated into North Rhine-Westphalia until January 1947. With that the majority of the regions left of the Upper Weser became North Rhine-Westphalian.In the end, at the meeting of the Zone Advisory Board on 20 September 1946, Kopf's proposal with regard to the division of the British occupation zone into three large states proved to be capable of gaining a majority. Because this division of their occupation zone into relatively large states also met the interests of the British, on 8 November 1946 Regulation No. 55 of the British military government was issued, by which the State of Lower Saxony with its capital Hanover were founded, backdated to 1 November 1946. The state was formed by a merger of the Free States of Brunswick, of Oldenburg and of Schaumburg-Lippe with the previously formed State of Hanover. But there were exceptions:The demands of Dutch politicians that the Netherlands should be given the German regions east of the Dutch-German border as war reparations, were roundly rejected at the London Conference of 26 March 1949. In fact only about of West Lower Saxony was transferred to the Netherlands, in 1949."→ see main article Dutch annexation of German territory after World War II"The first Lower Saxon parliament or "Landtag" met on 9 December 1946. It was not elected; rather it was established by the British Occupation Administration (a so-called "appointed parliament"). That same day the parliament elected the Social Democrat, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, the former Hanoverian president ("Regierungspräsident") as their first minister president. Kopf led a five-party coalition, whose basic task was to rebuild a state afflicted by the war's rigours. Kopf's cabinet had to organise an improvement of food supplies and the reconstruction of the cities and towns destroyed by Allied air raids during the war years. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf remained – interrupted by the time in office of Heinrich Hellwege (1955–1959) – as the head of government in Lower Saxony until 1961.The greatest problem facing the first state government in the immediate post-war years was the challenge of integrating hundreds of thousands of refugees from Germany's former territories in the east (such as Silesia and East Prussia), which had been annexed by Poland and the Soviet Union. Lower Saxony was at the western end of the direct escape route from East Prussia and had the longest border with the Soviet Zone. On 3 October 1950 Lower Saxony took over the sponsorship of the very large number of refugees from Silesia. In 1950 there was still a shortage of 730,000 homes according to official figures.During the period when Germany was divided, the Lower Saxon border crossing at Helmstedt found itself on the main transport artery to West Berlin and, from 1945 to 1990 was the busiest European border crossing point.Of economic significance for the state was the "Volkswagen" concern, that restarted the production of civilian vehicles in 1945, initially under British management, and in 1949 transferred into the ownership of the newly founded country of West Germany and state of Lower Saxony. Overall, Lower Saxony, with its large tracts of rural countryside and few urban centres, was one of the industrially weaker regions of the federal republic for a long time. In 1960, 20% of the working population worked on the land. In the rest of the federal territory the figure was just 14%. Even in economically prosperous times the jobless totals in Lower Saxony are constantly higher than the federal average.In 1961 Georg Diederichs took office as the minister president of Lower Saxony as the successor to Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf. He was replaced in 1970 by Alfred Kubel. The arguments about the Gorleben Nuclear Waste Repository, that began during the time in office of minister president Ernst Albrecht (1976–1990), have played an important role in state and federal politics since the end of the 1970s.In 1990 Gerhard Schröder entered the office of minister president. On 1 June 1993 the new Lower Saxon constitution entered force, replacing the "Provisional Lower Saxon Constitution" of 1951. It enables referenda and plebiscites and establishes environmental protection as a fundamental state principle.The former Hanoverian Amt Neuhaus with its parishes of Dellien, Haar, Kaarßen, Neuhaus (Elbe), Stapel, Sückau, Sumte and Tripkau as well as the villages of Neu Bleckede, Neu Wendischthun and Stiepelse in the parish of Teldau and the historic Hanoverian region in the forest district of Bohldamm in the parish of Garlitz transferred with effect from 30 June 1993 from Mecklenburg-Vorpommern to Lower Saxony (Lüneburg district). From these parishes the new municipality of Amt Neuhaus was created on 1 October 1993.In 1998 Gerhard Glogowski succeeded Gerhard Schröder who became Federal Chancellor. Because he had been linked with various scandals in his home city of Brunswick, he resigned in 1999 and was replaced by Sigmar Gabriel.From 2003 to his election as Federal President in 2010 Christian Wulff was minister president in Lower Saxony. The Osnabrücker headed a CDU-led coalition with the FDP as does his successor, David McAllister. After the elections on 20 January 2013 McAllister was deselected.Between 1946 and 2004, the state's districts and independent towns were grouped into eight regions, with different status for the two regions ("Verwaltungsbezirke") comprising the formerly free states of Brunswick and Oldenburg. In 1978 the regions were merged into four governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"): Since 2004 the Bezirksregierungen (regional governments) have been broken up again.1946–1978:1978–2004:On 1 January 2005 the four administrative regions or governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"), into which Lower Saxony had been hitherto divided, were dissolved. These were the governorates of Braunschweig, Hanover, Lüneburg and Weser-Ems.The 300,000-year-old and nearly complete remains of a female straight-tusked elephant were revealed by University of Tübingen researchers and the Senckenberg Centre for Human Evolution in May 2020. According to the archaeozoologist Ivo Verheijen, the skeleton with battered teeth had a shoulder height of about . Researchers also uncovered two long bones and 30 small flint flakes that were used as tools for knapping among the elephant bones."We found both tusks, the complete lower jaw, numerous vertebrae and ribs as well as large bones belonging to three of the legs and even all five delicate hyoid bones" said archaeologist Jordi Serangeli.At the end of 2014, there were almost 571,000 non-German citizens in Lower Saxony. The following table illustrates the largest minority groups in Lower Saxony:The 2011 census stated that a majority of the population were Christians (71.93%); 51.48% of the total population were member of the Evangelical Church in Germany, 18.34% were Catholics, 2.11% were member of other Christian denominations, 2.27% were member of other religions. 25.8% have no denomination. Even though there is a high level of official belonging to a Christian denomination, the peopleespecially in the citiesare highly secular in faith and behavior.As of 2018, the Evangelical Church in Germany was the faith of 43.0% of the population. It is organised in the five Landeskirchen named Evangelical Lutheran State Church in Brunswick (comprising the former Free State of Brunswick), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Hanover (comprising the former Province of Hanover), Evangelical Lutheran Church in Oldenburg (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Schaumburg-Lippe (comprising the former Free State of Schaumburg-Lippe), and Evangelical Reformed Church (covering all the state).Together, these member churches of the Evangelical Church in Germany gather a substantial part of the Protestant population in Germany.The Catholic Church was the faith of 16.8% of the population in 2018. It is organised in the three dioceses of Osnabrück (western part of the state), Münster (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg) and Hildesheim (northern and eastern part of the state). The Catholic faith is mainly concentrated to the regions of Oldenburger Münsterland, region of Osnabrück, region of Hildesheim and in the Western Eichsfeld.40.2% of the Low Saxons were irreligious or adhere to other religions. Judaism, Islam and Buddhism are minority faiths.The Gross domestic product (GDP) of the state was 229.5 billion euros in 2018, accounting for 8.7% of German economic output. GDP per capita adjusted for purchasing power was 33,700 euros or 112% of the EU27 average in the same year. The GDP per employee was 100% of the EU average.Agriculture, strongly weighted towards the livestock sector, has always been a very important economic factor in the state. The north and northwest of Lower Saxony are mainly made up of coarse sandy soil that makes crop farming difficult and therefore grassland and cattle farming are more prevalent in those areas. Lower Saxony is home, in 2017, to one in five of Germany's cattle, one in three of the country's pigs, and 50% of its hens. Wheat, potatoes, rye, and oats are among the state's present-day arable crops. Towards the south and southeast, extensive loess layers in the soil left behind by the last ice age allow high-yield crop farming. One of the principal crops there is sugar beet. Consequently, the Land has a big food industry, mainly organized in small and medium-sized enterprises (SME). Big players are Deutsches Milchkontor and PHW Group (biggest German poultry farmer and producer).Mining has also been an important source of income in Lower Saxony for centuries. Silver ore became a foundation of notable economic prosperity in the Harz Mountains as early as the 12th century, while iron mining in the Salzgitter area and salt mining in various areas of the state became another important economic backbone. Although overall yields are comparatively low, Lower Saxony is also an important supplier of crude oil in the European Union. Mineral products still mined today include iron and lignite.Radioactive waste is frequently transported in the area to the city of Salzgitter, for the deep geological repository Schacht Konrad and between Schacht Asse II in the Wolfenbüttel district and Lindwedel and Höfer.Manufacturing is another large part of the regional economy. Despite decades of gradual downsizing and restructuring, the car maker Volkswagen with its five production plants within the state's borders still remains the single biggest private-sector employer, its world headquarters in Wolfsburg. Due to the Volkswagen Law, which has recently been ruled illegal by the European Union's high court, the state of Lower Saxony is still the second largest shareholder, owning 20.3% of the company. Thanks to the importance of car manufacturing in Lower Saxony, a thriving supply industry is centred around its regional focal points. Other mainstays of the Lower Saxon industrial sector include aviation (the region of Stade is called CFK-Valley), shipbuilding (such as Meyer Werft), biotechnology, and steel. Medicine plays a major role; Hanover and Göttingen have two large University Medical Schools and hospitals and Otto Bock in Duderstadt is the word leader in prosthetics.The service sector has gained importance following the demise of manufacturing in the 1970s and 1980s. Important branches today are the tourism industry with TUI AG in Hanover, one of Europe's largest travel companies, as well as trade and telecommunication. Hanover is one of Germany's main location of insurance companies, such as Talanx, Hannover Re.In October 2018 the unemployment rate stood at 5.0% and was marginally higher than the national average.Lower Saxony has four World Heritage Sites.Since 1948, politics in the state has been dominated by the rightist Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the leftist Social Democratic Party. Lower Saxony was one of the origins of the German environmentalist movement in reaction to the state government's support for underground nuclear waste disposal. This led to the formation of the German Green Party in 1980.The former Minister-President, Christian Wulff, led a coalition of his CDU with the Free Democratic Party between 2003 and 2010. In the 2008 election, the ruling CDU held on to its position as the leading party in the state, despite losing votes and seats. The CDU's coalition with the Free Democratic Party retained its majority although it was cut from 29 to 10. The election also saw the entry into the state parliament for the first time of the leftist The Left party. On 1 July 2010 David McAllister was elected Minister-President.After the state election on 20 January 2013, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was elected as the new Minister-President. He governed in coalition with the Greens.After the state election in September 2017, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was again elected as the new Minister-President. He governs in coalition with the CDU.The state of Lower Saxony was formed after World War II by merging the former states of Hanover, Oldenburg, Brunswick and Schaumburg-Lippe. Hanover, a former kingdom, is by far the largest of these contributors by area and population and has been a province of Prussia since 1866. The city of Hanover is the largest and capital city of Lower Saxony.The constitution states that Lower Saxony be a free, republican, democratic, social and environmentally sustainable state inside the Federal Republic of Germany; universal human rights, peace and justice are preassigned guidelines of society, and the human rights and civil liberties proclaimed by the constitution of the Federal Republic are genuine constituents of the constitution of Lower Saxony. Each citizen is entitled to education and there is universal compulsory school attendance.All government authority is to be sanctioned by the will of the people, which expresses itself via elections and plebiscites. The legislative assembly is a unicameral parliament elected for terms of five years. The composition of the parliament obeys to the principle of proportional representation of the participating political parties, but it is also ensured that each constituency delegates one directly elected representative. If a party wins more constituency delegates than their statewide share among the parties would determine, it can keep all these constituency delegates.The governor of the state (prime minister) and his ministers are elected by the parliament. As there is a system of five political parties in Germany and so also in Lower Saxony, it is usually the case that two or more parties negotiate for a common political agenda and a commonly determined composition of government where the party with the biggest share of the electorate fills the seat of the governor.The states of the Federal Republic of Germany, and so Lower Saxony, have legislative responsibility and power mainly reduced to the policy fields of the school system, higher education, culture and media and police, whereas the more important policy fields like economic and social policies, foreign policy etc. are a prerogative of the federal government. Hence the probably most important function of the federal states is their representation in the Federal Council (Bundesrat), where their approval on many crucial federal policy fields, including the tax system, is required for laws to become enacted.The Minister-President heads the state government, acting as a head of state (even if the federated states have the status of a state, they don't established the office of a head of state but merged the functions with the head of the executive branch) as well as the government leader. They are elected by the Landtag of Lower Saxony.The coat of arms shows a white horse (Saxon Steed) against a red background, which is an old symbol of the Saxon people. Legend has it that the horse was a symbol of the Saxon leader Widukind, albeit a black horse against a yellow background. The colours changed after the Christian baptism of Widukind. White and red are colours (besides black and gold) of the Holy Roman Empire symbolizing Christ as the saviour, who is still shown with a red cross against a white background.	[ "Gerhard Schröder", "Ernst Albrecht", "Alfred Kubel", "Heinrich Hellwege", "Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf", "Christian Wulff", "David McAllister", "Gerhard Glogowski", "Stephan Weil", "Georg Diederichs" ]
Who was the head of Lower Saxony in 2001-08-19?	August 19, 2001	{ "text": [ "Sigmar Gabriel" ] }	L2_Q1197_P6_7	Gerhard Schröder is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1998. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1955. Georg Diederichs is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1970. Christian Wulff is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Mar, 2003 to Jun, 2010. Heinrich Hellwege is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1959. Sigmar Gabriel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Dec, 1999 to Mar, 2003. Alfred Kubel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Ernst Albrecht is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1990. Gerhard Glogowski is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999. David McAllister is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jul, 2010 to Feb, 2013. Stephan Weil is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Feb, 2013 to Dec, 2022.	Lower SaxonyLower Saxony ( ; ; ) is a German state ("Land") situated in northwestern Germany. It is the second-largest state by land area, being larger than Denmark with , and fourth-largest in population (7.9 million) among the 16 "Länder" federated as the Federal Republic of Germany. In rural areas, Northern Low Saxon (a dialect of Low German) and Saterland Frisian (a variety of the Frisian language) are still spoken, but the number of speakers is declining.Lower Saxony borders on (from north and clockwise) the North Sea, the states of Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Brandenburg, Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia, Hesse and North Rhine-Westphalia, and the Netherlands (Drenthe, Groningen and Overijssel). Furthermore, the state of Bremen forms two enclaves within Lower Saxony, one being the city of Bremen, the other, its seaport city of Bremerhaven (which is a semi-enclave, as it has a coastline). In fact, Lower Saxony borders more neighbours than any other single "Bundesland." The state's principal cities include the state capital Hanover, Braunschweig (Brunswick), Lüneburg, Osnabrück, Oldenburg, Hildesheim, Wolfenbüttel, Wolfsburg, and Göttingen.The northwestern area of Lower Saxony, which lies on the coast of the North Sea, is called East Frisia and the seven East Frisian Islands offshore are popular with tourists. In the extreme west of Lower Saxony is the Emsland, an economically emerging but rather sparsely populated area, once dominated by inaccessible swamps. The northern half of Lower Saxony, also known as the North German Plains, is almost invariably flat except for the gentle hills around the Bremen geestland. Towards the south and southwest lie the northern parts of the German Central Uplands: the Weser Uplands and the Harz mountains. Between these two lie the Lower Saxon Hills, a range of low ridges. Thus, Lower Saxony is the only "Bundesland" that encompasses both maritime and mountainous areas.Lower Saxony's major cities and economic centres are mainly situated in its central and southern parts, namely Hanover, Braunschweig, Osnabrück, Wolfsburg, Salzgitter, Hildesheim, and Göttingen. Oldenburg, near the northwestern coastline, is another economic centre. The region in the northeast is called the Lüneburg Heath ("Lüneburger Heide"), the largest heathland area of Germany and in medieval times wealthy due to salt mining and salt trade, as well as to a lesser degree the exploitation of its peat bogs until about the 1960s. To the north, the Elbe River separates Lower Saxony from Hamburg, Schleswig-Holstein, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Brandenburg. The banks just south of the Elbe are known as "Altes Land" (Old Country). Due to its gentle local climate and fertile soil, it is the state's largest area of fruit farming, its chief produce being apples.Most of the state's territory was part of the historic Kingdom of Hanover; the state of Lower Saxony has adopted the coat of arms and other symbols of the former kingdom. It was created by the merger of the State of Hanover with three smaller states on 1 November 1946.Lower Saxony has a natural boundary in the north in the North Sea and the lower and middle reaches of the River Elbe, although parts of the city of Hamburg lie south of the Elbe. The state and city of Bremen is an enclave entirely surrounded by Lower Saxony. The Bremen/Oldenburg Metropolitan Region is a cooperative body for the enclave area. To the southeast, the state border runs through the Harz, low mountains that are part of the German Central Uplands. The northeast and west of the state, which form roughly three-quarters of its land area, belong to the North German Plain, while the south is in the Lower Saxon Hills, including the Weser Uplands, Leine Uplands, Schaumburg Land, Brunswick Land, Untereichsfeld, Elm, and Lappwald. In northeast, Lower Saxony is Lüneburg Heath. The heath is dominated by the poor, sandy soils of the geest, whilst in the central east and southeast in the loess "börde" zone, productive soils with high natural fertility occur. Under these conditions—with loam and sand-containing soils—the land is well-developed agriculturally. In the west lie the County of Bentheim, Osnabrück Land, Emsland, Oldenburg Land, Ammerland, Oldenburg Münsterland, and on the coast East Frisia.The state is dominated by several large rivers running northwards through the state: the Ems, Weser, Aller, and Elbe.The highest mountain in Lower Saxony is the Wurmberg (971 m) in the Harz. For other significant elevations see: List of mountains and hills in Lower Saxony. Most of the mountains and hills are found in the southeastern part of the state. The lowest point in the state, at about 2.5 m below sea level, is a depression near Freepsum in East Frisia.The state's economy, population, and infrastructure are centred on the cities and towns of Hanover, Stadthagen, Celle, Braunschweig, Wolfsburg, Hildesheim, and Salzgitter. Together with Göttingen in southern Lower Saxony, they form the core of the Hannover–Braunschweig–Göttingen–Wolfsburg Metropolitan Region.Lower Saxony has clear regional divisions that manifest themselves geographically, as well as historically and culturally. In the regions that used to be independent, especially the heartlands of the former states of Brunswick, Hanover, Oldenburg and Schaumburg-Lippe, a marked local regional awareness exists. By contrast, the areas surrounding the Hanseatic cities of Bremen and Hamburg are much more oriented towards those centres.Sometimes, overlaps and transition areas happen between the various regions of Lower Saxony. Several of the regions listed here are part of other, larger regions, that are also included in the list.Just under 20% of the land area of Lower Saxony is designated as nature parks, i.e.: Dümmer, Elbhöhen-Wendland, Elm-Lappwald, Harz, Lüneburger Heide, Münden, Terra.vita, Solling-Vogler, Lake Steinhude, Südheide, Weser Uplands, Wildeshausen Geest, Bourtanger Moor-Bargerveen.Lower Saxony falls climatically into the north temperate zone of central Europe that is affected by prevailing Westerlies and is located in a transition zone between the maritime climate of Western Europe and the continental climate of Eastern Europe. This transition is clearly noticeable within the state: whilst the northwest experiences an Atlantic (North Sea coastal) to Sub-Atlantic climate, with comparatively low variations in temperature during the course of the year and a surplus water budget, the climate towards the southeast is increasingly affected by the Continent. This is clearly shown by greater temperature variations between the summer and winter halves of the year and in lower and more variable amounts of precipitation across the year. This sub-continental effect is most sharply seen in the Wendland, in the Weser Uplands (Hamelin to Göttingen) and in the area of Helmstedt. The highest levels of precipitation are experienced in the Harz because the Lower Saxon part forms the windward side of this mountain range against which orographic rain falls. The average annual temperature is 8 °C (7.5 °C in the Altes Land and 8.5 °C in the district of Cloppenburg).Lower Saxony is divided into 37 districts ("Landkreise" or simply "Kreise"):Furthermore, there are eight urban districts and two cities with special status:¹ "following the "Göttingen Law" of 1 January 1964, the town of Göttingen is incorporated into the rural district ("Landkreis") of Göttingen, but is treated as an urban district unless other rules apply. On 1 November 2016 the districts of Osterode and Göttingen were merged under the name Göttingen, not influencing the city's special status."² "following the "Law on the region of Hanover", Hanover merged with the district of Hanover to form the Hanover Region, which has been treated mostly as a rural district, but Hanover is treated as an urban district since 1 November 2001 unless other rules apply."The name of Saxony derives from that of the Germanic confederation of tribes called the Saxons. Before the late medieval period, there was a single Duchy of Saxony. The term "Lower Saxony" was used after the dissolution of the stem duchy in the late 13th century to disambiguate the parts of the former duchy ruled by the House of Welf from the Electorate of Saxony on one hand, and from the Duchy of Westphalia on the other.The name and coat of arms of the present state go back to the Germanic tribe of Saxons. During the Migration Period some of the Saxon peoples left their homeland in Holstein about the 3rd century and pushed southwards over the Elbe, where they expanded into the sparsely populated regions in the rest of the lowlands, in the present-day Northwest Germany and the northeastern part of what is now the Netherlands. From about the 7th century the Saxons had occupied a settlement area that roughly corresponds to the present state of Lower Saxony, of Westphalia and a number of areas to the east, for example, in what is now west and north Saxony-Anhalt. The land of the Saxons was divided into about 60 "Gaue". The Frisians had not moved into this region; for centuries they preserved their independence in the most northwesterly region of the present-day Lower Saxon territory. The original language of the folk in the area of Old Saxony was West Low German, one of the varieties of language in the Low German dialect group.The establishment of permanent boundaries between what later became Lower Saxony and Westphalia began in the 12th century. In 1260, in a treaty between the Archbishopric of Cologne and the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg the lands claimed by the two territories were separated from each other. The border ran along the Weser to a point north of Nienburg. The northern part of the Weser-Ems region was placed under the rule of Brunswick-Lüneburg.The word "Niedersachsen" was first used before 1300 in a Dutch rhyming chronicle ("Reimchronik"). From the 14th century it referred to the Duchy of Saxe-Lauenburg (as opposed to Saxe-Wittenberg). On the creation of the imperial circles in 1500, a Lower Saxon Circle was distinguished from a Lower Rhenish–Westphalian Circle. The latter included the following territories that, in whole or in part, belong today to the state of Lower Saxony: the Bishopric of Osnabrück, the Bishopric of Münster, the County of Bentheim, the County of Hoya, the Principality of East Frisia, the Principality of Verden, the County of Diepholz, the County of Oldenburg, the County of Schaumburg and the County of Spiegelberg. At the same time a distinction was made with the eastern part of the old Saxon lands from the central German principalities later called Upper Saxony for dynastic reasons. (see also → Electorate of Saxony, History of Saxony).The close historical links between the domains of the Lower Saxon Circle now in modern Lower Saxony survived for centuries especially from a dynastic point of view. The majority of historic territories whose land now lies within Lower Saxony were sub-principalities of the medieval, Welf estates of the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg. All the Welf princes called themselves dukes "of Brunswick and Lüneburg" despite often ruling parts of a duchy that was forever being divided and reunited as various Welf lines multiplied or died out.Over the course of time two great principalities survived east of the Weser: the Kingdom of Hanover and the Duchy of Brunswick (after 1866 Hanover became a Prussian province; after 1919 Brunswick became a free state). Historically a close tie exists between the royal house of Hanover (Electorate of Hanover) to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as a result of their personal union in the 18th century.West of the River Hunte a "de-Westphalianising process" began in 1815. After the Congress of Vienna the territories of the later administrative regions ("Regierungsbezirke") of Osnabrück and Aurich transferred to the Kingdom of Hanover. Until 1946, the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg and the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe retained their stately authority. Nevertheless, the entire Weser-Ems region (including the city of Bremen) were grouped in 1920 into a Lower Saxon Constituency Association ("Wahlkreisverband IX (Niedersachsen)"). This indicates that at that time the western administrations of the Prussian Province of Hanover and the state of Oldenburg were perceived as being "Lower Saxon".The forerunners of today's state of Lower Saxony were lands that were geographically and, to some extent, institutionally interrelated from very early on. The County of Schaumburg (not to be confused with the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe) around the towns of Rinteln and Hessisch Oldendorf did indeed belong to the Prussian province of Hesse-Nassau until 1932, a province that also included large parts of the present state of Hesse, including the cities of Kassel, Wiesbaden and Frankfurt am Main; but in 1932, however, the County of Schaumburg became part of the Prussian Province of Hanover. Also before 1945, namely 1937, the city of Cuxhaven has been fully integrated into the Prussian Province of Hanover by the Greater Hamburg Act, so that in 1946, when the state of Lower Saxony was founded, only four states needed to be merged. With the exception of Bremen and the areas that were ceded to the Soviet Occupation Zone in 1945, all those areas allocated to the new state of Lower Saxony in 1946, had already been merged into the "Constituency Association of Lower Saxony" in 1920.In a lecture on 14 September 2007, Dietmar von Reeken described the emergence of a "Lower Saxony consciousness" in the 19th century, the geographical basis of which was used to invent a territorial construct: the resulting local heritage societies ("Heimatvereine") and their associated magazines routinely used the terms "Lower Saxony" or "Lower Saxon" in their names. At the end of the 1920s in the context of discussions about a reform of the Reich, and promoted by the expanding local heritage movement ("Heimatbewegung"), a 25-year conflict started between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia". The supporters of this dispute were administrative officials and politicians, but regionally focussed scientists of various disciplines were supposed to have fuelled the arguments. In the 1930s, a real Lower Saxony did not yet exist, but there was a plethora of institutions that would have called themselves "Lower Saxon". The motives and arguments in the disputes between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia" were very similar on both sides: economic interests, political aims, cultural interests and historical aspects.After the Second World War most of Northwest Germany lay within the British Zone of Occupation. On 23 August 1946, the British Military Government issued Ordinance No. 46 ""Concerning the dissolution of the provinces of the former state of Prussia in the British Zone and their reconstitution as independent states"", which initially established the State of Hanover on the territory of the former Prussian Province of Hanover. Its minister president, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, had already suggested in June 1945 the formation of a state of Lower Saxony, that was to include the largest possible region in the middle of the British Zone. In addition to the regions that actually became Lower Saxony subsequently, Kopf asked, in a memorandum dated April 1946, for the inclusion of the former Prussian district of Minden-Ravensberg (i.e. the Westphalian city of Bielefeld as well as the Westphalian districts of Minden, Lübbecke, Bielefeld, Herford and Halle), the district of Tecklenburg and the state of Lippe. Kopf's plan was ultimately based on a draft for the reform of the German Empire from the late 1920s by Georg Schnath and Kurt Brüning. The strong Welf connotations of this draft, according to Thomas Vogtherr, did not simplify the development of a Lower Saxon identity after 1946.An alternative model, proposed by politicians in Oldenburg and Brunswick, envisaged the foundation of the independent state of "Weser-Ems", that would be formed from the state of Oldenburg, the Hanseatic City of Bremen and the administrative regions of Aurich and Osnabrück. Several representatives of the state of Oldenburg even demanded the inclusion of the Hanoverian districts of Diepholz, Syke, Osterholz-Scharmbeck and Wesermünde in the proposed state of "Weser-Ems". Likewise an enlarged State of Brunswick was proposed in the southeast to include the "Regierungsbezirk" of Hildesheim and the district of Gifhorn. Had this plan come to fruition, the territory of the present Lower Saxony would have consisted of three states of roughly equal size.The district council of Vechta protested on 12 June 1946 against being incorporated into the metropolitan area of Hanover ("Großraum Hannover"). If the State of Oldenburg was to be dissolved, Vechta District would much rather be included in the Westphalian region. Particularly in the districts where there was a political Catholicism the notion was widespread, that Oldenburg Münsterland and the "Regierungsbezirk" of Osnabrück should be part of a newly formed State of Westphalia.Since the foundation of the states of North Rhine-Westphalia and Hanover on 23 August 1946 the northern and eastern border of North Rhine-Westphalia has largely been identical with that of the Prussian Province of Westphalia. Only the Free State of Lippe was not incorporated into North Rhine-Westphalia until January 1947. With that the majority of the regions left of the Upper Weser became North Rhine-Westphalian.In the end, at the meeting of the Zone Advisory Board on 20 September 1946, Kopf's proposal with regard to the division of the British occupation zone into three large states proved to be capable of gaining a majority. Because this division of their occupation zone into relatively large states also met the interests of the British, on 8 November 1946 Regulation No. 55 of the British military government was issued, by which the State of Lower Saxony with its capital Hanover were founded, backdated to 1 November 1946. The state was formed by a merger of the Free States of Brunswick, of Oldenburg and of Schaumburg-Lippe with the previously formed State of Hanover. But there were exceptions:The demands of Dutch politicians that the Netherlands should be given the German regions east of the Dutch-German border as war reparations, were roundly rejected at the London Conference of 26 March 1949. In fact only about of West Lower Saxony was transferred to the Netherlands, in 1949."→ see main article Dutch annexation of German territory after World War II"The first Lower Saxon parliament or "Landtag" met on 9 December 1946. It was not elected; rather it was established by the British Occupation Administration (a so-called "appointed parliament"). That same day the parliament elected the Social Democrat, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, the former Hanoverian president ("Regierungspräsident") as their first minister president. Kopf led a five-party coalition, whose basic task was to rebuild a state afflicted by the war's rigours. Kopf's cabinet had to organise an improvement of food supplies and the reconstruction of the cities and towns destroyed by Allied air raids during the war years. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf remained – interrupted by the time in office of Heinrich Hellwege (1955–1959) – as the head of government in Lower Saxony until 1961.The greatest problem facing the first state government in the immediate post-war years was the challenge of integrating hundreds of thousands of refugees from Germany's former territories in the east (such as Silesia and East Prussia), which had been annexed by Poland and the Soviet Union. Lower Saxony was at the western end of the direct escape route from East Prussia and had the longest border with the Soviet Zone. On 3 October 1950 Lower Saxony took over the sponsorship of the very large number of refugees from Silesia. In 1950 there was still a shortage of 730,000 homes according to official figures.During the period when Germany was divided, the Lower Saxon border crossing at Helmstedt found itself on the main transport artery to West Berlin and, from 1945 to 1990 was the busiest European border crossing point.Of economic significance for the state was the "Volkswagen" concern, that restarted the production of civilian vehicles in 1945, initially under British management, and in 1949 transferred into the ownership of the newly founded country of West Germany and state of Lower Saxony. Overall, Lower Saxony, with its large tracts of rural countryside and few urban centres, was one of the industrially weaker regions of the federal republic for a long time. In 1960, 20% of the working population worked on the land. In the rest of the federal territory the figure was just 14%. Even in economically prosperous times the jobless totals in Lower Saxony are constantly higher than the federal average.In 1961 Georg Diederichs took office as the minister president of Lower Saxony as the successor to Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf. He was replaced in 1970 by Alfred Kubel. The arguments about the Gorleben Nuclear Waste Repository, that began during the time in office of minister president Ernst Albrecht (1976–1990), have played an important role in state and federal politics since the end of the 1970s.In 1990 Gerhard Schröder entered the office of minister president. On 1 June 1993 the new Lower Saxon constitution entered force, replacing the "Provisional Lower Saxon Constitution" of 1951. It enables referenda and plebiscites and establishes environmental protection as a fundamental state principle.The former Hanoverian Amt Neuhaus with its parishes of Dellien, Haar, Kaarßen, Neuhaus (Elbe), Stapel, Sückau, Sumte and Tripkau as well as the villages of Neu Bleckede, Neu Wendischthun and Stiepelse in the parish of Teldau and the historic Hanoverian region in the forest district of Bohldamm in the parish of Garlitz transferred with effect from 30 June 1993 from Mecklenburg-Vorpommern to Lower Saxony (Lüneburg district). From these parishes the new municipality of Amt Neuhaus was created on 1 October 1993.In 1998 Gerhard Glogowski succeeded Gerhard Schröder who became Federal Chancellor. Because he had been linked with various scandals in his home city of Brunswick, he resigned in 1999 and was replaced by Sigmar Gabriel.From 2003 to his election as Federal President in 2010 Christian Wulff was minister president in Lower Saxony. The Osnabrücker headed a CDU-led coalition with the FDP as does his successor, David McAllister. After the elections on 20 January 2013 McAllister was deselected.Between 1946 and 2004, the state's districts and independent towns were grouped into eight regions, with different status for the two regions ("Verwaltungsbezirke") comprising the formerly free states of Brunswick and Oldenburg. In 1978 the regions were merged into four governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"): Since 2004 the Bezirksregierungen (regional governments) have been broken up again.1946–1978:1978–2004:On 1 January 2005 the four administrative regions or governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"), into which Lower Saxony had been hitherto divided, were dissolved. These were the governorates of Braunschweig, Hanover, Lüneburg and Weser-Ems.The 300,000-year-old and nearly complete remains of a female straight-tusked elephant were revealed by University of Tübingen researchers and the Senckenberg Centre for Human Evolution in May 2020. According to the archaeozoologist Ivo Verheijen, the skeleton with battered teeth had a shoulder height of about . Researchers also uncovered two long bones and 30 small flint flakes that were used as tools for knapping among the elephant bones."We found both tusks, the complete lower jaw, numerous vertebrae and ribs as well as large bones belonging to three of the legs and even all five delicate hyoid bones" said archaeologist Jordi Serangeli.At the end of 2014, there were almost 571,000 non-German citizens in Lower Saxony. The following table illustrates the largest minority groups in Lower Saxony:The 2011 census stated that a majority of the population were Christians (71.93%); 51.48% of the total population were member of the Evangelical Church in Germany, 18.34% were Catholics, 2.11% were member of other Christian denominations, 2.27% were member of other religions. 25.8% have no denomination. Even though there is a high level of official belonging to a Christian denomination, the peopleespecially in the citiesare highly secular in faith and behavior.As of 2018, the Evangelical Church in Germany was the faith of 43.0% of the population. It is organised in the five Landeskirchen named Evangelical Lutheran State Church in Brunswick (comprising the former Free State of Brunswick), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Hanover (comprising the former Province of Hanover), Evangelical Lutheran Church in Oldenburg (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Schaumburg-Lippe (comprising the former Free State of Schaumburg-Lippe), and Evangelical Reformed Church (covering all the state).Together, these member churches of the Evangelical Church in Germany gather a substantial part of the Protestant population in Germany.The Catholic Church was the faith of 16.8% of the population in 2018. It is organised in the three dioceses of Osnabrück (western part of the state), Münster (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg) and Hildesheim (northern and eastern part of the state). The Catholic faith is mainly concentrated to the regions of Oldenburger Münsterland, region of Osnabrück, region of Hildesheim and in the Western Eichsfeld.40.2% of the Low Saxons were irreligious or adhere to other religions. Judaism, Islam and Buddhism are minority faiths.The Gross domestic product (GDP) of the state was 229.5 billion euros in 2018, accounting for 8.7% of German economic output. GDP per capita adjusted for purchasing power was 33,700 euros or 112% of the EU27 average in the same year. The GDP per employee was 100% of the EU average.Agriculture, strongly weighted towards the livestock sector, has always been a very important economic factor in the state. The north and northwest of Lower Saxony are mainly made up of coarse sandy soil that makes crop farming difficult and therefore grassland and cattle farming are more prevalent in those areas. Lower Saxony is home, in 2017, to one in five of Germany's cattle, one in three of the country's pigs, and 50% of its hens. Wheat, potatoes, rye, and oats are among the state's present-day arable crops. Towards the south and southeast, extensive loess layers in the soil left behind by the last ice age allow high-yield crop farming. One of the principal crops there is sugar beet. Consequently, the Land has a big food industry, mainly organized in small and medium-sized enterprises (SME). Big players are Deutsches Milchkontor and PHW Group (biggest German poultry farmer and producer).Mining has also been an important source of income in Lower Saxony for centuries. Silver ore became a foundation of notable economic prosperity in the Harz Mountains as early as the 12th century, while iron mining in the Salzgitter area and salt mining in various areas of the state became another important economic backbone. Although overall yields are comparatively low, Lower Saxony is also an important supplier of crude oil in the European Union. Mineral products still mined today include iron and lignite.Radioactive waste is frequently transported in the area to the city of Salzgitter, for the deep geological repository Schacht Konrad and between Schacht Asse II in the Wolfenbüttel district and Lindwedel and Höfer.Manufacturing is another large part of the regional economy. Despite decades of gradual downsizing and restructuring, the car maker Volkswagen with its five production plants within the state's borders still remains the single biggest private-sector employer, its world headquarters in Wolfsburg. Due to the Volkswagen Law, which has recently been ruled illegal by the European Union's high court, the state of Lower Saxony is still the second largest shareholder, owning 20.3% of the company. Thanks to the importance of car manufacturing in Lower Saxony, a thriving supply industry is centred around its regional focal points. Other mainstays of the Lower Saxon industrial sector include aviation (the region of Stade is called CFK-Valley), shipbuilding (such as Meyer Werft), biotechnology, and steel. Medicine plays a major role; Hanover and Göttingen have two large University Medical Schools and hospitals and Otto Bock in Duderstadt is the word leader in prosthetics.The service sector has gained importance following the demise of manufacturing in the 1970s and 1980s. Important branches today are the tourism industry with TUI AG in Hanover, one of Europe's largest travel companies, as well as trade and telecommunication. Hanover is one of Germany's main location of insurance companies, such as Talanx, Hannover Re.In October 2018 the unemployment rate stood at 5.0% and was marginally higher than the national average.Lower Saxony has four World Heritage Sites.Since 1948, politics in the state has been dominated by the rightist Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the leftist Social Democratic Party. Lower Saxony was one of the origins of the German environmentalist movement in reaction to the state government's support for underground nuclear waste disposal. This led to the formation of the German Green Party in 1980.The former Minister-President, Christian Wulff, led a coalition of his CDU with the Free Democratic Party between 2003 and 2010. In the 2008 election, the ruling CDU held on to its position as the leading party in the state, despite losing votes and seats. The CDU's coalition with the Free Democratic Party retained its majority although it was cut from 29 to 10. The election also saw the entry into the state parliament for the first time of the leftist The Left party. On 1 July 2010 David McAllister was elected Minister-President.After the state election on 20 January 2013, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was elected as the new Minister-President. He governed in coalition with the Greens.After the state election in September 2017, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was again elected as the new Minister-President. He governs in coalition with the CDU.The state of Lower Saxony was formed after World War II by merging the former states of Hanover, Oldenburg, Brunswick and Schaumburg-Lippe. Hanover, a former kingdom, is by far the largest of these contributors by area and population and has been a province of Prussia since 1866. The city of Hanover is the largest and capital city of Lower Saxony.The constitution states that Lower Saxony be a free, republican, democratic, social and environmentally sustainable state inside the Federal Republic of Germany; universal human rights, peace and justice are preassigned guidelines of society, and the human rights and civil liberties proclaimed by the constitution of the Federal Republic are genuine constituents of the constitution of Lower Saxony. Each citizen is entitled to education and there is universal compulsory school attendance.All government authority is to be sanctioned by the will of the people, which expresses itself via elections and plebiscites. The legislative assembly is a unicameral parliament elected for terms of five years. The composition of the parliament obeys to the principle of proportional representation of the participating political parties, but it is also ensured that each constituency delegates one directly elected representative. If a party wins more constituency delegates than their statewide share among the parties would determine, it can keep all these constituency delegates.The governor of the state (prime minister) and his ministers are elected by the parliament. As there is a system of five political parties in Germany and so also in Lower Saxony, it is usually the case that two or more parties negotiate for a common political agenda and a commonly determined composition of government where the party with the biggest share of the electorate fills the seat of the governor.The states of the Federal Republic of Germany, and so Lower Saxony, have legislative responsibility and power mainly reduced to the policy fields of the school system, higher education, culture and media and police, whereas the more important policy fields like economic and social policies, foreign policy etc. are a prerogative of the federal government. Hence the probably most important function of the federal states is their representation in the Federal Council (Bundesrat), where their approval on many crucial federal policy fields, including the tax system, is required for laws to become enacted.The Minister-President heads the state government, acting as a head of state (even if the federated states have the status of a state, they don't established the office of a head of state but merged the functions with the head of the executive branch) as well as the government leader. They are elected by the Landtag of Lower Saxony.The coat of arms shows a white horse (Saxon Steed) against a red background, which is an old symbol of the Saxon people. Legend has it that the horse was a symbol of the Saxon leader Widukind, albeit a black horse against a yellow background. The colours changed after the Christian baptism of Widukind. White and red are colours (besides black and gold) of the Holy Roman Empire symbolizing Christ as the saviour, who is still shown with a red cross against a white background.	[ "Gerhard Schröder", "Ernst Albrecht", "Alfred Kubel", "Heinrich Hellwege", "Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf", "Christian Wulff", "David McAllister", "Gerhard Glogowski", "Stephan Weil", "Georg Diederichs" ]
Who was the head of Lower Saxony in 19/08/2001?	August 19, 2001	{ "text": [ "Sigmar Gabriel" ] }	L2_Q1197_P6_7	Gerhard Schröder is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1998. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1955. Georg Diederichs is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1970. Christian Wulff is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Mar, 2003 to Jun, 2010. Heinrich Hellwege is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1959. Sigmar Gabriel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Dec, 1999 to Mar, 2003. Alfred Kubel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Ernst Albrecht is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1990. Gerhard Glogowski is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999. David McAllister is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jul, 2010 to Feb, 2013. Stephan Weil is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Feb, 2013 to Dec, 2022.	Lower SaxonyLower Saxony ( ; ; ) is a German state ("Land") situated in northwestern Germany. It is the second-largest state by land area, being larger than Denmark with , and fourth-largest in population (7.9 million) among the 16 "Länder" federated as the Federal Republic of Germany. In rural areas, Northern Low Saxon (a dialect of Low German) and Saterland Frisian (a variety of the Frisian language) are still spoken, but the number of speakers is declining.Lower Saxony borders on (from north and clockwise) the North Sea, the states of Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Brandenburg, Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia, Hesse and North Rhine-Westphalia, and the Netherlands (Drenthe, Groningen and Overijssel). Furthermore, the state of Bremen forms two enclaves within Lower Saxony, one being the city of Bremen, the other, its seaport city of Bremerhaven (which is a semi-enclave, as it has a coastline). In fact, Lower Saxony borders more neighbours than any other single "Bundesland." The state's principal cities include the state capital Hanover, Braunschweig (Brunswick), Lüneburg, Osnabrück, Oldenburg, Hildesheim, Wolfenbüttel, Wolfsburg, and Göttingen.The northwestern area of Lower Saxony, which lies on the coast of the North Sea, is called East Frisia and the seven East Frisian Islands offshore are popular with tourists. In the extreme west of Lower Saxony is the Emsland, an economically emerging but rather sparsely populated area, once dominated by inaccessible swamps. The northern half of Lower Saxony, also known as the North German Plains, is almost invariably flat except for the gentle hills around the Bremen geestland. Towards the south and southwest lie the northern parts of the German Central Uplands: the Weser Uplands and the Harz mountains. Between these two lie the Lower Saxon Hills, a range of low ridges. Thus, Lower Saxony is the only "Bundesland" that encompasses both maritime and mountainous areas.Lower Saxony's major cities and economic centres are mainly situated in its central and southern parts, namely Hanover, Braunschweig, Osnabrück, Wolfsburg, Salzgitter, Hildesheim, and Göttingen. Oldenburg, near the northwestern coastline, is another economic centre. The region in the northeast is called the Lüneburg Heath ("Lüneburger Heide"), the largest heathland area of Germany and in medieval times wealthy due to salt mining and salt trade, as well as to a lesser degree the exploitation of its peat bogs until about the 1960s. To the north, the Elbe River separates Lower Saxony from Hamburg, Schleswig-Holstein, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Brandenburg. The banks just south of the Elbe are known as "Altes Land" (Old Country). Due to its gentle local climate and fertile soil, it is the state's largest area of fruit farming, its chief produce being apples.Most of the state's territory was part of the historic Kingdom of Hanover; the state of Lower Saxony has adopted the coat of arms and other symbols of the former kingdom. It was created by the merger of the State of Hanover with three smaller states on 1 November 1946.Lower Saxony has a natural boundary in the north in the North Sea and the lower and middle reaches of the River Elbe, although parts of the city of Hamburg lie south of the Elbe. The state and city of Bremen is an enclave entirely surrounded by Lower Saxony. The Bremen/Oldenburg Metropolitan Region is a cooperative body for the enclave area. To the southeast, the state border runs through the Harz, low mountains that are part of the German Central Uplands. The northeast and west of the state, which form roughly three-quarters of its land area, belong to the North German Plain, while the south is in the Lower Saxon Hills, including the Weser Uplands, Leine Uplands, Schaumburg Land, Brunswick Land, Untereichsfeld, Elm, and Lappwald. In northeast, Lower Saxony is Lüneburg Heath. The heath is dominated by the poor, sandy soils of the geest, whilst in the central east and southeast in the loess "börde" zone, productive soils with high natural fertility occur. Under these conditions—with loam and sand-containing soils—the land is well-developed agriculturally. In the west lie the County of Bentheim, Osnabrück Land, Emsland, Oldenburg Land, Ammerland, Oldenburg Münsterland, and on the coast East Frisia.The state is dominated by several large rivers running northwards through the state: the Ems, Weser, Aller, and Elbe.The highest mountain in Lower Saxony is the Wurmberg (971 m) in the Harz. For other significant elevations see: List of mountains and hills in Lower Saxony. Most of the mountains and hills are found in the southeastern part of the state. The lowest point in the state, at about 2.5 m below sea level, is a depression near Freepsum in East Frisia.The state's economy, population, and infrastructure are centred on the cities and towns of Hanover, Stadthagen, Celle, Braunschweig, Wolfsburg, Hildesheim, and Salzgitter. Together with Göttingen in southern Lower Saxony, they form the core of the Hannover–Braunschweig–Göttingen–Wolfsburg Metropolitan Region.Lower Saxony has clear regional divisions that manifest themselves geographically, as well as historically and culturally. In the regions that used to be independent, especially the heartlands of the former states of Brunswick, Hanover, Oldenburg and Schaumburg-Lippe, a marked local regional awareness exists. By contrast, the areas surrounding the Hanseatic cities of Bremen and Hamburg are much more oriented towards those centres.Sometimes, overlaps and transition areas happen between the various regions of Lower Saxony. Several of the regions listed here are part of other, larger regions, that are also included in the list.Just under 20% of the land area of Lower Saxony is designated as nature parks, i.e.: Dümmer, Elbhöhen-Wendland, Elm-Lappwald, Harz, Lüneburger Heide, Münden, Terra.vita, Solling-Vogler, Lake Steinhude, Südheide, Weser Uplands, Wildeshausen Geest, Bourtanger Moor-Bargerveen.Lower Saxony falls climatically into the north temperate zone of central Europe that is affected by prevailing Westerlies and is located in a transition zone between the maritime climate of Western Europe and the continental climate of Eastern Europe. This transition is clearly noticeable within the state: whilst the northwest experiences an Atlantic (North Sea coastal) to Sub-Atlantic climate, with comparatively low variations in temperature during the course of the year and a surplus water budget, the climate towards the southeast is increasingly affected by the Continent. This is clearly shown by greater temperature variations between the summer and winter halves of the year and in lower and more variable amounts of precipitation across the year. This sub-continental effect is most sharply seen in the Wendland, in the Weser Uplands (Hamelin to Göttingen) and in the area of Helmstedt. The highest levels of precipitation are experienced in the Harz because the Lower Saxon part forms the windward side of this mountain range against which orographic rain falls. The average annual temperature is 8 °C (7.5 °C in the Altes Land and 8.5 °C in the district of Cloppenburg).Lower Saxony is divided into 37 districts ("Landkreise" or simply "Kreise"):Furthermore, there are eight urban districts and two cities with special status:¹ "following the "Göttingen Law" of 1 January 1964, the town of Göttingen is incorporated into the rural district ("Landkreis") of Göttingen, but is treated as an urban district unless other rules apply. On 1 November 2016 the districts of Osterode and Göttingen were merged under the name Göttingen, not influencing the city's special status."² "following the "Law on the region of Hanover", Hanover merged with the district of Hanover to form the Hanover Region, which has been treated mostly as a rural district, but Hanover is treated as an urban district since 1 November 2001 unless other rules apply."The name of Saxony derives from that of the Germanic confederation of tribes called the Saxons. Before the late medieval period, there was a single Duchy of Saxony. The term "Lower Saxony" was used after the dissolution of the stem duchy in the late 13th century to disambiguate the parts of the former duchy ruled by the House of Welf from the Electorate of Saxony on one hand, and from the Duchy of Westphalia on the other.The name and coat of arms of the present state go back to the Germanic tribe of Saxons. During the Migration Period some of the Saxon peoples left their homeland in Holstein about the 3rd century and pushed southwards over the Elbe, where they expanded into the sparsely populated regions in the rest of the lowlands, in the present-day Northwest Germany and the northeastern part of what is now the Netherlands. From about the 7th century the Saxons had occupied a settlement area that roughly corresponds to the present state of Lower Saxony, of Westphalia and a number of areas to the east, for example, in what is now west and north Saxony-Anhalt. The land of the Saxons was divided into about 60 "Gaue". The Frisians had not moved into this region; for centuries they preserved their independence in the most northwesterly region of the present-day Lower Saxon territory. The original language of the folk in the area of Old Saxony was West Low German, one of the varieties of language in the Low German dialect group.The establishment of permanent boundaries between what later became Lower Saxony and Westphalia began in the 12th century. In 1260, in a treaty between the Archbishopric of Cologne and the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg the lands claimed by the two territories were separated from each other. The border ran along the Weser to a point north of Nienburg. The northern part of the Weser-Ems region was placed under the rule of Brunswick-Lüneburg.The word "Niedersachsen" was first used before 1300 in a Dutch rhyming chronicle ("Reimchronik"). From the 14th century it referred to the Duchy of Saxe-Lauenburg (as opposed to Saxe-Wittenberg). On the creation of the imperial circles in 1500, a Lower Saxon Circle was distinguished from a Lower Rhenish–Westphalian Circle. The latter included the following territories that, in whole or in part, belong today to the state of Lower Saxony: the Bishopric of Osnabrück, the Bishopric of Münster, the County of Bentheim, the County of Hoya, the Principality of East Frisia, the Principality of Verden, the County of Diepholz, the County of Oldenburg, the County of Schaumburg and the County of Spiegelberg. At the same time a distinction was made with the eastern part of the old Saxon lands from the central German principalities later called Upper Saxony for dynastic reasons. (see also → Electorate of Saxony, History of Saxony).The close historical links between the domains of the Lower Saxon Circle now in modern Lower Saxony survived for centuries especially from a dynastic point of view. The majority of historic territories whose land now lies within Lower Saxony were sub-principalities of the medieval, Welf estates of the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg. All the Welf princes called themselves dukes "of Brunswick and Lüneburg" despite often ruling parts of a duchy that was forever being divided and reunited as various Welf lines multiplied or died out.Over the course of time two great principalities survived east of the Weser: the Kingdom of Hanover and the Duchy of Brunswick (after 1866 Hanover became a Prussian province; after 1919 Brunswick became a free state). Historically a close tie exists between the royal house of Hanover (Electorate of Hanover) to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as a result of their personal union in the 18th century.West of the River Hunte a "de-Westphalianising process" began in 1815. After the Congress of Vienna the territories of the later administrative regions ("Regierungsbezirke") of Osnabrück and Aurich transferred to the Kingdom of Hanover. Until 1946, the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg and the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe retained their stately authority. Nevertheless, the entire Weser-Ems region (including the city of Bremen) were grouped in 1920 into a Lower Saxon Constituency Association ("Wahlkreisverband IX (Niedersachsen)"). This indicates that at that time the western administrations of the Prussian Province of Hanover and the state of Oldenburg were perceived as being "Lower Saxon".The forerunners of today's state of Lower Saxony were lands that were geographically and, to some extent, institutionally interrelated from very early on. The County of Schaumburg (not to be confused with the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe) around the towns of Rinteln and Hessisch Oldendorf did indeed belong to the Prussian province of Hesse-Nassau until 1932, a province that also included large parts of the present state of Hesse, including the cities of Kassel, Wiesbaden and Frankfurt am Main; but in 1932, however, the County of Schaumburg became part of the Prussian Province of Hanover. Also before 1945, namely 1937, the city of Cuxhaven has been fully integrated into the Prussian Province of Hanover by the Greater Hamburg Act, so that in 1946, when the state of Lower Saxony was founded, only four states needed to be merged. With the exception of Bremen and the areas that were ceded to the Soviet Occupation Zone in 1945, all those areas allocated to the new state of Lower Saxony in 1946, had already been merged into the "Constituency Association of Lower Saxony" in 1920.In a lecture on 14 September 2007, Dietmar von Reeken described the emergence of a "Lower Saxony consciousness" in the 19th century, the geographical basis of which was used to invent a territorial construct: the resulting local heritage societies ("Heimatvereine") and their associated magazines routinely used the terms "Lower Saxony" or "Lower Saxon" in their names. At the end of the 1920s in the context of discussions about a reform of the Reich, and promoted by the expanding local heritage movement ("Heimatbewegung"), a 25-year conflict started between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia". The supporters of this dispute were administrative officials and politicians, but regionally focussed scientists of various disciplines were supposed to have fuelled the arguments. In the 1930s, a real Lower Saxony did not yet exist, but there was a plethora of institutions that would have called themselves "Lower Saxon". The motives and arguments in the disputes between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia" were very similar on both sides: economic interests, political aims, cultural interests and historical aspects.After the Second World War most of Northwest Germany lay within the British Zone of Occupation. On 23 August 1946, the British Military Government issued Ordinance No. 46 ""Concerning the dissolution of the provinces of the former state of Prussia in the British Zone and their reconstitution as independent states"", which initially established the State of Hanover on the territory of the former Prussian Province of Hanover. Its minister president, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, had already suggested in June 1945 the formation of a state of Lower Saxony, that was to include the largest possible region in the middle of the British Zone. In addition to the regions that actually became Lower Saxony subsequently, Kopf asked, in a memorandum dated April 1946, for the inclusion of the former Prussian district of Minden-Ravensberg (i.e. the Westphalian city of Bielefeld as well as the Westphalian districts of Minden, Lübbecke, Bielefeld, Herford and Halle), the district of Tecklenburg and the state of Lippe. Kopf's plan was ultimately based on a draft for the reform of the German Empire from the late 1920s by Georg Schnath and Kurt Brüning. The strong Welf connotations of this draft, according to Thomas Vogtherr, did not simplify the development of a Lower Saxon identity after 1946.An alternative model, proposed by politicians in Oldenburg and Brunswick, envisaged the foundation of the independent state of "Weser-Ems", that would be formed from the state of Oldenburg, the Hanseatic City of Bremen and the administrative regions of Aurich and Osnabrück. Several representatives of the state of Oldenburg even demanded the inclusion of the Hanoverian districts of Diepholz, Syke, Osterholz-Scharmbeck and Wesermünde in the proposed state of "Weser-Ems". Likewise an enlarged State of Brunswick was proposed in the southeast to include the "Regierungsbezirk" of Hildesheim and the district of Gifhorn. Had this plan come to fruition, the territory of the present Lower Saxony would have consisted of three states of roughly equal size.The district council of Vechta protested on 12 June 1946 against being incorporated into the metropolitan area of Hanover ("Großraum Hannover"). If the State of Oldenburg was to be dissolved, Vechta District would much rather be included in the Westphalian region. Particularly in the districts where there was a political Catholicism the notion was widespread, that Oldenburg Münsterland and the "Regierungsbezirk" of Osnabrück should be part of a newly formed State of Westphalia.Since the foundation of the states of North Rhine-Westphalia and Hanover on 23 August 1946 the northern and eastern border of North Rhine-Westphalia has largely been identical with that of the Prussian Province of Westphalia. Only the Free State of Lippe was not incorporated into North Rhine-Westphalia until January 1947. With that the majority of the regions left of the Upper Weser became North Rhine-Westphalian.In the end, at the meeting of the Zone Advisory Board on 20 September 1946, Kopf's proposal with regard to the division of the British occupation zone into three large states proved to be capable of gaining a majority. Because this division of their occupation zone into relatively large states also met the interests of the British, on 8 November 1946 Regulation No. 55 of the British military government was issued, by which the State of Lower Saxony with its capital Hanover were founded, backdated to 1 November 1946. The state was formed by a merger of the Free States of Brunswick, of Oldenburg and of Schaumburg-Lippe with the previously formed State of Hanover. But there were exceptions:The demands of Dutch politicians that the Netherlands should be given the German regions east of the Dutch-German border as war reparations, were roundly rejected at the London Conference of 26 March 1949. In fact only about of West Lower Saxony was transferred to the Netherlands, in 1949."→ see main article Dutch annexation of German territory after World War II"The first Lower Saxon parliament or "Landtag" met on 9 December 1946. It was not elected; rather it was established by the British Occupation Administration (a so-called "appointed parliament"). That same day the parliament elected the Social Democrat, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, the former Hanoverian president ("Regierungspräsident") as their first minister president. Kopf led a five-party coalition, whose basic task was to rebuild a state afflicted by the war's rigours. Kopf's cabinet had to organise an improvement of food supplies and the reconstruction of the cities and towns destroyed by Allied air raids during the war years. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf remained – interrupted by the time in office of Heinrich Hellwege (1955–1959) – as the head of government in Lower Saxony until 1961.The greatest problem facing the first state government in the immediate post-war years was the challenge of integrating hundreds of thousands of refugees from Germany's former territories in the east (such as Silesia and East Prussia), which had been annexed by Poland and the Soviet Union. Lower Saxony was at the western end of the direct escape route from East Prussia and had the longest border with the Soviet Zone. On 3 October 1950 Lower Saxony took over the sponsorship of the very large number of refugees from Silesia. In 1950 there was still a shortage of 730,000 homes according to official figures.During the period when Germany was divided, the Lower Saxon border crossing at Helmstedt found itself on the main transport artery to West Berlin and, from 1945 to 1990 was the busiest European border crossing point.Of economic significance for the state was the "Volkswagen" concern, that restarted the production of civilian vehicles in 1945, initially under British management, and in 1949 transferred into the ownership of the newly founded country of West Germany and state of Lower Saxony. Overall, Lower Saxony, with its large tracts of rural countryside and few urban centres, was one of the industrially weaker regions of the federal republic for a long time. In 1960, 20% of the working population worked on the land. In the rest of the federal territory the figure was just 14%. Even in economically prosperous times the jobless totals in Lower Saxony are constantly higher than the federal average.In 1961 Georg Diederichs took office as the minister president of Lower Saxony as the successor to Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf. He was replaced in 1970 by Alfred Kubel. The arguments about the Gorleben Nuclear Waste Repository, that began during the time in office of minister president Ernst Albrecht (1976–1990), have played an important role in state and federal politics since the end of the 1970s.In 1990 Gerhard Schröder entered the office of minister president. On 1 June 1993 the new Lower Saxon constitution entered force, replacing the "Provisional Lower Saxon Constitution" of 1951. It enables referenda and plebiscites and establishes environmental protection as a fundamental state principle.The former Hanoverian Amt Neuhaus with its parishes of Dellien, Haar, Kaarßen, Neuhaus (Elbe), Stapel, Sückau, Sumte and Tripkau as well as the villages of Neu Bleckede, Neu Wendischthun and Stiepelse in the parish of Teldau and the historic Hanoverian region in the forest district of Bohldamm in the parish of Garlitz transferred with effect from 30 June 1993 from Mecklenburg-Vorpommern to Lower Saxony (Lüneburg district). From these parishes the new municipality of Amt Neuhaus was created on 1 October 1993.In 1998 Gerhard Glogowski succeeded Gerhard Schröder who became Federal Chancellor. Because he had been linked with various scandals in his home city of Brunswick, he resigned in 1999 and was replaced by Sigmar Gabriel.From 2003 to his election as Federal President in 2010 Christian Wulff was minister president in Lower Saxony. The Osnabrücker headed a CDU-led coalition with the FDP as does his successor, David McAllister. After the elections on 20 January 2013 McAllister was deselected.Between 1946 and 2004, the state's districts and independent towns were grouped into eight regions, with different status for the two regions ("Verwaltungsbezirke") comprising the formerly free states of Brunswick and Oldenburg. In 1978 the regions were merged into four governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"): Since 2004 the Bezirksregierungen (regional governments) have been broken up again.1946–1978:1978–2004:On 1 January 2005 the four administrative regions or governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"), into which Lower Saxony had been hitherto divided, were dissolved. These were the governorates of Braunschweig, Hanover, Lüneburg and Weser-Ems.The 300,000-year-old and nearly complete remains of a female straight-tusked elephant were revealed by University of Tübingen researchers and the Senckenberg Centre for Human Evolution in May 2020. According to the archaeozoologist Ivo Verheijen, the skeleton with battered teeth had a shoulder height of about . Researchers also uncovered two long bones and 30 small flint flakes that were used as tools for knapping among the elephant bones."We found both tusks, the complete lower jaw, numerous vertebrae and ribs as well as large bones belonging to three of the legs and even all five delicate hyoid bones" said archaeologist Jordi Serangeli.At the end of 2014, there were almost 571,000 non-German citizens in Lower Saxony. The following table illustrates the largest minority groups in Lower Saxony:The 2011 census stated that a majority of the population were Christians (71.93%); 51.48% of the total population were member of the Evangelical Church in Germany, 18.34% were Catholics, 2.11% were member of other Christian denominations, 2.27% were member of other religions. 25.8% have no denomination. Even though there is a high level of official belonging to a Christian denomination, the peopleespecially in the citiesare highly secular in faith and behavior.As of 2018, the Evangelical Church in Germany was the faith of 43.0% of the population. It is organised in the five Landeskirchen named Evangelical Lutheran State Church in Brunswick (comprising the former Free State of Brunswick), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Hanover (comprising the former Province of Hanover), Evangelical Lutheran Church in Oldenburg (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Schaumburg-Lippe (comprising the former Free State of Schaumburg-Lippe), and Evangelical Reformed Church (covering all the state).Together, these member churches of the Evangelical Church in Germany gather a substantial part of the Protestant population in Germany.The Catholic Church was the faith of 16.8% of the population in 2018. It is organised in the three dioceses of Osnabrück (western part of the state), Münster (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg) and Hildesheim (northern and eastern part of the state). The Catholic faith is mainly concentrated to the regions of Oldenburger Münsterland, region of Osnabrück, region of Hildesheim and in the Western Eichsfeld.40.2% of the Low Saxons were irreligious or adhere to other religions. Judaism, Islam and Buddhism are minority faiths.The Gross domestic product (GDP) of the state was 229.5 billion euros in 2018, accounting for 8.7% of German economic output. GDP per capita adjusted for purchasing power was 33,700 euros or 112% of the EU27 average in the same year. The GDP per employee was 100% of the EU average.Agriculture, strongly weighted towards the livestock sector, has always been a very important economic factor in the state. The north and northwest of Lower Saxony are mainly made up of coarse sandy soil that makes crop farming difficult and therefore grassland and cattle farming are more prevalent in those areas. Lower Saxony is home, in 2017, to one in five of Germany's cattle, one in three of the country's pigs, and 50% of its hens. Wheat, potatoes, rye, and oats are among the state's present-day arable crops. Towards the south and southeast, extensive loess layers in the soil left behind by the last ice age allow high-yield crop farming. One of the principal crops there is sugar beet. Consequently, the Land has a big food industry, mainly organized in small and medium-sized enterprises (SME). Big players are Deutsches Milchkontor and PHW Group (biggest German poultry farmer and producer).Mining has also been an important source of income in Lower Saxony for centuries. Silver ore became a foundation of notable economic prosperity in the Harz Mountains as early as the 12th century, while iron mining in the Salzgitter area and salt mining in various areas of the state became another important economic backbone. Although overall yields are comparatively low, Lower Saxony is also an important supplier of crude oil in the European Union. Mineral products still mined today include iron and lignite.Radioactive waste is frequently transported in the area to the city of Salzgitter, for the deep geological repository Schacht Konrad and between Schacht Asse II in the Wolfenbüttel district and Lindwedel and Höfer.Manufacturing is another large part of the regional economy. Despite decades of gradual downsizing and restructuring, the car maker Volkswagen with its five production plants within the state's borders still remains the single biggest private-sector employer, its world headquarters in Wolfsburg. Due to the Volkswagen Law, which has recently been ruled illegal by the European Union's high court, the state of Lower Saxony is still the second largest shareholder, owning 20.3% of the company. Thanks to the importance of car manufacturing in Lower Saxony, a thriving supply industry is centred around its regional focal points. Other mainstays of the Lower Saxon industrial sector include aviation (the region of Stade is called CFK-Valley), shipbuilding (such as Meyer Werft), biotechnology, and steel. Medicine plays a major role; Hanover and Göttingen have two large University Medical Schools and hospitals and Otto Bock in Duderstadt is the word leader in prosthetics.The service sector has gained importance following the demise of manufacturing in the 1970s and 1980s. Important branches today are the tourism industry with TUI AG in Hanover, one of Europe's largest travel companies, as well as trade and telecommunication. Hanover is one of Germany's main location of insurance companies, such as Talanx, Hannover Re.In October 2018 the unemployment rate stood at 5.0% and was marginally higher than the national average.Lower Saxony has four World Heritage Sites.Since 1948, politics in the state has been dominated by the rightist Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the leftist Social Democratic Party. Lower Saxony was one of the origins of the German environmentalist movement in reaction to the state government's support for underground nuclear waste disposal. This led to the formation of the German Green Party in 1980.The former Minister-President, Christian Wulff, led a coalition of his CDU with the Free Democratic Party between 2003 and 2010. In the 2008 election, the ruling CDU held on to its position as the leading party in the state, despite losing votes and seats. The CDU's coalition with the Free Democratic Party retained its majority although it was cut from 29 to 10. The election also saw the entry into the state parliament for the first time of the leftist The Left party. On 1 July 2010 David McAllister was elected Minister-President.After the state election on 20 January 2013, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was elected as the new Minister-President. He governed in coalition with the Greens.After the state election in September 2017, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was again elected as the new Minister-President. He governs in coalition with the CDU.The state of Lower Saxony was formed after World War II by merging the former states of Hanover, Oldenburg, Brunswick and Schaumburg-Lippe. Hanover, a former kingdom, is by far the largest of these contributors by area and population and has been a province of Prussia since 1866. The city of Hanover is the largest and capital city of Lower Saxony.The constitution states that Lower Saxony be a free, republican, democratic, social and environmentally sustainable state inside the Federal Republic of Germany; universal human rights, peace and justice are preassigned guidelines of society, and the human rights and civil liberties proclaimed by the constitution of the Federal Republic are genuine constituents of the constitution of Lower Saxony. Each citizen is entitled to education and there is universal compulsory school attendance.All government authority is to be sanctioned by the will of the people, which expresses itself via elections and plebiscites. The legislative assembly is a unicameral parliament elected for terms of five years. The composition of the parliament obeys to the principle of proportional representation of the participating political parties, but it is also ensured that each constituency delegates one directly elected representative. If a party wins more constituency delegates than their statewide share among the parties would determine, it can keep all these constituency delegates.The governor of the state (prime minister) and his ministers are elected by the parliament. As there is a system of five political parties in Germany and so also in Lower Saxony, it is usually the case that two or more parties negotiate for a common political agenda and a commonly determined composition of government where the party with the biggest share of the electorate fills the seat of the governor.The states of the Federal Republic of Germany, and so Lower Saxony, have legislative responsibility and power mainly reduced to the policy fields of the school system, higher education, culture and media and police, whereas the more important policy fields like economic and social policies, foreign policy etc. are a prerogative of the federal government. Hence the probably most important function of the federal states is their representation in the Federal Council (Bundesrat), where their approval on many crucial federal policy fields, including the tax system, is required for laws to become enacted.The Minister-President heads the state government, acting as a head of state (even if the federated states have the status of a state, they don't established the office of a head of state but merged the functions with the head of the executive branch) as well as the government leader. They are elected by the Landtag of Lower Saxony.The coat of arms shows a white horse (Saxon Steed) against a red background, which is an old symbol of the Saxon people. Legend has it that the horse was a symbol of the Saxon leader Widukind, albeit a black horse against a yellow background. The colours changed after the Christian baptism of Widukind. White and red are colours (besides black and gold) of the Holy Roman Empire symbolizing Christ as the saviour, who is still shown with a red cross against a white background.	[ "Gerhard Schröder", "Ernst Albrecht", "Alfred Kubel", "Heinrich Hellwege", "Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf", "Christian Wulff", "David McAllister", "Gerhard Glogowski", "Stephan Weil", "Georg Diederichs" ]
Who was the head of Lower Saxony in Aug 19, 2001?	August 19, 2001	{ "text": [ "Sigmar Gabriel" ] }	L2_Q1197_P6_7	Gerhard Schröder is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1998. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1955. Georg Diederichs is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1970. Christian Wulff is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Mar, 2003 to Jun, 2010. Heinrich Hellwege is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1959. Sigmar Gabriel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Dec, 1999 to Mar, 2003. Alfred Kubel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Ernst Albrecht is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1990. Gerhard Glogowski is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999. David McAllister is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jul, 2010 to Feb, 2013. Stephan Weil is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Feb, 2013 to Dec, 2022.	Lower SaxonyLower Saxony ( ; ; ) is a German state ("Land") situated in northwestern Germany. It is the second-largest state by land area, being larger than Denmark with , and fourth-largest in population (7.9 million) among the 16 "Länder" federated as the Federal Republic of Germany. In rural areas, Northern Low Saxon (a dialect of Low German) and Saterland Frisian (a variety of the Frisian language) are still spoken, but the number of speakers is declining.Lower Saxony borders on (from north and clockwise) the North Sea, the states of Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Brandenburg, Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia, Hesse and North Rhine-Westphalia, and the Netherlands (Drenthe, Groningen and Overijssel). Furthermore, the state of Bremen forms two enclaves within Lower Saxony, one being the city of Bremen, the other, its seaport city of Bremerhaven (which is a semi-enclave, as it has a coastline). In fact, Lower Saxony borders more neighbours than any other single "Bundesland." The state's principal cities include the state capital Hanover, Braunschweig (Brunswick), Lüneburg, Osnabrück, Oldenburg, Hildesheim, Wolfenbüttel, Wolfsburg, and Göttingen.The northwestern area of Lower Saxony, which lies on the coast of the North Sea, is called East Frisia and the seven East Frisian Islands offshore are popular with tourists. In the extreme west of Lower Saxony is the Emsland, an economically emerging but rather sparsely populated area, once dominated by inaccessible swamps. The northern half of Lower Saxony, also known as the North German Plains, is almost invariably flat except for the gentle hills around the Bremen geestland. Towards the south and southwest lie the northern parts of the German Central Uplands: the Weser Uplands and the Harz mountains. Between these two lie the Lower Saxon Hills, a range of low ridges. Thus, Lower Saxony is the only "Bundesland" that encompasses both maritime and mountainous areas.Lower Saxony's major cities and economic centres are mainly situated in its central and southern parts, namely Hanover, Braunschweig, Osnabrück, Wolfsburg, Salzgitter, Hildesheim, and Göttingen. Oldenburg, near the northwestern coastline, is another economic centre. The region in the northeast is called the Lüneburg Heath ("Lüneburger Heide"), the largest heathland area of Germany and in medieval times wealthy due to salt mining and salt trade, as well as to a lesser degree the exploitation of its peat bogs until about the 1960s. To the north, the Elbe River separates Lower Saxony from Hamburg, Schleswig-Holstein, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Brandenburg. The banks just south of the Elbe are known as "Altes Land" (Old Country). Due to its gentle local climate and fertile soil, it is the state's largest area of fruit farming, its chief produce being apples.Most of the state's territory was part of the historic Kingdom of Hanover; the state of Lower Saxony has adopted the coat of arms and other symbols of the former kingdom. It was created by the merger of the State of Hanover with three smaller states on 1 November 1946.Lower Saxony has a natural boundary in the north in the North Sea and the lower and middle reaches of the River Elbe, although parts of the city of Hamburg lie south of the Elbe. The state and city of Bremen is an enclave entirely surrounded by Lower Saxony. The Bremen/Oldenburg Metropolitan Region is a cooperative body for the enclave area. To the southeast, the state border runs through the Harz, low mountains that are part of the German Central Uplands. The northeast and west of the state, which form roughly three-quarters of its land area, belong to the North German Plain, while the south is in the Lower Saxon Hills, including the Weser Uplands, Leine Uplands, Schaumburg Land, Brunswick Land, Untereichsfeld, Elm, and Lappwald. In northeast, Lower Saxony is Lüneburg Heath. The heath is dominated by the poor, sandy soils of the geest, whilst in the central east and southeast in the loess "börde" zone, productive soils with high natural fertility occur. Under these conditions—with loam and sand-containing soils—the land is well-developed agriculturally. In the west lie the County of Bentheim, Osnabrück Land, Emsland, Oldenburg Land, Ammerland, Oldenburg Münsterland, and on the coast East Frisia.The state is dominated by several large rivers running northwards through the state: the Ems, Weser, Aller, and Elbe.The highest mountain in Lower Saxony is the Wurmberg (971 m) in the Harz. For other significant elevations see: List of mountains and hills in Lower Saxony. Most of the mountains and hills are found in the southeastern part of the state. The lowest point in the state, at about 2.5 m below sea level, is a depression near Freepsum in East Frisia.The state's economy, population, and infrastructure are centred on the cities and towns of Hanover, Stadthagen, Celle, Braunschweig, Wolfsburg, Hildesheim, and Salzgitter. Together with Göttingen in southern Lower Saxony, they form the core of the Hannover–Braunschweig–Göttingen–Wolfsburg Metropolitan Region.Lower Saxony has clear regional divisions that manifest themselves geographically, as well as historically and culturally. In the regions that used to be independent, especially the heartlands of the former states of Brunswick, Hanover, Oldenburg and Schaumburg-Lippe, a marked local regional awareness exists. By contrast, the areas surrounding the Hanseatic cities of Bremen and Hamburg are much more oriented towards those centres.Sometimes, overlaps and transition areas happen between the various regions of Lower Saxony. Several of the regions listed here are part of other, larger regions, that are also included in the list.Just under 20% of the land area of Lower Saxony is designated as nature parks, i.e.: Dümmer, Elbhöhen-Wendland, Elm-Lappwald, Harz, Lüneburger Heide, Münden, Terra.vita, Solling-Vogler, Lake Steinhude, Südheide, Weser Uplands, Wildeshausen Geest, Bourtanger Moor-Bargerveen.Lower Saxony falls climatically into the north temperate zone of central Europe that is affected by prevailing Westerlies and is located in a transition zone between the maritime climate of Western Europe and the continental climate of Eastern Europe. This transition is clearly noticeable within the state: whilst the northwest experiences an Atlantic (North Sea coastal) to Sub-Atlantic climate, with comparatively low variations in temperature during the course of the year and a surplus water budget, the climate towards the southeast is increasingly affected by the Continent. This is clearly shown by greater temperature variations between the summer and winter halves of the year and in lower and more variable amounts of precipitation across the year. This sub-continental effect is most sharply seen in the Wendland, in the Weser Uplands (Hamelin to Göttingen) and in the area of Helmstedt. The highest levels of precipitation are experienced in the Harz because the Lower Saxon part forms the windward side of this mountain range against which orographic rain falls. The average annual temperature is 8 °C (7.5 °C in the Altes Land and 8.5 °C in the district of Cloppenburg).Lower Saxony is divided into 37 districts ("Landkreise" or simply "Kreise"):Furthermore, there are eight urban districts and two cities with special status:¹ "following the "Göttingen Law" of 1 January 1964, the town of Göttingen is incorporated into the rural district ("Landkreis") of Göttingen, but is treated as an urban district unless other rules apply. On 1 November 2016 the districts of Osterode and Göttingen were merged under the name Göttingen, not influencing the city's special status."² "following the "Law on the region of Hanover", Hanover merged with the district of Hanover to form the Hanover Region, which has been treated mostly as a rural district, but Hanover is treated as an urban district since 1 November 2001 unless other rules apply."The name of Saxony derives from that of the Germanic confederation of tribes called the Saxons. Before the late medieval period, there was a single Duchy of Saxony. The term "Lower Saxony" was used after the dissolution of the stem duchy in the late 13th century to disambiguate the parts of the former duchy ruled by the House of Welf from the Electorate of Saxony on one hand, and from the Duchy of Westphalia on the other.The name and coat of arms of the present state go back to the Germanic tribe of Saxons. During the Migration Period some of the Saxon peoples left their homeland in Holstein about the 3rd century and pushed southwards over the Elbe, where they expanded into the sparsely populated regions in the rest of the lowlands, in the present-day Northwest Germany and the northeastern part of what is now the Netherlands. From about the 7th century the Saxons had occupied a settlement area that roughly corresponds to the present state of Lower Saxony, of Westphalia and a number of areas to the east, for example, in what is now west and north Saxony-Anhalt. The land of the Saxons was divided into about 60 "Gaue". The Frisians had not moved into this region; for centuries they preserved their independence in the most northwesterly region of the present-day Lower Saxon territory. The original language of the folk in the area of Old Saxony was West Low German, one of the varieties of language in the Low German dialect group.The establishment of permanent boundaries between what later became Lower Saxony and Westphalia began in the 12th century. In 1260, in a treaty between the Archbishopric of Cologne and the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg the lands claimed by the two territories were separated from each other. The border ran along the Weser to a point north of Nienburg. The northern part of the Weser-Ems region was placed under the rule of Brunswick-Lüneburg.The word "Niedersachsen" was first used before 1300 in a Dutch rhyming chronicle ("Reimchronik"). From the 14th century it referred to the Duchy of Saxe-Lauenburg (as opposed to Saxe-Wittenberg). On the creation of the imperial circles in 1500, a Lower Saxon Circle was distinguished from a Lower Rhenish–Westphalian Circle. The latter included the following territories that, in whole or in part, belong today to the state of Lower Saxony: the Bishopric of Osnabrück, the Bishopric of Münster, the County of Bentheim, the County of Hoya, the Principality of East Frisia, the Principality of Verden, the County of Diepholz, the County of Oldenburg, the County of Schaumburg and the County of Spiegelberg. At the same time a distinction was made with the eastern part of the old Saxon lands from the central German principalities later called Upper Saxony for dynastic reasons. (see also → Electorate of Saxony, History of Saxony).The close historical links between the domains of the Lower Saxon Circle now in modern Lower Saxony survived for centuries especially from a dynastic point of view. The majority of historic territories whose land now lies within Lower Saxony were sub-principalities of the medieval, Welf estates of the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg. All the Welf princes called themselves dukes "of Brunswick and Lüneburg" despite often ruling parts of a duchy that was forever being divided and reunited as various Welf lines multiplied or died out.Over the course of time two great principalities survived east of the Weser: the Kingdom of Hanover and the Duchy of Brunswick (after 1866 Hanover became a Prussian province; after 1919 Brunswick became a free state). Historically a close tie exists between the royal house of Hanover (Electorate of Hanover) to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as a result of their personal union in the 18th century.West of the River Hunte a "de-Westphalianising process" began in 1815. After the Congress of Vienna the territories of the later administrative regions ("Regierungsbezirke") of Osnabrück and Aurich transferred to the Kingdom of Hanover. Until 1946, the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg and the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe retained their stately authority. Nevertheless, the entire Weser-Ems region (including the city of Bremen) were grouped in 1920 into a Lower Saxon Constituency Association ("Wahlkreisverband IX (Niedersachsen)"). This indicates that at that time the western administrations of the Prussian Province of Hanover and the state of Oldenburg were perceived as being "Lower Saxon".The forerunners of today's state of Lower Saxony were lands that were geographically and, to some extent, institutionally interrelated from very early on. The County of Schaumburg (not to be confused with the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe) around the towns of Rinteln and Hessisch Oldendorf did indeed belong to the Prussian province of Hesse-Nassau until 1932, a province that also included large parts of the present state of Hesse, including the cities of Kassel, Wiesbaden and Frankfurt am Main; but in 1932, however, the County of Schaumburg became part of the Prussian Province of Hanover. Also before 1945, namely 1937, the city of Cuxhaven has been fully integrated into the Prussian Province of Hanover by the Greater Hamburg Act, so that in 1946, when the state of Lower Saxony was founded, only four states needed to be merged. With the exception of Bremen and the areas that were ceded to the Soviet Occupation Zone in 1945, all those areas allocated to the new state of Lower Saxony in 1946, had already been merged into the "Constituency Association of Lower Saxony" in 1920.In a lecture on 14 September 2007, Dietmar von Reeken described the emergence of a "Lower Saxony consciousness" in the 19th century, the geographical basis of which was used to invent a territorial construct: the resulting local heritage societies ("Heimatvereine") and their associated magazines routinely used the terms "Lower Saxony" or "Lower Saxon" in their names. At the end of the 1920s in the context of discussions about a reform of the Reich, and promoted by the expanding local heritage movement ("Heimatbewegung"), a 25-year conflict started between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia". The supporters of this dispute were administrative officials and politicians, but regionally focussed scientists of various disciplines were supposed to have fuelled the arguments. In the 1930s, a real Lower Saxony did not yet exist, but there was a plethora of institutions that would have called themselves "Lower Saxon". The motives and arguments in the disputes between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia" were very similar on both sides: economic interests, political aims, cultural interests and historical aspects.After the Second World War most of Northwest Germany lay within the British Zone of Occupation. On 23 August 1946, the British Military Government issued Ordinance No. 46 ""Concerning the dissolution of the provinces of the former state of Prussia in the British Zone and their reconstitution as independent states"", which initially established the State of Hanover on the territory of the former Prussian Province of Hanover. Its minister president, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, had already suggested in June 1945 the formation of a state of Lower Saxony, that was to include the largest possible region in the middle of the British Zone. In addition to the regions that actually became Lower Saxony subsequently, Kopf asked, in a memorandum dated April 1946, for the inclusion of the former Prussian district of Minden-Ravensberg (i.e. the Westphalian city of Bielefeld as well as the Westphalian districts of Minden, Lübbecke, Bielefeld, Herford and Halle), the district of Tecklenburg and the state of Lippe. Kopf's plan was ultimately based on a draft for the reform of the German Empire from the late 1920s by Georg Schnath and Kurt Brüning. The strong Welf connotations of this draft, according to Thomas Vogtherr, did not simplify the development of a Lower Saxon identity after 1946.An alternative model, proposed by politicians in Oldenburg and Brunswick, envisaged the foundation of the independent state of "Weser-Ems", that would be formed from the state of Oldenburg, the Hanseatic City of Bremen and the administrative regions of Aurich and Osnabrück. Several representatives of the state of Oldenburg even demanded the inclusion of the Hanoverian districts of Diepholz, Syke, Osterholz-Scharmbeck and Wesermünde in the proposed state of "Weser-Ems". Likewise an enlarged State of Brunswick was proposed in the southeast to include the "Regierungsbezirk" of Hildesheim and the district of Gifhorn. Had this plan come to fruition, the territory of the present Lower Saxony would have consisted of three states of roughly equal size.The district council of Vechta protested on 12 June 1946 against being incorporated into the metropolitan area of Hanover ("Großraum Hannover"). If the State of Oldenburg was to be dissolved, Vechta District would much rather be included in the Westphalian region. Particularly in the districts where there was a political Catholicism the notion was widespread, that Oldenburg Münsterland and the "Regierungsbezirk" of Osnabrück should be part of a newly formed State of Westphalia.Since the foundation of the states of North Rhine-Westphalia and Hanover on 23 August 1946 the northern and eastern border of North Rhine-Westphalia has largely been identical with that of the Prussian Province of Westphalia. Only the Free State of Lippe was not incorporated into North Rhine-Westphalia until January 1947. With that the majority of the regions left of the Upper Weser became North Rhine-Westphalian.In the end, at the meeting of the Zone Advisory Board on 20 September 1946, Kopf's proposal with regard to the division of the British occupation zone into three large states proved to be capable of gaining a majority. Because this division of their occupation zone into relatively large states also met the interests of the British, on 8 November 1946 Regulation No. 55 of the British military government was issued, by which the State of Lower Saxony with its capital Hanover were founded, backdated to 1 November 1946. The state was formed by a merger of the Free States of Brunswick, of Oldenburg and of Schaumburg-Lippe with the previously formed State of Hanover. But there were exceptions:The demands of Dutch politicians that the Netherlands should be given the German regions east of the Dutch-German border as war reparations, were roundly rejected at the London Conference of 26 March 1949. In fact only about of West Lower Saxony was transferred to the Netherlands, in 1949."→ see main article Dutch annexation of German territory after World War II"The first Lower Saxon parliament or "Landtag" met on 9 December 1946. It was not elected; rather it was established by the British Occupation Administration (a so-called "appointed parliament"). That same day the parliament elected the Social Democrat, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, the former Hanoverian president ("Regierungspräsident") as their first minister president. Kopf led a five-party coalition, whose basic task was to rebuild a state afflicted by the war's rigours. Kopf's cabinet had to organise an improvement of food supplies and the reconstruction of the cities and towns destroyed by Allied air raids during the war years. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf remained – interrupted by the time in office of Heinrich Hellwege (1955–1959) – as the head of government in Lower Saxony until 1961.The greatest problem facing the first state government in the immediate post-war years was the challenge of integrating hundreds of thousands of refugees from Germany's former territories in the east (such as Silesia and East Prussia), which had been annexed by Poland and the Soviet Union. Lower Saxony was at the western end of the direct escape route from East Prussia and had the longest border with the Soviet Zone. On 3 October 1950 Lower Saxony took over the sponsorship of the very large number of refugees from Silesia. In 1950 there was still a shortage of 730,000 homes according to official figures.During the period when Germany was divided, the Lower Saxon border crossing at Helmstedt found itself on the main transport artery to West Berlin and, from 1945 to 1990 was the busiest European border crossing point.Of economic significance for the state was the "Volkswagen" concern, that restarted the production of civilian vehicles in 1945, initially under British management, and in 1949 transferred into the ownership of the newly founded country of West Germany and state of Lower Saxony. Overall, Lower Saxony, with its large tracts of rural countryside and few urban centres, was one of the industrially weaker regions of the federal republic for a long time. In 1960, 20% of the working population worked on the land. In the rest of the federal territory the figure was just 14%. Even in economically prosperous times the jobless totals in Lower Saxony are constantly higher than the federal average.In 1961 Georg Diederichs took office as the minister president of Lower Saxony as the successor to Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf. He was replaced in 1970 by Alfred Kubel. The arguments about the Gorleben Nuclear Waste Repository, that began during the time in office of minister president Ernst Albrecht (1976–1990), have played an important role in state and federal politics since the end of the 1970s.In 1990 Gerhard Schröder entered the office of minister president. On 1 June 1993 the new Lower Saxon constitution entered force, replacing the "Provisional Lower Saxon Constitution" of 1951. It enables referenda and plebiscites and establishes environmental protection as a fundamental state principle.The former Hanoverian Amt Neuhaus with its parishes of Dellien, Haar, Kaarßen, Neuhaus (Elbe), Stapel, Sückau, Sumte and Tripkau as well as the villages of Neu Bleckede, Neu Wendischthun and Stiepelse in the parish of Teldau and the historic Hanoverian region in the forest district of Bohldamm in the parish of Garlitz transferred with effect from 30 June 1993 from Mecklenburg-Vorpommern to Lower Saxony (Lüneburg district). From these parishes the new municipality of Amt Neuhaus was created on 1 October 1993.In 1998 Gerhard Glogowski succeeded Gerhard Schröder who became Federal Chancellor. Because he had been linked with various scandals in his home city of Brunswick, he resigned in 1999 and was replaced by Sigmar Gabriel.From 2003 to his election as Federal President in 2010 Christian Wulff was minister president in Lower Saxony. The Osnabrücker headed a CDU-led coalition with the FDP as does his successor, David McAllister. After the elections on 20 January 2013 McAllister was deselected.Between 1946 and 2004, the state's districts and independent towns were grouped into eight regions, with different status for the two regions ("Verwaltungsbezirke") comprising the formerly free states of Brunswick and Oldenburg. In 1978 the regions were merged into four governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"): Since 2004 the Bezirksregierungen (regional governments) have been broken up again.1946–1978:1978–2004:On 1 January 2005 the four administrative regions or governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"), into which Lower Saxony had been hitherto divided, were dissolved. These were the governorates of Braunschweig, Hanover, Lüneburg and Weser-Ems.The 300,000-year-old and nearly complete remains of a female straight-tusked elephant were revealed by University of Tübingen researchers and the Senckenberg Centre for Human Evolution in May 2020. According to the archaeozoologist Ivo Verheijen, the skeleton with battered teeth had a shoulder height of about . Researchers also uncovered two long bones and 30 small flint flakes that were used as tools for knapping among the elephant bones."We found both tusks, the complete lower jaw, numerous vertebrae and ribs as well as large bones belonging to three of the legs and even all five delicate hyoid bones" said archaeologist Jordi Serangeli.At the end of 2014, there were almost 571,000 non-German citizens in Lower Saxony. The following table illustrates the largest minority groups in Lower Saxony:The 2011 census stated that a majority of the population were Christians (71.93%); 51.48% of the total population were member of the Evangelical Church in Germany, 18.34% were Catholics, 2.11% were member of other Christian denominations, 2.27% were member of other religions. 25.8% have no denomination. Even though there is a high level of official belonging to a Christian denomination, the peopleespecially in the citiesare highly secular in faith and behavior.As of 2018, the Evangelical Church in Germany was the faith of 43.0% of the population. It is organised in the five Landeskirchen named Evangelical Lutheran State Church in Brunswick (comprising the former Free State of Brunswick), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Hanover (comprising the former Province of Hanover), Evangelical Lutheran Church in Oldenburg (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Schaumburg-Lippe (comprising the former Free State of Schaumburg-Lippe), and Evangelical Reformed Church (covering all the state).Together, these member churches of the Evangelical Church in Germany gather a substantial part of the Protestant population in Germany.The Catholic Church was the faith of 16.8% of the population in 2018. It is organised in the three dioceses of Osnabrück (western part of the state), Münster (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg) and Hildesheim (northern and eastern part of the state). The Catholic faith is mainly concentrated to the regions of Oldenburger Münsterland, region of Osnabrück, region of Hildesheim and in the Western Eichsfeld.40.2% of the Low Saxons were irreligious or adhere to other religions. Judaism, Islam and Buddhism are minority faiths.The Gross domestic product (GDP) of the state was 229.5 billion euros in 2018, accounting for 8.7% of German economic output. GDP per capita adjusted for purchasing power was 33,700 euros or 112% of the EU27 average in the same year. The GDP per employee was 100% of the EU average.Agriculture, strongly weighted towards the livestock sector, has always been a very important economic factor in the state. The north and northwest of Lower Saxony are mainly made up of coarse sandy soil that makes crop farming difficult and therefore grassland and cattle farming are more prevalent in those areas. Lower Saxony is home, in 2017, to one in five of Germany's cattle, one in three of the country's pigs, and 50% of its hens. Wheat, potatoes, rye, and oats are among the state's present-day arable crops. Towards the south and southeast, extensive loess layers in the soil left behind by the last ice age allow high-yield crop farming. One of the principal crops there is sugar beet. Consequently, the Land has a big food industry, mainly organized in small and medium-sized enterprises (SME). Big players are Deutsches Milchkontor and PHW Group (biggest German poultry farmer and producer).Mining has also been an important source of income in Lower Saxony for centuries. Silver ore became a foundation of notable economic prosperity in the Harz Mountains as early as the 12th century, while iron mining in the Salzgitter area and salt mining in various areas of the state became another important economic backbone. Although overall yields are comparatively low, Lower Saxony is also an important supplier of crude oil in the European Union. Mineral products still mined today include iron and lignite.Radioactive waste is frequently transported in the area to the city of Salzgitter, for the deep geological repository Schacht Konrad and between Schacht Asse II in the Wolfenbüttel district and Lindwedel and Höfer.Manufacturing is another large part of the regional economy. Despite decades of gradual downsizing and restructuring, the car maker Volkswagen with its five production plants within the state's borders still remains the single biggest private-sector employer, its world headquarters in Wolfsburg. Due to the Volkswagen Law, which has recently been ruled illegal by the European Union's high court, the state of Lower Saxony is still the second largest shareholder, owning 20.3% of the company. Thanks to the importance of car manufacturing in Lower Saxony, a thriving supply industry is centred around its regional focal points. Other mainstays of the Lower Saxon industrial sector include aviation (the region of Stade is called CFK-Valley), shipbuilding (such as Meyer Werft), biotechnology, and steel. Medicine plays a major role; Hanover and Göttingen have two large University Medical Schools and hospitals and Otto Bock in Duderstadt is the word leader in prosthetics.The service sector has gained importance following the demise of manufacturing in the 1970s and 1980s. Important branches today are the tourism industry with TUI AG in Hanover, one of Europe's largest travel companies, as well as trade and telecommunication. Hanover is one of Germany's main location of insurance companies, such as Talanx, Hannover Re.In October 2018 the unemployment rate stood at 5.0% and was marginally higher than the national average.Lower Saxony has four World Heritage Sites.Since 1948, politics in the state has been dominated by the rightist Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the leftist Social Democratic Party. Lower Saxony was one of the origins of the German environmentalist movement in reaction to the state government's support for underground nuclear waste disposal. This led to the formation of the German Green Party in 1980.The former Minister-President, Christian Wulff, led a coalition of his CDU with the Free Democratic Party between 2003 and 2010. In the 2008 election, the ruling CDU held on to its position as the leading party in the state, despite losing votes and seats. The CDU's coalition with the Free Democratic Party retained its majority although it was cut from 29 to 10. The election also saw the entry into the state parliament for the first time of the leftist The Left party. On 1 July 2010 David McAllister was elected Minister-President.After the state election on 20 January 2013, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was elected as the new Minister-President. He governed in coalition with the Greens.After the state election in September 2017, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was again elected as the new Minister-President. He governs in coalition with the CDU.The state of Lower Saxony was formed after World War II by merging the former states of Hanover, Oldenburg, Brunswick and Schaumburg-Lippe. Hanover, a former kingdom, is by far the largest of these contributors by area and population and has been a province of Prussia since 1866. The city of Hanover is the largest and capital city of Lower Saxony.The constitution states that Lower Saxony be a free, republican, democratic, social and environmentally sustainable state inside the Federal Republic of Germany; universal human rights, peace and justice are preassigned guidelines of society, and the human rights and civil liberties proclaimed by the constitution of the Federal Republic are genuine constituents of the constitution of Lower Saxony. Each citizen is entitled to education and there is universal compulsory school attendance.All government authority is to be sanctioned by the will of the people, which expresses itself via elections and plebiscites. The legislative assembly is a unicameral parliament elected for terms of five years. The composition of the parliament obeys to the principle of proportional representation of the participating political parties, but it is also ensured that each constituency delegates one directly elected representative. If a party wins more constituency delegates than their statewide share among the parties would determine, it can keep all these constituency delegates.The governor of the state (prime minister) and his ministers are elected by the parliament. As there is a system of five political parties in Germany and so also in Lower Saxony, it is usually the case that two or more parties negotiate for a common political agenda and a commonly determined composition of government where the party with the biggest share of the electorate fills the seat of the governor.The states of the Federal Republic of Germany, and so Lower Saxony, have legislative responsibility and power mainly reduced to the policy fields of the school system, higher education, culture and media and police, whereas the more important policy fields like economic and social policies, foreign policy etc. are a prerogative of the federal government. Hence the probably most important function of the federal states is their representation in the Federal Council (Bundesrat), where their approval on many crucial federal policy fields, including the tax system, is required for laws to become enacted.The Minister-President heads the state government, acting as a head of state (even if the federated states have the status of a state, they don't established the office of a head of state but merged the functions with the head of the executive branch) as well as the government leader. They are elected by the Landtag of Lower Saxony.The coat of arms shows a white horse (Saxon Steed) against a red background, which is an old symbol of the Saxon people. Legend has it that the horse was a symbol of the Saxon leader Widukind, albeit a black horse against a yellow background. The colours changed after the Christian baptism of Widukind. White and red are colours (besides black and gold) of the Holy Roman Empire symbolizing Christ as the saviour, who is still shown with a red cross against a white background.	[ "Gerhard Schröder", "Ernst Albrecht", "Alfred Kubel", "Heinrich Hellwege", "Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf", "Christian Wulff", "David McAllister", "Gerhard Glogowski", "Stephan Weil", "Georg Diederichs" ]
Who was the head of Lower Saxony in 08/19/2001?	August 19, 2001	{ "text": [ "Sigmar Gabriel" ] }	L2_Q1197_P6_7	Gerhard Schröder is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1998. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1955. Georg Diederichs is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1970. Christian Wulff is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Mar, 2003 to Jun, 2010. Heinrich Hellwege is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1959. Sigmar Gabriel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Dec, 1999 to Mar, 2003. Alfred Kubel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Ernst Albrecht is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1990. Gerhard Glogowski is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999. David McAllister is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jul, 2010 to Feb, 2013. Stephan Weil is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Feb, 2013 to Dec, 2022.	Lower SaxonyLower Saxony ( ; ; ) is a German state ("Land") situated in northwestern Germany. It is the second-largest state by land area, being larger than Denmark with , and fourth-largest in population (7.9 million) among the 16 "Länder" federated as the Federal Republic of Germany. In rural areas, Northern Low Saxon (a dialect of Low German) and Saterland Frisian (a variety of the Frisian language) are still spoken, but the number of speakers is declining.Lower Saxony borders on (from north and clockwise) the North Sea, the states of Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Brandenburg, Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia, Hesse and North Rhine-Westphalia, and the Netherlands (Drenthe, Groningen and Overijssel). Furthermore, the state of Bremen forms two enclaves within Lower Saxony, one being the city of Bremen, the other, its seaport city of Bremerhaven (which is a semi-enclave, as it has a coastline). In fact, Lower Saxony borders more neighbours than any other single "Bundesland." The state's principal cities include the state capital Hanover, Braunschweig (Brunswick), Lüneburg, Osnabrück, Oldenburg, Hildesheim, Wolfenbüttel, Wolfsburg, and Göttingen.The northwestern area of Lower Saxony, which lies on the coast of the North Sea, is called East Frisia and the seven East Frisian Islands offshore are popular with tourists. In the extreme west of Lower Saxony is the Emsland, an economically emerging but rather sparsely populated area, once dominated by inaccessible swamps. The northern half of Lower Saxony, also known as the North German Plains, is almost invariably flat except for the gentle hills around the Bremen geestland. Towards the south and southwest lie the northern parts of the German Central Uplands: the Weser Uplands and the Harz mountains. Between these two lie the Lower Saxon Hills, a range of low ridges. Thus, Lower Saxony is the only "Bundesland" that encompasses both maritime and mountainous areas.Lower Saxony's major cities and economic centres are mainly situated in its central and southern parts, namely Hanover, Braunschweig, Osnabrück, Wolfsburg, Salzgitter, Hildesheim, and Göttingen. Oldenburg, near the northwestern coastline, is another economic centre. The region in the northeast is called the Lüneburg Heath ("Lüneburger Heide"), the largest heathland area of Germany and in medieval times wealthy due to salt mining and salt trade, as well as to a lesser degree the exploitation of its peat bogs until about the 1960s. To the north, the Elbe River separates Lower Saxony from Hamburg, Schleswig-Holstein, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Brandenburg. The banks just south of the Elbe are known as "Altes Land" (Old Country). Due to its gentle local climate and fertile soil, it is the state's largest area of fruit farming, its chief produce being apples.Most of the state's territory was part of the historic Kingdom of Hanover; the state of Lower Saxony has adopted the coat of arms and other symbols of the former kingdom. It was created by the merger of the State of Hanover with three smaller states on 1 November 1946.Lower Saxony has a natural boundary in the north in the North Sea and the lower and middle reaches of the River Elbe, although parts of the city of Hamburg lie south of the Elbe. The state and city of Bremen is an enclave entirely surrounded by Lower Saxony. The Bremen/Oldenburg Metropolitan Region is a cooperative body for the enclave area. To the southeast, the state border runs through the Harz, low mountains that are part of the German Central Uplands. The northeast and west of the state, which form roughly three-quarters of its land area, belong to the North German Plain, while the south is in the Lower Saxon Hills, including the Weser Uplands, Leine Uplands, Schaumburg Land, Brunswick Land, Untereichsfeld, Elm, and Lappwald. In northeast, Lower Saxony is Lüneburg Heath. The heath is dominated by the poor, sandy soils of the geest, whilst in the central east and southeast in the loess "börde" zone, productive soils with high natural fertility occur. Under these conditions—with loam and sand-containing soils—the land is well-developed agriculturally. In the west lie the County of Bentheim, Osnabrück Land, Emsland, Oldenburg Land, Ammerland, Oldenburg Münsterland, and on the coast East Frisia.The state is dominated by several large rivers running northwards through the state: the Ems, Weser, Aller, and Elbe.The highest mountain in Lower Saxony is the Wurmberg (971 m) in the Harz. For other significant elevations see: List of mountains and hills in Lower Saxony. Most of the mountains and hills are found in the southeastern part of the state. The lowest point in the state, at about 2.5 m below sea level, is a depression near Freepsum in East Frisia.The state's economy, population, and infrastructure are centred on the cities and towns of Hanover, Stadthagen, Celle, Braunschweig, Wolfsburg, Hildesheim, and Salzgitter. Together with Göttingen in southern Lower Saxony, they form the core of the Hannover–Braunschweig–Göttingen–Wolfsburg Metropolitan Region.Lower Saxony has clear regional divisions that manifest themselves geographically, as well as historically and culturally. In the regions that used to be independent, especially the heartlands of the former states of Brunswick, Hanover, Oldenburg and Schaumburg-Lippe, a marked local regional awareness exists. By contrast, the areas surrounding the Hanseatic cities of Bremen and Hamburg are much more oriented towards those centres.Sometimes, overlaps and transition areas happen between the various regions of Lower Saxony. Several of the regions listed here are part of other, larger regions, that are also included in the list.Just under 20% of the land area of Lower Saxony is designated as nature parks, i.e.: Dümmer, Elbhöhen-Wendland, Elm-Lappwald, Harz, Lüneburger Heide, Münden, Terra.vita, Solling-Vogler, Lake Steinhude, Südheide, Weser Uplands, Wildeshausen Geest, Bourtanger Moor-Bargerveen.Lower Saxony falls climatically into the north temperate zone of central Europe that is affected by prevailing Westerlies and is located in a transition zone between the maritime climate of Western Europe and the continental climate of Eastern Europe. This transition is clearly noticeable within the state: whilst the northwest experiences an Atlantic (North Sea coastal) to Sub-Atlantic climate, with comparatively low variations in temperature during the course of the year and a surplus water budget, the climate towards the southeast is increasingly affected by the Continent. This is clearly shown by greater temperature variations between the summer and winter halves of the year and in lower and more variable amounts of precipitation across the year. This sub-continental effect is most sharply seen in the Wendland, in the Weser Uplands (Hamelin to Göttingen) and in the area of Helmstedt. The highest levels of precipitation are experienced in the Harz because the Lower Saxon part forms the windward side of this mountain range against which orographic rain falls. The average annual temperature is 8 °C (7.5 °C in the Altes Land and 8.5 °C in the district of Cloppenburg).Lower Saxony is divided into 37 districts ("Landkreise" or simply "Kreise"):Furthermore, there are eight urban districts and two cities with special status:¹ "following the "Göttingen Law" of 1 January 1964, the town of Göttingen is incorporated into the rural district ("Landkreis") of Göttingen, but is treated as an urban district unless other rules apply. On 1 November 2016 the districts of Osterode and Göttingen were merged under the name Göttingen, not influencing the city's special status."² "following the "Law on the region of Hanover", Hanover merged with the district of Hanover to form the Hanover Region, which has been treated mostly as a rural district, but Hanover is treated as an urban district since 1 November 2001 unless other rules apply."The name of Saxony derives from that of the Germanic confederation of tribes called the Saxons. Before the late medieval period, there was a single Duchy of Saxony. The term "Lower Saxony" was used after the dissolution of the stem duchy in the late 13th century to disambiguate the parts of the former duchy ruled by the House of Welf from the Electorate of Saxony on one hand, and from the Duchy of Westphalia on the other.The name and coat of arms of the present state go back to the Germanic tribe of Saxons. During the Migration Period some of the Saxon peoples left their homeland in Holstein about the 3rd century and pushed southwards over the Elbe, where they expanded into the sparsely populated regions in the rest of the lowlands, in the present-day Northwest Germany and the northeastern part of what is now the Netherlands. From about the 7th century the Saxons had occupied a settlement area that roughly corresponds to the present state of Lower Saxony, of Westphalia and a number of areas to the east, for example, in what is now west and north Saxony-Anhalt. The land of the Saxons was divided into about 60 "Gaue". The Frisians had not moved into this region; for centuries they preserved their independence in the most northwesterly region of the present-day Lower Saxon territory. The original language of the folk in the area of Old Saxony was West Low German, one of the varieties of language in the Low German dialect group.The establishment of permanent boundaries between what later became Lower Saxony and Westphalia began in the 12th century. In 1260, in a treaty between the Archbishopric of Cologne and the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg the lands claimed by the two territories were separated from each other. The border ran along the Weser to a point north of Nienburg. The northern part of the Weser-Ems region was placed under the rule of Brunswick-Lüneburg.The word "Niedersachsen" was first used before 1300 in a Dutch rhyming chronicle ("Reimchronik"). From the 14th century it referred to the Duchy of Saxe-Lauenburg (as opposed to Saxe-Wittenberg). On the creation of the imperial circles in 1500, a Lower Saxon Circle was distinguished from a Lower Rhenish–Westphalian Circle. The latter included the following territories that, in whole or in part, belong today to the state of Lower Saxony: the Bishopric of Osnabrück, the Bishopric of Münster, the County of Bentheim, the County of Hoya, the Principality of East Frisia, the Principality of Verden, the County of Diepholz, the County of Oldenburg, the County of Schaumburg and the County of Spiegelberg. At the same time a distinction was made with the eastern part of the old Saxon lands from the central German principalities later called Upper Saxony for dynastic reasons. (see also → Electorate of Saxony, History of Saxony).The close historical links between the domains of the Lower Saxon Circle now in modern Lower Saxony survived for centuries especially from a dynastic point of view. The majority of historic territories whose land now lies within Lower Saxony were sub-principalities of the medieval, Welf estates of the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg. All the Welf princes called themselves dukes "of Brunswick and Lüneburg" despite often ruling parts of a duchy that was forever being divided and reunited as various Welf lines multiplied or died out.Over the course of time two great principalities survived east of the Weser: the Kingdom of Hanover and the Duchy of Brunswick (after 1866 Hanover became a Prussian province; after 1919 Brunswick became a free state). Historically a close tie exists between the royal house of Hanover (Electorate of Hanover) to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as a result of their personal union in the 18th century.West of the River Hunte a "de-Westphalianising process" began in 1815. After the Congress of Vienna the territories of the later administrative regions ("Regierungsbezirke") of Osnabrück and Aurich transferred to the Kingdom of Hanover. Until 1946, the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg and the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe retained their stately authority. Nevertheless, the entire Weser-Ems region (including the city of Bremen) were grouped in 1920 into a Lower Saxon Constituency Association ("Wahlkreisverband IX (Niedersachsen)"). This indicates that at that time the western administrations of the Prussian Province of Hanover and the state of Oldenburg were perceived as being "Lower Saxon".The forerunners of today's state of Lower Saxony were lands that were geographically and, to some extent, institutionally interrelated from very early on. The County of Schaumburg (not to be confused with the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe) around the towns of Rinteln and Hessisch Oldendorf did indeed belong to the Prussian province of Hesse-Nassau until 1932, a province that also included large parts of the present state of Hesse, including the cities of Kassel, Wiesbaden and Frankfurt am Main; but in 1932, however, the County of Schaumburg became part of the Prussian Province of Hanover. Also before 1945, namely 1937, the city of Cuxhaven has been fully integrated into the Prussian Province of Hanover by the Greater Hamburg Act, so that in 1946, when the state of Lower Saxony was founded, only four states needed to be merged. With the exception of Bremen and the areas that were ceded to the Soviet Occupation Zone in 1945, all those areas allocated to the new state of Lower Saxony in 1946, had already been merged into the "Constituency Association of Lower Saxony" in 1920.In a lecture on 14 September 2007, Dietmar von Reeken described the emergence of a "Lower Saxony consciousness" in the 19th century, the geographical basis of which was used to invent a territorial construct: the resulting local heritage societies ("Heimatvereine") and their associated magazines routinely used the terms "Lower Saxony" or "Lower Saxon" in their names. At the end of the 1920s in the context of discussions about a reform of the Reich, and promoted by the expanding local heritage movement ("Heimatbewegung"), a 25-year conflict started between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia". The supporters of this dispute were administrative officials and politicians, but regionally focussed scientists of various disciplines were supposed to have fuelled the arguments. In the 1930s, a real Lower Saxony did not yet exist, but there was a plethora of institutions that would have called themselves "Lower Saxon". The motives and arguments in the disputes between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia" were very similar on both sides: economic interests, political aims, cultural interests and historical aspects.After the Second World War most of Northwest Germany lay within the British Zone of Occupation. On 23 August 1946, the British Military Government issued Ordinance No. 46 ""Concerning the dissolution of the provinces of the former state of Prussia in the British Zone and their reconstitution as independent states"", which initially established the State of Hanover on the territory of the former Prussian Province of Hanover. Its minister president, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, had already suggested in June 1945 the formation of a state of Lower Saxony, that was to include the largest possible region in the middle of the British Zone. In addition to the regions that actually became Lower Saxony subsequently, Kopf asked, in a memorandum dated April 1946, for the inclusion of the former Prussian district of Minden-Ravensberg (i.e. the Westphalian city of Bielefeld as well as the Westphalian districts of Minden, Lübbecke, Bielefeld, Herford and Halle), the district of Tecklenburg and the state of Lippe. Kopf's plan was ultimately based on a draft for the reform of the German Empire from the late 1920s by Georg Schnath and Kurt Brüning. The strong Welf connotations of this draft, according to Thomas Vogtherr, did not simplify the development of a Lower Saxon identity after 1946.An alternative model, proposed by politicians in Oldenburg and Brunswick, envisaged the foundation of the independent state of "Weser-Ems", that would be formed from the state of Oldenburg, the Hanseatic City of Bremen and the administrative regions of Aurich and Osnabrück. Several representatives of the state of Oldenburg even demanded the inclusion of the Hanoverian districts of Diepholz, Syke, Osterholz-Scharmbeck and Wesermünde in the proposed state of "Weser-Ems". Likewise an enlarged State of Brunswick was proposed in the southeast to include the "Regierungsbezirk" of Hildesheim and the district of Gifhorn. Had this plan come to fruition, the territory of the present Lower Saxony would have consisted of three states of roughly equal size.The district council of Vechta protested on 12 June 1946 against being incorporated into the metropolitan area of Hanover ("Großraum Hannover"). If the State of Oldenburg was to be dissolved, Vechta District would much rather be included in the Westphalian region. Particularly in the districts where there was a political Catholicism the notion was widespread, that Oldenburg Münsterland and the "Regierungsbezirk" of Osnabrück should be part of a newly formed State of Westphalia.Since the foundation of the states of North Rhine-Westphalia and Hanover on 23 August 1946 the northern and eastern border of North Rhine-Westphalia has largely been identical with that of the Prussian Province of Westphalia. Only the Free State of Lippe was not incorporated into North Rhine-Westphalia until January 1947. With that the majority of the regions left of the Upper Weser became North Rhine-Westphalian.In the end, at the meeting of the Zone Advisory Board on 20 September 1946, Kopf's proposal with regard to the division of the British occupation zone into three large states proved to be capable of gaining a majority. Because this division of their occupation zone into relatively large states also met the interests of the British, on 8 November 1946 Regulation No. 55 of the British military government was issued, by which the State of Lower Saxony with its capital Hanover were founded, backdated to 1 November 1946. The state was formed by a merger of the Free States of Brunswick, of Oldenburg and of Schaumburg-Lippe with the previously formed State of Hanover. But there were exceptions:The demands of Dutch politicians that the Netherlands should be given the German regions east of the Dutch-German border as war reparations, were roundly rejected at the London Conference of 26 March 1949. In fact only about of West Lower Saxony was transferred to the Netherlands, in 1949."→ see main article Dutch annexation of German territory after World War II"The first Lower Saxon parliament or "Landtag" met on 9 December 1946. It was not elected; rather it was established by the British Occupation Administration (a so-called "appointed parliament"). That same day the parliament elected the Social Democrat, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, the former Hanoverian president ("Regierungspräsident") as their first minister president. Kopf led a five-party coalition, whose basic task was to rebuild a state afflicted by the war's rigours. Kopf's cabinet had to organise an improvement of food supplies and the reconstruction of the cities and towns destroyed by Allied air raids during the war years. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf remained – interrupted by the time in office of Heinrich Hellwege (1955–1959) – as the head of government in Lower Saxony until 1961.The greatest problem facing the first state government in the immediate post-war years was the challenge of integrating hundreds of thousands of refugees from Germany's former territories in the east (such as Silesia and East Prussia), which had been annexed by Poland and the Soviet Union. Lower Saxony was at the western end of the direct escape route from East Prussia and had the longest border with the Soviet Zone. On 3 October 1950 Lower Saxony took over the sponsorship of the very large number of refugees from Silesia. In 1950 there was still a shortage of 730,000 homes according to official figures.During the period when Germany was divided, the Lower Saxon border crossing at Helmstedt found itself on the main transport artery to West Berlin and, from 1945 to 1990 was the busiest European border crossing point.Of economic significance for the state was the "Volkswagen" concern, that restarted the production of civilian vehicles in 1945, initially under British management, and in 1949 transferred into the ownership of the newly founded country of West Germany and state of Lower Saxony. Overall, Lower Saxony, with its large tracts of rural countryside and few urban centres, was one of the industrially weaker regions of the federal republic for a long time. In 1960, 20% of the working population worked on the land. In the rest of the federal territory the figure was just 14%. Even in economically prosperous times the jobless totals in Lower Saxony are constantly higher than the federal average.In 1961 Georg Diederichs took office as the minister president of Lower Saxony as the successor to Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf. He was replaced in 1970 by Alfred Kubel. The arguments about the Gorleben Nuclear Waste Repository, that began during the time in office of minister president Ernst Albrecht (1976–1990), have played an important role in state and federal politics since the end of the 1970s.In 1990 Gerhard Schröder entered the office of minister president. On 1 June 1993 the new Lower Saxon constitution entered force, replacing the "Provisional Lower Saxon Constitution" of 1951. It enables referenda and plebiscites and establishes environmental protection as a fundamental state principle.The former Hanoverian Amt Neuhaus with its parishes of Dellien, Haar, Kaarßen, Neuhaus (Elbe), Stapel, Sückau, Sumte and Tripkau as well as the villages of Neu Bleckede, Neu Wendischthun and Stiepelse in the parish of Teldau and the historic Hanoverian region in the forest district of Bohldamm in the parish of Garlitz transferred with effect from 30 June 1993 from Mecklenburg-Vorpommern to Lower Saxony (Lüneburg district). From these parishes the new municipality of Amt Neuhaus was created on 1 October 1993.In 1998 Gerhard Glogowski succeeded Gerhard Schröder who became Federal Chancellor. Because he had been linked with various scandals in his home city of Brunswick, he resigned in 1999 and was replaced by Sigmar Gabriel.From 2003 to his election as Federal President in 2010 Christian Wulff was minister president in Lower Saxony. The Osnabrücker headed a CDU-led coalition with the FDP as does his successor, David McAllister. After the elections on 20 January 2013 McAllister was deselected.Between 1946 and 2004, the state's districts and independent towns were grouped into eight regions, with different status for the two regions ("Verwaltungsbezirke") comprising the formerly free states of Brunswick and Oldenburg. In 1978 the regions were merged into four governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"): Since 2004 the Bezirksregierungen (regional governments) have been broken up again.1946–1978:1978–2004:On 1 January 2005 the four administrative regions or governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"), into which Lower Saxony had been hitherto divided, were dissolved. These were the governorates of Braunschweig, Hanover, Lüneburg and Weser-Ems.The 300,000-year-old and nearly complete remains of a female straight-tusked elephant were revealed by University of Tübingen researchers and the Senckenberg Centre for Human Evolution in May 2020. According to the archaeozoologist Ivo Verheijen, the skeleton with battered teeth had a shoulder height of about . Researchers also uncovered two long bones and 30 small flint flakes that were used as tools for knapping among the elephant bones."We found both tusks, the complete lower jaw, numerous vertebrae and ribs as well as large bones belonging to three of the legs and even all five delicate hyoid bones" said archaeologist Jordi Serangeli.At the end of 2014, there were almost 571,000 non-German citizens in Lower Saxony. The following table illustrates the largest minority groups in Lower Saxony:The 2011 census stated that a majority of the population were Christians (71.93%); 51.48% of the total population were member of the Evangelical Church in Germany, 18.34% were Catholics, 2.11% were member of other Christian denominations, 2.27% were member of other religions. 25.8% have no denomination. Even though there is a high level of official belonging to a Christian denomination, the peopleespecially in the citiesare highly secular in faith and behavior.As of 2018, the Evangelical Church in Germany was the faith of 43.0% of the population. It is organised in the five Landeskirchen named Evangelical Lutheran State Church in Brunswick (comprising the former Free State of Brunswick), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Hanover (comprising the former Province of Hanover), Evangelical Lutheran Church in Oldenburg (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Schaumburg-Lippe (comprising the former Free State of Schaumburg-Lippe), and Evangelical Reformed Church (covering all the state).Together, these member churches of the Evangelical Church in Germany gather a substantial part of the Protestant population in Germany.The Catholic Church was the faith of 16.8% of the population in 2018. It is organised in the three dioceses of Osnabrück (western part of the state), Münster (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg) and Hildesheim (northern and eastern part of the state). The Catholic faith is mainly concentrated to the regions of Oldenburger Münsterland, region of Osnabrück, region of Hildesheim and in the Western Eichsfeld.40.2% of the Low Saxons were irreligious or adhere to other religions. Judaism, Islam and Buddhism are minority faiths.The Gross domestic product (GDP) of the state was 229.5 billion euros in 2018, accounting for 8.7% of German economic output. GDP per capita adjusted for purchasing power was 33,700 euros or 112% of the EU27 average in the same year. The GDP per employee was 100% of the EU average.Agriculture, strongly weighted towards the livestock sector, has always been a very important economic factor in the state. The north and northwest of Lower Saxony are mainly made up of coarse sandy soil that makes crop farming difficult and therefore grassland and cattle farming are more prevalent in those areas. Lower Saxony is home, in 2017, to one in five of Germany's cattle, one in three of the country's pigs, and 50% of its hens. Wheat, potatoes, rye, and oats are among the state's present-day arable crops. Towards the south and southeast, extensive loess layers in the soil left behind by the last ice age allow high-yield crop farming. One of the principal crops there is sugar beet. Consequently, the Land has a big food industry, mainly organized in small and medium-sized enterprises (SME). Big players are Deutsches Milchkontor and PHW Group (biggest German poultry farmer and producer).Mining has also been an important source of income in Lower Saxony for centuries. Silver ore became a foundation of notable economic prosperity in the Harz Mountains as early as the 12th century, while iron mining in the Salzgitter area and salt mining in various areas of the state became another important economic backbone. Although overall yields are comparatively low, Lower Saxony is also an important supplier of crude oil in the European Union. Mineral products still mined today include iron and lignite.Radioactive waste is frequently transported in the area to the city of Salzgitter, for the deep geological repository Schacht Konrad and between Schacht Asse II in the Wolfenbüttel district and Lindwedel and Höfer.Manufacturing is another large part of the regional economy. Despite decades of gradual downsizing and restructuring, the car maker Volkswagen with its five production plants within the state's borders still remains the single biggest private-sector employer, its world headquarters in Wolfsburg. Due to the Volkswagen Law, which has recently been ruled illegal by the European Union's high court, the state of Lower Saxony is still the second largest shareholder, owning 20.3% of the company. Thanks to the importance of car manufacturing in Lower Saxony, a thriving supply industry is centred around its regional focal points. Other mainstays of the Lower Saxon industrial sector include aviation (the region of Stade is called CFK-Valley), shipbuilding (such as Meyer Werft), biotechnology, and steel. Medicine plays a major role; Hanover and Göttingen have two large University Medical Schools and hospitals and Otto Bock in Duderstadt is the word leader in prosthetics.The service sector has gained importance following the demise of manufacturing in the 1970s and 1980s. Important branches today are the tourism industry with TUI AG in Hanover, one of Europe's largest travel companies, as well as trade and telecommunication. Hanover is one of Germany's main location of insurance companies, such as Talanx, Hannover Re.In October 2018 the unemployment rate stood at 5.0% and was marginally higher than the national average.Lower Saxony has four World Heritage Sites.Since 1948, politics in the state has been dominated by the rightist Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the leftist Social Democratic Party. Lower Saxony was one of the origins of the German environmentalist movement in reaction to the state government's support for underground nuclear waste disposal. This led to the formation of the German Green Party in 1980.The former Minister-President, Christian Wulff, led a coalition of his CDU with the Free Democratic Party between 2003 and 2010. In the 2008 election, the ruling CDU held on to its position as the leading party in the state, despite losing votes and seats. The CDU's coalition with the Free Democratic Party retained its majority although it was cut from 29 to 10. The election also saw the entry into the state parliament for the first time of the leftist The Left party. On 1 July 2010 David McAllister was elected Minister-President.After the state election on 20 January 2013, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was elected as the new Minister-President. He governed in coalition with the Greens.After the state election in September 2017, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was again elected as the new Minister-President. He governs in coalition with the CDU.The state of Lower Saxony was formed after World War II by merging the former states of Hanover, Oldenburg, Brunswick and Schaumburg-Lippe. Hanover, a former kingdom, is by far the largest of these contributors by area and population and has been a province of Prussia since 1866. The city of Hanover is the largest and capital city of Lower Saxony.The constitution states that Lower Saxony be a free, republican, democratic, social and environmentally sustainable state inside the Federal Republic of Germany; universal human rights, peace and justice are preassigned guidelines of society, and the human rights and civil liberties proclaimed by the constitution of the Federal Republic are genuine constituents of the constitution of Lower Saxony. Each citizen is entitled to education and there is universal compulsory school attendance.All government authority is to be sanctioned by the will of the people, which expresses itself via elections and plebiscites. The legislative assembly is a unicameral parliament elected for terms of five years. The composition of the parliament obeys to the principle of proportional representation of the participating political parties, but it is also ensured that each constituency delegates one directly elected representative. If a party wins more constituency delegates than their statewide share among the parties would determine, it can keep all these constituency delegates.The governor of the state (prime minister) and his ministers are elected by the parliament. As there is a system of five political parties in Germany and so also in Lower Saxony, it is usually the case that two or more parties negotiate for a common political agenda and a commonly determined composition of government where the party with the biggest share of the electorate fills the seat of the governor.The states of the Federal Republic of Germany, and so Lower Saxony, have legislative responsibility and power mainly reduced to the policy fields of the school system, higher education, culture and media and police, whereas the more important policy fields like economic and social policies, foreign policy etc. are a prerogative of the federal government. Hence the probably most important function of the federal states is their representation in the Federal Council (Bundesrat), where their approval on many crucial federal policy fields, including the tax system, is required for laws to become enacted.The Minister-President heads the state government, acting as a head of state (even if the federated states have the status of a state, they don't established the office of a head of state but merged the functions with the head of the executive branch) as well as the government leader. They are elected by the Landtag of Lower Saxony.The coat of arms shows a white horse (Saxon Steed) against a red background, which is an old symbol of the Saxon people. Legend has it that the horse was a symbol of the Saxon leader Widukind, albeit a black horse against a yellow background. The colours changed after the Christian baptism of Widukind. White and red are colours (besides black and gold) of the Holy Roman Empire symbolizing Christ as the saviour, who is still shown with a red cross against a white background.	[ "Gerhard Schröder", "Ernst Albrecht", "Alfred Kubel", "Heinrich Hellwege", "Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf", "Christian Wulff", "David McAllister", "Gerhard Glogowski", "Stephan Weil", "Georg Diederichs" ]
Who was the head of Lower Saxony in 19-Aug-200119-August-2001?	August 19, 2001	{ "text": [ "Sigmar Gabriel" ] }	L2_Q1197_P6_7	Gerhard Schröder is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1998. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1955. Georg Diederichs is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1970. Christian Wulff is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Mar, 2003 to Jun, 2010. Heinrich Hellwege is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1955 to Jan, 1959. Sigmar Gabriel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Dec, 1999 to Mar, 2003. Alfred Kubel is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1976. Ernst Albrecht is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1990. Gerhard Glogowski is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 1999. David McAllister is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Jul, 2010 to Feb, 2013. Stephan Weil is the head of the government of Lower Saxony from Feb, 2013 to Dec, 2022.	Lower SaxonyLower Saxony ( ; ; ) is a German state ("Land") situated in northwestern Germany. It is the second-largest state by land area, being larger than Denmark with , and fourth-largest in population (7.9 million) among the 16 "Länder" federated as the Federal Republic of Germany. In rural areas, Northern Low Saxon (a dialect of Low German) and Saterland Frisian (a variety of the Frisian language) are still spoken, but the number of speakers is declining.Lower Saxony borders on (from north and clockwise) the North Sea, the states of Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Brandenburg, Saxony-Anhalt, Thuringia, Hesse and North Rhine-Westphalia, and the Netherlands (Drenthe, Groningen and Overijssel). Furthermore, the state of Bremen forms two enclaves within Lower Saxony, one being the city of Bremen, the other, its seaport city of Bremerhaven (which is a semi-enclave, as it has a coastline). In fact, Lower Saxony borders more neighbours than any other single "Bundesland." The state's principal cities include the state capital Hanover, Braunschweig (Brunswick), Lüneburg, Osnabrück, Oldenburg, Hildesheim, Wolfenbüttel, Wolfsburg, and Göttingen.The northwestern area of Lower Saxony, which lies on the coast of the North Sea, is called East Frisia and the seven East Frisian Islands offshore are popular with tourists. In the extreme west of Lower Saxony is the Emsland, an economically emerging but rather sparsely populated area, once dominated by inaccessible swamps. The northern half of Lower Saxony, also known as the North German Plains, is almost invariably flat except for the gentle hills around the Bremen geestland. Towards the south and southwest lie the northern parts of the German Central Uplands: the Weser Uplands and the Harz mountains. Between these two lie the Lower Saxon Hills, a range of low ridges. Thus, Lower Saxony is the only "Bundesland" that encompasses both maritime and mountainous areas.Lower Saxony's major cities and economic centres are mainly situated in its central and southern parts, namely Hanover, Braunschweig, Osnabrück, Wolfsburg, Salzgitter, Hildesheim, and Göttingen. Oldenburg, near the northwestern coastline, is another economic centre. The region in the northeast is called the Lüneburg Heath ("Lüneburger Heide"), the largest heathland area of Germany and in medieval times wealthy due to salt mining and salt trade, as well as to a lesser degree the exploitation of its peat bogs until about the 1960s. To the north, the Elbe River separates Lower Saxony from Hamburg, Schleswig-Holstein, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Brandenburg. The banks just south of the Elbe are known as "Altes Land" (Old Country). Due to its gentle local climate and fertile soil, it is the state's largest area of fruit farming, its chief produce being apples.Most of the state's territory was part of the historic Kingdom of Hanover; the state of Lower Saxony has adopted the coat of arms and other symbols of the former kingdom. It was created by the merger of the State of Hanover with three smaller states on 1 November 1946.Lower Saxony has a natural boundary in the north in the North Sea and the lower and middle reaches of the River Elbe, although parts of the city of Hamburg lie south of the Elbe. The state and city of Bremen is an enclave entirely surrounded by Lower Saxony. The Bremen/Oldenburg Metropolitan Region is a cooperative body for the enclave area. To the southeast, the state border runs through the Harz, low mountains that are part of the German Central Uplands. The northeast and west of the state, which form roughly three-quarters of its land area, belong to the North German Plain, while the south is in the Lower Saxon Hills, including the Weser Uplands, Leine Uplands, Schaumburg Land, Brunswick Land, Untereichsfeld, Elm, and Lappwald. In northeast, Lower Saxony is Lüneburg Heath. The heath is dominated by the poor, sandy soils of the geest, whilst in the central east and southeast in the loess "börde" zone, productive soils with high natural fertility occur. Under these conditions—with loam and sand-containing soils—the land is well-developed agriculturally. In the west lie the County of Bentheim, Osnabrück Land, Emsland, Oldenburg Land, Ammerland, Oldenburg Münsterland, and on the coast East Frisia.The state is dominated by several large rivers running northwards through the state: the Ems, Weser, Aller, and Elbe.The highest mountain in Lower Saxony is the Wurmberg (971 m) in the Harz. For other significant elevations see: List of mountains and hills in Lower Saxony. Most of the mountains and hills are found in the southeastern part of the state. The lowest point in the state, at about 2.5 m below sea level, is a depression near Freepsum in East Frisia.The state's economy, population, and infrastructure are centred on the cities and towns of Hanover, Stadthagen, Celle, Braunschweig, Wolfsburg, Hildesheim, and Salzgitter. Together with Göttingen in southern Lower Saxony, they form the core of the Hannover–Braunschweig–Göttingen–Wolfsburg Metropolitan Region.Lower Saxony has clear regional divisions that manifest themselves geographically, as well as historically and culturally. In the regions that used to be independent, especially the heartlands of the former states of Brunswick, Hanover, Oldenburg and Schaumburg-Lippe, a marked local regional awareness exists. By contrast, the areas surrounding the Hanseatic cities of Bremen and Hamburg are much more oriented towards those centres.Sometimes, overlaps and transition areas happen between the various regions of Lower Saxony. Several of the regions listed here are part of other, larger regions, that are also included in the list.Just under 20% of the land area of Lower Saxony is designated as nature parks, i.e.: Dümmer, Elbhöhen-Wendland, Elm-Lappwald, Harz, Lüneburger Heide, Münden, Terra.vita, Solling-Vogler, Lake Steinhude, Südheide, Weser Uplands, Wildeshausen Geest, Bourtanger Moor-Bargerveen.Lower Saxony falls climatically into the north temperate zone of central Europe that is affected by prevailing Westerlies and is located in a transition zone between the maritime climate of Western Europe and the continental climate of Eastern Europe. This transition is clearly noticeable within the state: whilst the northwest experiences an Atlantic (North Sea coastal) to Sub-Atlantic climate, with comparatively low variations in temperature during the course of the year and a surplus water budget, the climate towards the southeast is increasingly affected by the Continent. This is clearly shown by greater temperature variations between the summer and winter halves of the year and in lower and more variable amounts of precipitation across the year. This sub-continental effect is most sharply seen in the Wendland, in the Weser Uplands (Hamelin to Göttingen) and in the area of Helmstedt. The highest levels of precipitation are experienced in the Harz because the Lower Saxon part forms the windward side of this mountain range against which orographic rain falls. The average annual temperature is 8 °C (7.5 °C in the Altes Land and 8.5 °C in the district of Cloppenburg).Lower Saxony is divided into 37 districts ("Landkreise" or simply "Kreise"):Furthermore, there are eight urban districts and two cities with special status:¹ "following the "Göttingen Law" of 1 January 1964, the town of Göttingen is incorporated into the rural district ("Landkreis") of Göttingen, but is treated as an urban district unless other rules apply. On 1 November 2016 the districts of Osterode and Göttingen were merged under the name Göttingen, not influencing the city's special status."² "following the "Law on the region of Hanover", Hanover merged with the district of Hanover to form the Hanover Region, which has been treated mostly as a rural district, but Hanover is treated as an urban district since 1 November 2001 unless other rules apply."The name of Saxony derives from that of the Germanic confederation of tribes called the Saxons. Before the late medieval period, there was a single Duchy of Saxony. The term "Lower Saxony" was used after the dissolution of the stem duchy in the late 13th century to disambiguate the parts of the former duchy ruled by the House of Welf from the Electorate of Saxony on one hand, and from the Duchy of Westphalia on the other.The name and coat of arms of the present state go back to the Germanic tribe of Saxons. During the Migration Period some of the Saxon peoples left their homeland in Holstein about the 3rd century and pushed southwards over the Elbe, where they expanded into the sparsely populated regions in the rest of the lowlands, in the present-day Northwest Germany and the northeastern part of what is now the Netherlands. From about the 7th century the Saxons had occupied a settlement area that roughly corresponds to the present state of Lower Saxony, of Westphalia and a number of areas to the east, for example, in what is now west and north Saxony-Anhalt. The land of the Saxons was divided into about 60 "Gaue". The Frisians had not moved into this region; for centuries they preserved their independence in the most northwesterly region of the present-day Lower Saxon territory. The original language of the folk in the area of Old Saxony was West Low German, one of the varieties of language in the Low German dialect group.The establishment of permanent boundaries between what later became Lower Saxony and Westphalia began in the 12th century. In 1260, in a treaty between the Archbishopric of Cologne and the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg the lands claimed by the two territories were separated from each other. The border ran along the Weser to a point north of Nienburg. The northern part of the Weser-Ems region was placed under the rule of Brunswick-Lüneburg.The word "Niedersachsen" was first used before 1300 in a Dutch rhyming chronicle ("Reimchronik"). From the 14th century it referred to the Duchy of Saxe-Lauenburg (as opposed to Saxe-Wittenberg). On the creation of the imperial circles in 1500, a Lower Saxon Circle was distinguished from a Lower Rhenish–Westphalian Circle. The latter included the following territories that, in whole or in part, belong today to the state of Lower Saxony: the Bishopric of Osnabrück, the Bishopric of Münster, the County of Bentheim, the County of Hoya, the Principality of East Frisia, the Principality of Verden, the County of Diepholz, the County of Oldenburg, the County of Schaumburg and the County of Spiegelberg. At the same time a distinction was made with the eastern part of the old Saxon lands from the central German principalities later called Upper Saxony for dynastic reasons. (see also → Electorate of Saxony, History of Saxony).The close historical links between the domains of the Lower Saxon Circle now in modern Lower Saxony survived for centuries especially from a dynastic point of view. The majority of historic territories whose land now lies within Lower Saxony were sub-principalities of the medieval, Welf estates of the Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg. All the Welf princes called themselves dukes "of Brunswick and Lüneburg" despite often ruling parts of a duchy that was forever being divided and reunited as various Welf lines multiplied or died out.Over the course of time two great principalities survived east of the Weser: the Kingdom of Hanover and the Duchy of Brunswick (after 1866 Hanover became a Prussian province; after 1919 Brunswick became a free state). Historically a close tie exists between the royal house of Hanover (Electorate of Hanover) to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as a result of their personal union in the 18th century.West of the River Hunte a "de-Westphalianising process" began in 1815. After the Congress of Vienna the territories of the later administrative regions ("Regierungsbezirke") of Osnabrück and Aurich transferred to the Kingdom of Hanover. Until 1946, the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg and the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe retained their stately authority. Nevertheless, the entire Weser-Ems region (including the city of Bremen) were grouped in 1920 into a Lower Saxon Constituency Association ("Wahlkreisverband IX (Niedersachsen)"). This indicates that at that time the western administrations of the Prussian Province of Hanover and the state of Oldenburg were perceived as being "Lower Saxon".The forerunners of today's state of Lower Saxony were lands that were geographically and, to some extent, institutionally interrelated from very early on. The County of Schaumburg (not to be confused with the Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe) around the towns of Rinteln and Hessisch Oldendorf did indeed belong to the Prussian province of Hesse-Nassau until 1932, a province that also included large parts of the present state of Hesse, including the cities of Kassel, Wiesbaden and Frankfurt am Main; but in 1932, however, the County of Schaumburg became part of the Prussian Province of Hanover. Also before 1945, namely 1937, the city of Cuxhaven has been fully integrated into the Prussian Province of Hanover by the Greater Hamburg Act, so that in 1946, when the state of Lower Saxony was founded, only four states needed to be merged. With the exception of Bremen and the areas that were ceded to the Soviet Occupation Zone in 1945, all those areas allocated to the new state of Lower Saxony in 1946, had already been merged into the "Constituency Association of Lower Saxony" in 1920.In a lecture on 14 September 2007, Dietmar von Reeken described the emergence of a "Lower Saxony consciousness" in the 19th century, the geographical basis of which was used to invent a territorial construct: the resulting local heritage societies ("Heimatvereine") and their associated magazines routinely used the terms "Lower Saxony" or "Lower Saxon" in their names. At the end of the 1920s in the context of discussions about a reform of the Reich, and promoted by the expanding local heritage movement ("Heimatbewegung"), a 25-year conflict started between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia". The supporters of this dispute were administrative officials and politicians, but regionally focussed scientists of various disciplines were supposed to have fuelled the arguments. In the 1930s, a real Lower Saxony did not yet exist, but there was a plethora of institutions that would have called themselves "Lower Saxon". The motives and arguments in the disputes between "Lower Saxony" and "Westphalia" were very similar on both sides: economic interests, political aims, cultural interests and historical aspects.After the Second World War most of Northwest Germany lay within the British Zone of Occupation. On 23 August 1946, the British Military Government issued Ordinance No. 46 ""Concerning the dissolution of the provinces of the former state of Prussia in the British Zone and their reconstitution as independent states"", which initially established the State of Hanover on the territory of the former Prussian Province of Hanover. Its minister president, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, had already suggested in June 1945 the formation of a state of Lower Saxony, that was to include the largest possible region in the middle of the British Zone. In addition to the regions that actually became Lower Saxony subsequently, Kopf asked, in a memorandum dated April 1946, for the inclusion of the former Prussian district of Minden-Ravensberg (i.e. the Westphalian city of Bielefeld as well as the Westphalian districts of Minden, Lübbecke, Bielefeld, Herford and Halle), the district of Tecklenburg and the state of Lippe. Kopf's plan was ultimately based on a draft for the reform of the German Empire from the late 1920s by Georg Schnath and Kurt Brüning. The strong Welf connotations of this draft, according to Thomas Vogtherr, did not simplify the development of a Lower Saxon identity after 1946.An alternative model, proposed by politicians in Oldenburg and Brunswick, envisaged the foundation of the independent state of "Weser-Ems", that would be formed from the state of Oldenburg, the Hanseatic City of Bremen and the administrative regions of Aurich and Osnabrück. Several representatives of the state of Oldenburg even demanded the inclusion of the Hanoverian districts of Diepholz, Syke, Osterholz-Scharmbeck and Wesermünde in the proposed state of "Weser-Ems". Likewise an enlarged State of Brunswick was proposed in the southeast to include the "Regierungsbezirk" of Hildesheim and the district of Gifhorn. Had this plan come to fruition, the territory of the present Lower Saxony would have consisted of three states of roughly equal size.The district council of Vechta protested on 12 June 1946 against being incorporated into the metropolitan area of Hanover ("Großraum Hannover"). If the State of Oldenburg was to be dissolved, Vechta District would much rather be included in the Westphalian region. Particularly in the districts where there was a political Catholicism the notion was widespread, that Oldenburg Münsterland and the "Regierungsbezirk" of Osnabrück should be part of a newly formed State of Westphalia.Since the foundation of the states of North Rhine-Westphalia and Hanover on 23 August 1946 the northern and eastern border of North Rhine-Westphalia has largely been identical with that of the Prussian Province of Westphalia. Only the Free State of Lippe was not incorporated into North Rhine-Westphalia until January 1947. With that the majority of the regions left of the Upper Weser became North Rhine-Westphalian.In the end, at the meeting of the Zone Advisory Board on 20 September 1946, Kopf's proposal with regard to the division of the British occupation zone into three large states proved to be capable of gaining a majority. Because this division of their occupation zone into relatively large states also met the interests of the British, on 8 November 1946 Regulation No. 55 of the British military government was issued, by which the State of Lower Saxony with its capital Hanover were founded, backdated to 1 November 1946. The state was formed by a merger of the Free States of Brunswick, of Oldenburg and of Schaumburg-Lippe with the previously formed State of Hanover. But there were exceptions:The demands of Dutch politicians that the Netherlands should be given the German regions east of the Dutch-German border as war reparations, were roundly rejected at the London Conference of 26 March 1949. In fact only about of West Lower Saxony was transferred to the Netherlands, in 1949."→ see main article Dutch annexation of German territory after World War II"The first Lower Saxon parliament or "Landtag" met on 9 December 1946. It was not elected; rather it was established by the British Occupation Administration (a so-called "appointed parliament"). That same day the parliament elected the Social Democrat, Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf, the former Hanoverian president ("Regierungspräsident") as their first minister president. Kopf led a five-party coalition, whose basic task was to rebuild a state afflicted by the war's rigours. Kopf's cabinet had to organise an improvement of food supplies and the reconstruction of the cities and towns destroyed by Allied air raids during the war years. Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf remained – interrupted by the time in office of Heinrich Hellwege (1955–1959) – as the head of government in Lower Saxony until 1961.The greatest problem facing the first state government in the immediate post-war years was the challenge of integrating hundreds of thousands of refugees from Germany's former territories in the east (such as Silesia and East Prussia), which had been annexed by Poland and the Soviet Union. Lower Saxony was at the western end of the direct escape route from East Prussia and had the longest border with the Soviet Zone. On 3 October 1950 Lower Saxony took over the sponsorship of the very large number of refugees from Silesia. In 1950 there was still a shortage of 730,000 homes according to official figures.During the period when Germany was divided, the Lower Saxon border crossing at Helmstedt found itself on the main transport artery to West Berlin and, from 1945 to 1990 was the busiest European border crossing point.Of economic significance for the state was the "Volkswagen" concern, that restarted the production of civilian vehicles in 1945, initially under British management, and in 1949 transferred into the ownership of the newly founded country of West Germany and state of Lower Saxony. Overall, Lower Saxony, with its large tracts of rural countryside and few urban centres, was one of the industrially weaker regions of the federal republic for a long time. In 1960, 20% of the working population worked on the land. In the rest of the federal territory the figure was just 14%. Even in economically prosperous times the jobless totals in Lower Saxony are constantly higher than the federal average.In 1961 Georg Diederichs took office as the minister president of Lower Saxony as the successor to Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf. He was replaced in 1970 by Alfred Kubel. The arguments about the Gorleben Nuclear Waste Repository, that began during the time in office of minister president Ernst Albrecht (1976–1990), have played an important role in state and federal politics since the end of the 1970s.In 1990 Gerhard Schröder entered the office of minister president. On 1 June 1993 the new Lower Saxon constitution entered force, replacing the "Provisional Lower Saxon Constitution" of 1951. It enables referenda and plebiscites and establishes environmental protection as a fundamental state principle.The former Hanoverian Amt Neuhaus with its parishes of Dellien, Haar, Kaarßen, Neuhaus (Elbe), Stapel, Sückau, Sumte and Tripkau as well as the villages of Neu Bleckede, Neu Wendischthun and Stiepelse in the parish of Teldau and the historic Hanoverian region in the forest district of Bohldamm in the parish of Garlitz transferred with effect from 30 June 1993 from Mecklenburg-Vorpommern to Lower Saxony (Lüneburg district). From these parishes the new municipality of Amt Neuhaus was created on 1 October 1993.In 1998 Gerhard Glogowski succeeded Gerhard Schröder who became Federal Chancellor. Because he had been linked with various scandals in his home city of Brunswick, he resigned in 1999 and was replaced by Sigmar Gabriel.From 2003 to his election as Federal President in 2010 Christian Wulff was minister president in Lower Saxony. The Osnabrücker headed a CDU-led coalition with the FDP as does his successor, David McAllister. After the elections on 20 January 2013 McAllister was deselected.Between 1946 and 2004, the state's districts and independent towns were grouped into eight regions, with different status for the two regions ("Verwaltungsbezirke") comprising the formerly free states of Brunswick and Oldenburg. In 1978 the regions were merged into four governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"): Since 2004 the Bezirksregierungen (regional governments) have been broken up again.1946–1978:1978–2004:On 1 January 2005 the four administrative regions or governorates ("Regierungsbezirke"), into which Lower Saxony had been hitherto divided, were dissolved. These were the governorates of Braunschweig, Hanover, Lüneburg and Weser-Ems.The 300,000-year-old and nearly complete remains of a female straight-tusked elephant were revealed by University of Tübingen researchers and the Senckenberg Centre for Human Evolution in May 2020. According to the archaeozoologist Ivo Verheijen, the skeleton with battered teeth had a shoulder height of about . Researchers also uncovered two long bones and 30 small flint flakes that were used as tools for knapping among the elephant bones."We found both tusks, the complete lower jaw, numerous vertebrae and ribs as well as large bones belonging to three of the legs and even all five delicate hyoid bones" said archaeologist Jordi Serangeli.At the end of 2014, there were almost 571,000 non-German citizens in Lower Saxony. The following table illustrates the largest minority groups in Lower Saxony:The 2011 census stated that a majority of the population were Christians (71.93%); 51.48% of the total population were member of the Evangelical Church in Germany, 18.34% were Catholics, 2.11% were member of other Christian denominations, 2.27% were member of other religions. 25.8% have no denomination. Even though there is a high level of official belonging to a Christian denomination, the peopleespecially in the citiesare highly secular in faith and behavior.As of 2018, the Evangelical Church in Germany was the faith of 43.0% of the population. It is organised in the five Landeskirchen named Evangelical Lutheran State Church in Brunswick (comprising the former Free State of Brunswick), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Hanover (comprising the former Province of Hanover), Evangelical Lutheran Church in Oldenburg (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg), Evangelical Lutheran Church of Schaumburg-Lippe (comprising the former Free State of Schaumburg-Lippe), and Evangelical Reformed Church (covering all the state).Together, these member churches of the Evangelical Church in Germany gather a substantial part of the Protestant population in Germany.The Catholic Church was the faith of 16.8% of the population in 2018. It is organised in the three dioceses of Osnabrück (western part of the state), Münster (comprising the former Free State of Oldenburg) and Hildesheim (northern and eastern part of the state). The Catholic faith is mainly concentrated to the regions of Oldenburger Münsterland, region of Osnabrück, region of Hildesheim and in the Western Eichsfeld.40.2% of the Low Saxons were irreligious or adhere to other religions. Judaism, Islam and Buddhism are minority faiths.The Gross domestic product (GDP) of the state was 229.5 billion euros in 2018, accounting for 8.7% of German economic output. GDP per capita adjusted for purchasing power was 33,700 euros or 112% of the EU27 average in the same year. The GDP per employee was 100% of the EU average.Agriculture, strongly weighted towards the livestock sector, has always been a very important economic factor in the state. The north and northwest of Lower Saxony are mainly made up of coarse sandy soil that makes crop farming difficult and therefore grassland and cattle farming are more prevalent in those areas. Lower Saxony is home, in 2017, to one in five of Germany's cattle, one in three of the country's pigs, and 50% of its hens. Wheat, potatoes, rye, and oats are among the state's present-day arable crops. Towards the south and southeast, extensive loess layers in the soil left behind by the last ice age allow high-yield crop farming. One of the principal crops there is sugar beet. Consequently, the Land has a big food industry, mainly organized in small and medium-sized enterprises (SME). Big players are Deutsches Milchkontor and PHW Group (biggest German poultry farmer and producer).Mining has also been an important source of income in Lower Saxony for centuries. Silver ore became a foundation of notable economic prosperity in the Harz Mountains as early as the 12th century, while iron mining in the Salzgitter area and salt mining in various areas of the state became another important economic backbone. Although overall yields are comparatively low, Lower Saxony is also an important supplier of crude oil in the European Union. Mineral products still mined today include iron and lignite.Radioactive waste is frequently transported in the area to the city of Salzgitter, for the deep geological repository Schacht Konrad and between Schacht Asse II in the Wolfenbüttel district and Lindwedel and Höfer.Manufacturing is another large part of the regional economy. Despite decades of gradual downsizing and restructuring, the car maker Volkswagen with its five production plants within the state's borders still remains the single biggest private-sector employer, its world headquarters in Wolfsburg. Due to the Volkswagen Law, which has recently been ruled illegal by the European Union's high court, the state of Lower Saxony is still the second largest shareholder, owning 20.3% of the company. Thanks to the importance of car manufacturing in Lower Saxony, a thriving supply industry is centred around its regional focal points. Other mainstays of the Lower Saxon industrial sector include aviation (the region of Stade is called CFK-Valley), shipbuilding (such as Meyer Werft), biotechnology, and steel. Medicine plays a major role; Hanover and Göttingen have two large University Medical Schools and hospitals and Otto Bock in Duderstadt is the word leader in prosthetics.The service sector has gained importance following the demise of manufacturing in the 1970s and 1980s. Important branches today are the tourism industry with TUI AG in Hanover, one of Europe's largest travel companies, as well as trade and telecommunication. Hanover is one of Germany's main location of insurance companies, such as Talanx, Hannover Re.In October 2018 the unemployment rate stood at 5.0% and was marginally higher than the national average.Lower Saxony has four World Heritage Sites.Since 1948, politics in the state has been dominated by the rightist Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the leftist Social Democratic Party. Lower Saxony was one of the origins of the German environmentalist movement in reaction to the state government's support for underground nuclear waste disposal. This led to the formation of the German Green Party in 1980.The former Minister-President, Christian Wulff, led a coalition of his CDU with the Free Democratic Party between 2003 and 2010. In the 2008 election, the ruling CDU held on to its position as the leading party in the state, despite losing votes and seats. The CDU's coalition with the Free Democratic Party retained its majority although it was cut from 29 to 10. The election also saw the entry into the state parliament for the first time of the leftist The Left party. On 1 July 2010 David McAllister was elected Minister-President.After the state election on 20 January 2013, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was elected as the new Minister-President. He governed in coalition with the Greens.After the state election in September 2017, Stephan Weil of the Social Democrats was again elected as the new Minister-President. He governs in coalition with the CDU.The state of Lower Saxony was formed after World War II by merging the former states of Hanover, Oldenburg, Brunswick and Schaumburg-Lippe. Hanover, a former kingdom, is by far the largest of these contributors by area and population and has been a province of Prussia since 1866. The city of Hanover is the largest and capital city of Lower Saxony.The constitution states that Lower Saxony be a free, republican, democratic, social and environmentally sustainable state inside the Federal Republic of Germany; universal human rights, peace and justice are preassigned guidelines of society, and the human rights and civil liberties proclaimed by the constitution of the Federal Republic are genuine constituents of the constitution of Lower Saxony. Each citizen is entitled to education and there is universal compulsory school attendance.All government authority is to be sanctioned by the will of the people, which expresses itself via elections and plebiscites. The legislative assembly is a unicameral parliament elected for terms of five years. The composition of the parliament obeys to the principle of proportional representation of the participating political parties, but it is also ensured that each constituency delegates one directly elected representative. If a party wins more constituency delegates than their statewide share among the parties would determine, it can keep all these constituency delegates.The governor of the state (prime minister) and his ministers are elected by the parliament. As there is a system of five political parties in Germany and so also in Lower Saxony, it is usually the case that two or more parties negotiate for a common political agenda and a commonly determined composition of government where the party with the biggest share of the electorate fills the seat of the governor.The states of the Federal Republic of Germany, and so Lower Saxony, have legislative responsibility and power mainly reduced to the policy fields of the school system, higher education, culture and media and police, whereas the more important policy fields like economic and social policies, foreign policy etc. are a prerogative of the federal government. Hence the probably most important function of the federal states is their representation in the Federal Council (Bundesrat), where their approval on many crucial federal policy fields, including the tax system, is required for laws to become enacted.The Minister-President heads the state government, acting as a head of state (even if the federated states have the status of a state, they don't established the office of a head of state but merged the functions with the head of the executive branch) as well as the government leader. They are elected by the Landtag of Lower Saxony.The coat of arms shows a white horse (Saxon Steed) against a red background, which is an old symbol of the Saxon people. Legend has it that the horse was a symbol of the Saxon leader Widukind, albeit a black horse against a yellow background. The colours changed after the Christian baptism of Widukind. White and red are colours (besides black and gold) of the Holy Roman Empire symbolizing Christ as the saviour, who is still shown with a red cross against a white background.	[ "Gerhard Schröder", "Ernst Albrecht", "Alfred Kubel", "Heinrich Hellwege", "Hinrich Wilhelm Kopf", "Christian Wulff", "David McAllister", "Gerhard Glogowski", "Stephan Weil", "Georg Diederichs" ]
Which team did Radojica Vasić play for in Dec, 2009?	December 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac" ] }	L2_Q7281511_P54_5	Radojica Vasić plays for FK Smederevo from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Radojica Vasić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Elista from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Javor Ivanjica from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Mladost Lučani from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Slavia-Mozyr from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001.	Radojica VasićRadojica Vasić (Serbian Cyrillic: Радојица Васић; born 25 January 1976) is a Serbian former footballer who played as a defensive midfielder. He spent most of his career playing for his hometown club Mladost Lučani.	[ "FK Mladost Lučani", "F.K. Vojvodina", "FK Smederevo", "FK Javor Ivanjica", "FC Elista", "FC Slavia-Mozyr" ]
Which team did Radojica Vasić play for in 2009-12-31?	December 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac" ] }	L2_Q7281511_P54_5	Radojica Vasić plays for FK Smederevo from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Radojica Vasić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Elista from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Javor Ivanjica from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Mladost Lučani from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Slavia-Mozyr from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001.	Radojica VasićRadojica Vasić (Serbian Cyrillic: Радојица Васић; born 25 January 1976) is a Serbian former footballer who played as a defensive midfielder. He spent most of his career playing for his hometown club Mladost Lučani.	[ "FK Mladost Lučani", "F.K. Vojvodina", "FK Smederevo", "FK Javor Ivanjica", "FC Elista", "FC Slavia-Mozyr" ]
Which team did Radojica Vasić play for in 31/12/2009?	December 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac" ] }	L2_Q7281511_P54_5	Radojica Vasić plays for FK Smederevo from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Radojica Vasić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Elista from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Javor Ivanjica from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Mladost Lučani from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Slavia-Mozyr from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001.	Radojica VasićRadojica Vasić (Serbian Cyrillic: Радојица Васић; born 25 January 1976) is a Serbian former footballer who played as a defensive midfielder. He spent most of his career playing for his hometown club Mladost Lučani.	[ "FK Mladost Lučani", "F.K. Vojvodina", "FK Smederevo", "FK Javor Ivanjica", "FC Elista", "FC Slavia-Mozyr" ]
Which team did Radojica Vasić play for in Dec 31, 2009?	December 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac" ] }	L2_Q7281511_P54_5	Radojica Vasić plays for FK Smederevo from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Radojica Vasić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Elista from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Javor Ivanjica from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Mladost Lučani from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Slavia-Mozyr from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001.	Radojica VasićRadojica Vasić (Serbian Cyrillic: Радојица Васић; born 25 January 1976) is a Serbian former footballer who played as a defensive midfielder. He spent most of his career playing for his hometown club Mladost Lučani.	[ "FK Mladost Lučani", "F.K. Vojvodina", "FK Smederevo", "FK Javor Ivanjica", "FC Elista", "FC Slavia-Mozyr" ]
Which team did Radojica Vasić play for in 12/31/2009?	December 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac" ] }	L2_Q7281511_P54_5	Radojica Vasić plays for FK Smederevo from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Radojica Vasić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Elista from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Javor Ivanjica from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Mladost Lučani from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Slavia-Mozyr from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001.	Radojica VasićRadojica Vasić (Serbian Cyrillic: Радојица Васић; born 25 January 1976) is a Serbian former footballer who played as a defensive midfielder. He spent most of his career playing for his hometown club Mladost Lučani.	[ "FK Mladost Lučani", "F.K. Vojvodina", "FK Smederevo", "FK Javor Ivanjica", "FC Elista", "FC Slavia-Mozyr" ]
Which team did Radojica Vasić play for in 31-Dec-200931-December-2009?	December 31, 2009	{ "text": [ "FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac" ] }	L2_Q7281511_P54_5	Radojica Vasić plays for FK Smederevo from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Radojica Vasić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Elista from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Javor Ivanjica from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Metalac Gornji Milanovac from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010. Radojica Vasić plays for FK Mladost Lučani from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2014. Radojica Vasić plays for FC Slavia-Mozyr from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001.	Radojica VasićRadojica Vasić (Serbian Cyrillic: Радојица Васић; born 25 January 1976) is a Serbian former footballer who played as a defensive midfielder. He spent most of his career playing for his hometown club Mladost Lučani.	[ "FK Mladost Lučani", "F.K. Vojvodina", "FK Smederevo", "FK Javor Ivanjica", "FC Elista", "FC Slavia-Mozyr" ]
Which position did Michael Cullen hold in Apr, 1998?	April 12, 1998	{ "text": [ "Member of the New Zealand Parliament" ] }	L2_Q2622925_P39_1	Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister of Finance from Dec, 1999 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Member of the New Zealand Parliament from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. Michael Cullen holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand from Aug, 2002 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Attorney-General of New Zealand from Mar, 2006 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister for Social Development from Aug, 1987 to Nov, 1990.	Michael Cullen (politician)Sir Michael John Cullen (born 5 February 1945) is a former New Zealand politician. He served as Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand, also Minister of Finance, Minister of Tertiary Education, and Attorney-General. He was the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1996 until November 2008, when he resigned following a defeat in the general election. He resigned from Parliament in April 2009, to become the deputy chairman of New Zealand Post from 1 November 2009 and chairman from 1 November 2010. On 6 March 2020 he announced that he had resigned from the Lakes and Bay of Plenty district health boards, respectively. At the same time he also announced that he had been diagnosed with stage 4 small-cell lung cancer, which had also spread to his liver.Cullen was born in Enfield in north London on 5 February 1945, the son of Ivy May Cullen (née Taylor) and John Joseph Thomas Cullen. His father was a spectacle frame maker and his mother was a secretary. The family emigrated from Tottenham to New Zealand in 1955, where friends gave him the nick-name "Pom", and Cullen attended secondary school on a scholarship at Christ's College in Christchurch. He went on to study history at the University of Canterbury, earning a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1965, and a Master of Arts in 1968. Receiving a Commonwealth Scholarship he then gained a PhD in social and economic history from the University of Edinburgh. He was the first person in his family to attend university. From 1971 to 1981 he was a lecturer at the University of Otago, with a term as a visiting fellow at the Australian National University from 1975 to 1976. One of his students was future MP Michael Laws, of whom he said "A very bright student, but you knew there was something not quite right, even then."Whilst Cullen was researching his thesis on poverty in the late 19th century in London he discovered that the street in which his maternal grandparents grew up was famed for semi-criminal activities. They proceeded to become working class respectables and then his father became a semi-skilled tradesman.Cullen became a naturalised New Zealand citizen in 1975.Cullen joined the Labour Party in 1974, and served on the party's Executive and Council between 1976 and 1981. In 1981 he was elected MP for the Dunedin electorate of St Kilda. In 1983 he was appointed as Labour's spokesperson for the environment.When Labour entered government in 1984, Cullen became Senior Whip. Due to his knowledge of economics, Cullen became increasingly involved in the disputes surrounding the Minister of Finance, Roger Douglas, who supported the liberalisation of trade and the sale of state assets plus deep tax cuts. These goals, which were against traditional Labour policies, angered both party members and the public. When the Prime Minister, David Lange, attempted to limit the influence Douglas had on the government's direction, Cullen became involved on Lange's side. After Labour's re-election in 1987, Cullen was made Associate Minister of Finance (an attempt by Lange to provide an anti-reform counterbalance to the radical Douglas) and Minister of Social Welfare.After Cullen had been elevated to Cabinet, his father died after a long and painful illness, his marriage ended and his dog died prompting him to ponder resigning; "I seriously considered quitting from Cabinet, but the least I could do was stay there for Helen [Clark] and David [Lange] and make sure we didn't lose social policy to the Rogernomes who were driving so much of the policy." Eventually, Douglas was forced to resign, but a month later the political controversies around the dispute prompted the resignation of Lange himself. Douglas was succeeded as Finance Minister by David Caygill, one of his allies (albeit a considerably less radical one). Cullen was made Associate Minister of Health, in an attempt reduce the effect of reforms on that sector.In 1989 he married fellow Labour MP Anne Collins.When Labour lost the 1990 election – attributed to public anger at Douglas' reforms, and disarray within the Labour Party – Cullen returned to being Labour's spokesperson on social welfare. The following year, he replaced David Caygill as the party's chief finance spokesperson. Before Labour's position in the polls improved, Cullen was also involved in an attempt to oust Helen Clark as party leader, which was not successful. Soon after, when Caygill decided to retire from politics in 1996, Cullen took the deputy leader's post unopposed as well. Cullen has claimed to be happy with his position as second, saying that in terms of personality, he is "a number two sort of person". Many commentators agree, believing that Cullen's strength lies more in administration than leadership.On 26 August 1999, Cullen was named by the Speaker Doug Kidd for saying that the National Member Max Bradford had lied, and that he was a "stooge" of the Employers Federation.Labour's electoral victory in 1999 resulted in Cullen becoming Minister of Finance. After the 2002 election, the electoral support for Labour's junior coalition partner (the Progressive Party) was not sufficient to justify its leader holding the Deputy Prime Minister position, resulting in Michael Cullen replacing Jim Anderton as Deputy Prime Minister.In 2005 Helen Clark appointed Cullen to the post of Attorney-General following the election of Margaret Wilson as Speaker of the House. His appointment became controversial because of his non-legal background (only one other non-lawyer had previously held the post) and because of his previous criticisms of the judiciary, including of the Chief Justice Dame Sian Elias. His term in the position ended following the 2005 general election. However, with the resignation of David Parker in March 2006, Cullen took over the position again.He had a reputation as one of the Labour Party's best parliamentary debaters, and is known for his sometimes "acerbic" sense of humour.Cullen presented his seventh budget in 2006. Cullen's guiding principle was, he stated, "The fool who spends on the upturn will find himself broke on the downturn".Labour's eighth budget in 2007 reduced company tax from 33% to 30%and introduced a 15% research and development tax credit. It also made a number of changes to the KiwiSaver scheme.The New Zealand economy entered recession in December 2007. Cullen's final budget was delivered in this context in May 2008; it reduced income tax on the first $9,500 earned from 15% to 12.5%, and the company tax rate from 30% to 29%.The day after the defeat of Labour in the 2008 general elections and Helen Clark's resignation as party leader, Cullen announced his resignation as deputy leader of the Labour Party. When he resigned from Parliament in 2009 he was replaced as an MP from the party list by Damien O'Connor.Cullen identifies as a social democrat.In 2004 Cullen declared his support for the monarchy of New Zealand, describing himself as "a sort of token monarchist in the Cabinet these days". However, in 2010 he repudiated that stance, taking the view that New Zealand should move towards a republic once the Queen's reign ends.Cullen voted in favour of the third reading of the Civil Union Bill 2004, which legalised civil unions in New Zealand.After leaving parliament, Cullen held a number of roles on the New Zealand civil service, including serving on the Tax Working Group and chairing the Earthquake Commission. He also joined the board of retirement insurance business Lifetime Income.In March 2020, Cullen stood down from most of his public roles after announcing that he had been diagnosed with stage IV small-cell lung cancer.In 1990, Cullen was awarded the New Zealand 1990 Commemoration Medal. On 16 December 2009, Cullen received an honorary LLD from the University of Otago in recognition of "his contributions as an Otago academic and as a respected and highly influential politician".In the 2012 Queen's Birthday and Diamond Jubilee Honours, Cullen was appointed Knight Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit.	[ "Minister of Finance", "Minister for Social Development", "Attorney-General of New Zealand", "Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand" ]
Which position did Michael Cullen hold in 1998-04-12?	April 12, 1998	{ "text": [ "Member of the New Zealand Parliament" ] }	L2_Q2622925_P39_1	Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister of Finance from Dec, 1999 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Member of the New Zealand Parliament from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. Michael Cullen holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand from Aug, 2002 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Attorney-General of New Zealand from Mar, 2006 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister for Social Development from Aug, 1987 to Nov, 1990.	Michael Cullen (politician)Sir Michael John Cullen (born 5 February 1945) is a former New Zealand politician. He served as Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand, also Minister of Finance, Minister of Tertiary Education, and Attorney-General. He was the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1996 until November 2008, when he resigned following a defeat in the general election. He resigned from Parliament in April 2009, to become the deputy chairman of New Zealand Post from 1 November 2009 and chairman from 1 November 2010. On 6 March 2020 he announced that he had resigned from the Lakes and Bay of Plenty district health boards, respectively. At the same time he also announced that he had been diagnosed with stage 4 small-cell lung cancer, which had also spread to his liver.Cullen was born in Enfield in north London on 5 February 1945, the son of Ivy May Cullen (née Taylor) and John Joseph Thomas Cullen. His father was a spectacle frame maker and his mother was a secretary. The family emigrated from Tottenham to New Zealand in 1955, where friends gave him the nick-name "Pom", and Cullen attended secondary school on a scholarship at Christ's College in Christchurch. He went on to study history at the University of Canterbury, earning a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1965, and a Master of Arts in 1968. Receiving a Commonwealth Scholarship he then gained a PhD in social and economic history from the University of Edinburgh. He was the first person in his family to attend university. From 1971 to 1981 he was a lecturer at the University of Otago, with a term as a visiting fellow at the Australian National University from 1975 to 1976. One of his students was future MP Michael Laws, of whom he said "A very bright student, but you knew there was something not quite right, even then."Whilst Cullen was researching his thesis on poverty in the late 19th century in London he discovered that the street in which his maternal grandparents grew up was famed for semi-criminal activities. They proceeded to become working class respectables and then his father became a semi-skilled tradesman.Cullen became a naturalised New Zealand citizen in 1975.Cullen joined the Labour Party in 1974, and served on the party's Executive and Council between 1976 and 1981. In 1981 he was elected MP for the Dunedin electorate of St Kilda. In 1983 he was appointed as Labour's spokesperson for the environment.When Labour entered government in 1984, Cullen became Senior Whip. Due to his knowledge of economics, Cullen became increasingly involved in the disputes surrounding the Minister of Finance, Roger Douglas, who supported the liberalisation of trade and the sale of state assets plus deep tax cuts. These goals, which were against traditional Labour policies, angered both party members and the public. When the Prime Minister, David Lange, attempted to limit the influence Douglas had on the government's direction, Cullen became involved on Lange's side. After Labour's re-election in 1987, Cullen was made Associate Minister of Finance (an attempt by Lange to provide an anti-reform counterbalance to the radical Douglas) and Minister of Social Welfare.After Cullen had been elevated to Cabinet, his father died after a long and painful illness, his marriage ended and his dog died prompting him to ponder resigning; "I seriously considered quitting from Cabinet, but the least I could do was stay there for Helen [Clark] and David [Lange] and make sure we didn't lose social policy to the Rogernomes who were driving so much of the policy." Eventually, Douglas was forced to resign, but a month later the political controversies around the dispute prompted the resignation of Lange himself. Douglas was succeeded as Finance Minister by David Caygill, one of his allies (albeit a considerably less radical one). Cullen was made Associate Minister of Health, in an attempt reduce the effect of reforms on that sector.In 1989 he married fellow Labour MP Anne Collins.When Labour lost the 1990 election – attributed to public anger at Douglas' reforms, and disarray within the Labour Party – Cullen returned to being Labour's spokesperson on social welfare. The following year, he replaced David Caygill as the party's chief finance spokesperson. Before Labour's position in the polls improved, Cullen was also involved in an attempt to oust Helen Clark as party leader, which was not successful. Soon after, when Caygill decided to retire from politics in 1996, Cullen took the deputy leader's post unopposed as well. Cullen has claimed to be happy with his position as second, saying that in terms of personality, he is "a number two sort of person". Many commentators agree, believing that Cullen's strength lies more in administration than leadership.On 26 August 1999, Cullen was named by the Speaker Doug Kidd for saying that the National Member Max Bradford had lied, and that he was a "stooge" of the Employers Federation.Labour's electoral victory in 1999 resulted in Cullen becoming Minister of Finance. After the 2002 election, the electoral support for Labour's junior coalition partner (the Progressive Party) was not sufficient to justify its leader holding the Deputy Prime Minister position, resulting in Michael Cullen replacing Jim Anderton as Deputy Prime Minister.In 2005 Helen Clark appointed Cullen to the post of Attorney-General following the election of Margaret Wilson as Speaker of the House. His appointment became controversial because of his non-legal background (only one other non-lawyer had previously held the post) and because of his previous criticisms of the judiciary, including of the Chief Justice Dame Sian Elias. His term in the position ended following the 2005 general election. However, with the resignation of David Parker in March 2006, Cullen took over the position again.He had a reputation as one of the Labour Party's best parliamentary debaters, and is known for his sometimes "acerbic" sense of humour.Cullen presented his seventh budget in 2006. Cullen's guiding principle was, he stated, "The fool who spends on the upturn will find himself broke on the downturn".Labour's eighth budget in 2007 reduced company tax from 33% to 30%and introduced a 15% research and development tax credit. It also made a number of changes to the KiwiSaver scheme.The New Zealand economy entered recession in December 2007. Cullen's final budget was delivered in this context in May 2008; it reduced income tax on the first $9,500 earned from 15% to 12.5%, and the company tax rate from 30% to 29%.The day after the defeat of Labour in the 2008 general elections and Helen Clark's resignation as party leader, Cullen announced his resignation as deputy leader of the Labour Party. When he resigned from Parliament in 2009 he was replaced as an MP from the party list by Damien O'Connor.Cullen identifies as a social democrat.In 2004 Cullen declared his support for the monarchy of New Zealand, describing himself as "a sort of token monarchist in the Cabinet these days". However, in 2010 he repudiated that stance, taking the view that New Zealand should move towards a republic once the Queen's reign ends.Cullen voted in favour of the third reading of the Civil Union Bill 2004, which legalised civil unions in New Zealand.After leaving parliament, Cullen held a number of roles on the New Zealand civil service, including serving on the Tax Working Group and chairing the Earthquake Commission. He also joined the board of retirement insurance business Lifetime Income.In March 2020, Cullen stood down from most of his public roles after announcing that he had been diagnosed with stage IV small-cell lung cancer.In 1990, Cullen was awarded the New Zealand 1990 Commemoration Medal. On 16 December 2009, Cullen received an honorary LLD from the University of Otago in recognition of "his contributions as an Otago academic and as a respected and highly influential politician".In the 2012 Queen's Birthday and Diamond Jubilee Honours, Cullen was appointed Knight Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit.	[ "Minister of Finance", "Minister for Social Development", "Attorney-General of New Zealand", "Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand" ]
Which position did Michael Cullen hold in 12/04/1998?	April 12, 1998	{ "text": [ "Member of the New Zealand Parliament" ] }	L2_Q2622925_P39_1	Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister of Finance from Dec, 1999 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Member of the New Zealand Parliament from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. Michael Cullen holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand from Aug, 2002 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Attorney-General of New Zealand from Mar, 2006 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister for Social Development from Aug, 1987 to Nov, 1990.	Michael Cullen (politician)Sir Michael John Cullen (born 5 February 1945) is a former New Zealand politician. He served as Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand, also Minister of Finance, Minister of Tertiary Education, and Attorney-General. He was the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1996 until November 2008, when he resigned following a defeat in the general election. He resigned from Parliament in April 2009, to become the deputy chairman of New Zealand Post from 1 November 2009 and chairman from 1 November 2010. On 6 March 2020 he announced that he had resigned from the Lakes and Bay of Plenty district health boards, respectively. At the same time he also announced that he had been diagnosed with stage 4 small-cell lung cancer, which had also spread to his liver.Cullen was born in Enfield in north London on 5 February 1945, the son of Ivy May Cullen (née Taylor) and John Joseph Thomas Cullen. His father was a spectacle frame maker and his mother was a secretary. The family emigrated from Tottenham to New Zealand in 1955, where friends gave him the nick-name "Pom", and Cullen attended secondary school on a scholarship at Christ's College in Christchurch. He went on to study history at the University of Canterbury, earning a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1965, and a Master of Arts in 1968. Receiving a Commonwealth Scholarship he then gained a PhD in social and economic history from the University of Edinburgh. He was the first person in his family to attend university. From 1971 to 1981 he was a lecturer at the University of Otago, with a term as a visiting fellow at the Australian National University from 1975 to 1976. One of his students was future MP Michael Laws, of whom he said "A very bright student, but you knew there was something not quite right, even then."Whilst Cullen was researching his thesis on poverty in the late 19th century in London he discovered that the street in which his maternal grandparents grew up was famed for semi-criminal activities. They proceeded to become working class respectables and then his father became a semi-skilled tradesman.Cullen became a naturalised New Zealand citizen in 1975.Cullen joined the Labour Party in 1974, and served on the party's Executive and Council between 1976 and 1981. In 1981 he was elected MP for the Dunedin electorate of St Kilda. In 1983 he was appointed as Labour's spokesperson for the environment.When Labour entered government in 1984, Cullen became Senior Whip. Due to his knowledge of economics, Cullen became increasingly involved in the disputes surrounding the Minister of Finance, Roger Douglas, who supported the liberalisation of trade and the sale of state assets plus deep tax cuts. These goals, which were against traditional Labour policies, angered both party members and the public. When the Prime Minister, David Lange, attempted to limit the influence Douglas had on the government's direction, Cullen became involved on Lange's side. After Labour's re-election in 1987, Cullen was made Associate Minister of Finance (an attempt by Lange to provide an anti-reform counterbalance to the radical Douglas) and Minister of Social Welfare.After Cullen had been elevated to Cabinet, his father died after a long and painful illness, his marriage ended and his dog died prompting him to ponder resigning; "I seriously considered quitting from Cabinet, but the least I could do was stay there for Helen [Clark] and David [Lange] and make sure we didn't lose social policy to the Rogernomes who were driving so much of the policy." Eventually, Douglas was forced to resign, but a month later the political controversies around the dispute prompted the resignation of Lange himself. Douglas was succeeded as Finance Minister by David Caygill, one of his allies (albeit a considerably less radical one). Cullen was made Associate Minister of Health, in an attempt reduce the effect of reforms on that sector.In 1989 he married fellow Labour MP Anne Collins.When Labour lost the 1990 election – attributed to public anger at Douglas' reforms, and disarray within the Labour Party – Cullen returned to being Labour's spokesperson on social welfare. The following year, he replaced David Caygill as the party's chief finance spokesperson. Before Labour's position in the polls improved, Cullen was also involved in an attempt to oust Helen Clark as party leader, which was not successful. Soon after, when Caygill decided to retire from politics in 1996, Cullen took the deputy leader's post unopposed as well. Cullen has claimed to be happy with his position as second, saying that in terms of personality, he is "a number two sort of person". Many commentators agree, believing that Cullen's strength lies more in administration than leadership.On 26 August 1999, Cullen was named by the Speaker Doug Kidd for saying that the National Member Max Bradford had lied, and that he was a "stooge" of the Employers Federation.Labour's electoral victory in 1999 resulted in Cullen becoming Minister of Finance. After the 2002 election, the electoral support for Labour's junior coalition partner (the Progressive Party) was not sufficient to justify its leader holding the Deputy Prime Minister position, resulting in Michael Cullen replacing Jim Anderton as Deputy Prime Minister.In 2005 Helen Clark appointed Cullen to the post of Attorney-General following the election of Margaret Wilson as Speaker of the House. His appointment became controversial because of his non-legal background (only one other non-lawyer had previously held the post) and because of his previous criticisms of the judiciary, including of the Chief Justice Dame Sian Elias. His term in the position ended following the 2005 general election. However, with the resignation of David Parker in March 2006, Cullen took over the position again.He had a reputation as one of the Labour Party's best parliamentary debaters, and is known for his sometimes "acerbic" sense of humour.Cullen presented his seventh budget in 2006. Cullen's guiding principle was, he stated, "The fool who spends on the upturn will find himself broke on the downturn".Labour's eighth budget in 2007 reduced company tax from 33% to 30%and introduced a 15% research and development tax credit. It also made a number of changes to the KiwiSaver scheme.The New Zealand economy entered recession in December 2007. Cullen's final budget was delivered in this context in May 2008; it reduced income tax on the first $9,500 earned from 15% to 12.5%, and the company tax rate from 30% to 29%.The day after the defeat of Labour in the 2008 general elections and Helen Clark's resignation as party leader, Cullen announced his resignation as deputy leader of the Labour Party. When he resigned from Parliament in 2009 he was replaced as an MP from the party list by Damien O'Connor.Cullen identifies as a social democrat.In 2004 Cullen declared his support for the monarchy of New Zealand, describing himself as "a sort of token monarchist in the Cabinet these days". However, in 2010 he repudiated that stance, taking the view that New Zealand should move towards a republic once the Queen's reign ends.Cullen voted in favour of the third reading of the Civil Union Bill 2004, which legalised civil unions in New Zealand.After leaving parliament, Cullen held a number of roles on the New Zealand civil service, including serving on the Tax Working Group and chairing the Earthquake Commission. He also joined the board of retirement insurance business Lifetime Income.In March 2020, Cullen stood down from most of his public roles after announcing that he had been diagnosed with stage IV small-cell lung cancer.In 1990, Cullen was awarded the New Zealand 1990 Commemoration Medal. On 16 December 2009, Cullen received an honorary LLD from the University of Otago in recognition of "his contributions as an Otago academic and as a respected and highly influential politician".In the 2012 Queen's Birthday and Diamond Jubilee Honours, Cullen was appointed Knight Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit.	[ "Minister of Finance", "Minister for Social Development", "Attorney-General of New Zealand", "Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand" ]
Which position did Michael Cullen hold in Apr 12, 1998?	April 12, 1998	{ "text": [ "Member of the New Zealand Parliament" ] }	L2_Q2622925_P39_1	Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister of Finance from Dec, 1999 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Member of the New Zealand Parliament from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. Michael Cullen holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand from Aug, 2002 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Attorney-General of New Zealand from Mar, 2006 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister for Social Development from Aug, 1987 to Nov, 1990.	Michael Cullen (politician)Sir Michael John Cullen (born 5 February 1945) is a former New Zealand politician. He served as Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand, also Minister of Finance, Minister of Tertiary Education, and Attorney-General. He was the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1996 until November 2008, when he resigned following a defeat in the general election. He resigned from Parliament in April 2009, to become the deputy chairman of New Zealand Post from 1 November 2009 and chairman from 1 November 2010. On 6 March 2020 he announced that he had resigned from the Lakes and Bay of Plenty district health boards, respectively. At the same time he also announced that he had been diagnosed with stage 4 small-cell lung cancer, which had also spread to his liver.Cullen was born in Enfield in north London on 5 February 1945, the son of Ivy May Cullen (née Taylor) and John Joseph Thomas Cullen. His father was a spectacle frame maker and his mother was a secretary. The family emigrated from Tottenham to New Zealand in 1955, where friends gave him the nick-name "Pom", and Cullen attended secondary school on a scholarship at Christ's College in Christchurch. He went on to study history at the University of Canterbury, earning a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1965, and a Master of Arts in 1968. Receiving a Commonwealth Scholarship he then gained a PhD in social and economic history from the University of Edinburgh. He was the first person in his family to attend university. From 1971 to 1981 he was a lecturer at the University of Otago, with a term as a visiting fellow at the Australian National University from 1975 to 1976. One of his students was future MP Michael Laws, of whom he said "A very bright student, but you knew there was something not quite right, even then."Whilst Cullen was researching his thesis on poverty in the late 19th century in London he discovered that the street in which his maternal grandparents grew up was famed for semi-criminal activities. They proceeded to become working class respectables and then his father became a semi-skilled tradesman.Cullen became a naturalised New Zealand citizen in 1975.Cullen joined the Labour Party in 1974, and served on the party's Executive and Council between 1976 and 1981. In 1981 he was elected MP for the Dunedin electorate of St Kilda. In 1983 he was appointed as Labour's spokesperson for the environment.When Labour entered government in 1984, Cullen became Senior Whip. Due to his knowledge of economics, Cullen became increasingly involved in the disputes surrounding the Minister of Finance, Roger Douglas, who supported the liberalisation of trade and the sale of state assets plus deep tax cuts. These goals, which were against traditional Labour policies, angered both party members and the public. When the Prime Minister, David Lange, attempted to limit the influence Douglas had on the government's direction, Cullen became involved on Lange's side. After Labour's re-election in 1987, Cullen was made Associate Minister of Finance (an attempt by Lange to provide an anti-reform counterbalance to the radical Douglas) and Minister of Social Welfare.After Cullen had been elevated to Cabinet, his father died after a long and painful illness, his marriage ended and his dog died prompting him to ponder resigning; "I seriously considered quitting from Cabinet, but the least I could do was stay there for Helen [Clark] and David [Lange] and make sure we didn't lose social policy to the Rogernomes who were driving so much of the policy." Eventually, Douglas was forced to resign, but a month later the political controversies around the dispute prompted the resignation of Lange himself. Douglas was succeeded as Finance Minister by David Caygill, one of his allies (albeit a considerably less radical one). Cullen was made Associate Minister of Health, in an attempt reduce the effect of reforms on that sector.In 1989 he married fellow Labour MP Anne Collins.When Labour lost the 1990 election – attributed to public anger at Douglas' reforms, and disarray within the Labour Party – Cullen returned to being Labour's spokesperson on social welfare. The following year, he replaced David Caygill as the party's chief finance spokesperson. Before Labour's position in the polls improved, Cullen was also involved in an attempt to oust Helen Clark as party leader, which was not successful. Soon after, when Caygill decided to retire from politics in 1996, Cullen took the deputy leader's post unopposed as well. Cullen has claimed to be happy with his position as second, saying that in terms of personality, he is "a number two sort of person". Many commentators agree, believing that Cullen's strength lies more in administration than leadership.On 26 August 1999, Cullen was named by the Speaker Doug Kidd for saying that the National Member Max Bradford had lied, and that he was a "stooge" of the Employers Federation.Labour's electoral victory in 1999 resulted in Cullen becoming Minister of Finance. After the 2002 election, the electoral support for Labour's junior coalition partner (the Progressive Party) was not sufficient to justify its leader holding the Deputy Prime Minister position, resulting in Michael Cullen replacing Jim Anderton as Deputy Prime Minister.In 2005 Helen Clark appointed Cullen to the post of Attorney-General following the election of Margaret Wilson as Speaker of the House. His appointment became controversial because of his non-legal background (only one other non-lawyer had previously held the post) and because of his previous criticisms of the judiciary, including of the Chief Justice Dame Sian Elias. His term in the position ended following the 2005 general election. However, with the resignation of David Parker in March 2006, Cullen took over the position again.He had a reputation as one of the Labour Party's best parliamentary debaters, and is known for his sometimes "acerbic" sense of humour.Cullen presented his seventh budget in 2006. Cullen's guiding principle was, he stated, "The fool who spends on the upturn will find himself broke on the downturn".Labour's eighth budget in 2007 reduced company tax from 33% to 30%and introduced a 15% research and development tax credit. It also made a number of changes to the KiwiSaver scheme.The New Zealand economy entered recession in December 2007. Cullen's final budget was delivered in this context in May 2008; it reduced income tax on the first $9,500 earned from 15% to 12.5%, and the company tax rate from 30% to 29%.The day after the defeat of Labour in the 2008 general elections and Helen Clark's resignation as party leader, Cullen announced his resignation as deputy leader of the Labour Party. When he resigned from Parliament in 2009 he was replaced as an MP from the party list by Damien O'Connor.Cullen identifies as a social democrat.In 2004 Cullen declared his support for the monarchy of New Zealand, describing himself as "a sort of token monarchist in the Cabinet these days". However, in 2010 he repudiated that stance, taking the view that New Zealand should move towards a republic once the Queen's reign ends.Cullen voted in favour of the third reading of the Civil Union Bill 2004, which legalised civil unions in New Zealand.After leaving parliament, Cullen held a number of roles on the New Zealand civil service, including serving on the Tax Working Group and chairing the Earthquake Commission. He also joined the board of retirement insurance business Lifetime Income.In March 2020, Cullen stood down from most of his public roles after announcing that he had been diagnosed with stage IV small-cell lung cancer.In 1990, Cullen was awarded the New Zealand 1990 Commemoration Medal. On 16 December 2009, Cullen received an honorary LLD from the University of Otago in recognition of "his contributions as an Otago academic and as a respected and highly influential politician".In the 2012 Queen's Birthday and Diamond Jubilee Honours, Cullen was appointed Knight Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit.	[ "Minister of Finance", "Minister for Social Development", "Attorney-General of New Zealand", "Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand" ]
Which position did Michael Cullen hold in 04/12/1998?	April 12, 1998	{ "text": [ "Member of the New Zealand Parliament" ] }	L2_Q2622925_P39_1	Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister of Finance from Dec, 1999 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Member of the New Zealand Parliament from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. Michael Cullen holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand from Aug, 2002 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Attorney-General of New Zealand from Mar, 2006 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister for Social Development from Aug, 1987 to Nov, 1990.	Michael Cullen (politician)Sir Michael John Cullen (born 5 February 1945) is a former New Zealand politician. He served as Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand, also Minister of Finance, Minister of Tertiary Education, and Attorney-General. He was the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1996 until November 2008, when he resigned following a defeat in the general election. He resigned from Parliament in April 2009, to become the deputy chairman of New Zealand Post from 1 November 2009 and chairman from 1 November 2010. On 6 March 2020 he announced that he had resigned from the Lakes and Bay of Plenty district health boards, respectively. At the same time he also announced that he had been diagnosed with stage 4 small-cell lung cancer, which had also spread to his liver.Cullen was born in Enfield in north London on 5 February 1945, the son of Ivy May Cullen (née Taylor) and John Joseph Thomas Cullen. His father was a spectacle frame maker and his mother was a secretary. The family emigrated from Tottenham to New Zealand in 1955, where friends gave him the nick-name "Pom", and Cullen attended secondary school on a scholarship at Christ's College in Christchurch. He went on to study history at the University of Canterbury, earning a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1965, and a Master of Arts in 1968. Receiving a Commonwealth Scholarship he then gained a PhD in social and economic history from the University of Edinburgh. He was the first person in his family to attend university. From 1971 to 1981 he was a lecturer at the University of Otago, with a term as a visiting fellow at the Australian National University from 1975 to 1976. One of his students was future MP Michael Laws, of whom he said "A very bright student, but you knew there was something not quite right, even then."Whilst Cullen was researching his thesis on poverty in the late 19th century in London he discovered that the street in which his maternal grandparents grew up was famed for semi-criminal activities. They proceeded to become working class respectables and then his father became a semi-skilled tradesman.Cullen became a naturalised New Zealand citizen in 1975.Cullen joined the Labour Party in 1974, and served on the party's Executive and Council between 1976 and 1981. In 1981 he was elected MP for the Dunedin electorate of St Kilda. In 1983 he was appointed as Labour's spokesperson for the environment.When Labour entered government in 1984, Cullen became Senior Whip. Due to his knowledge of economics, Cullen became increasingly involved in the disputes surrounding the Minister of Finance, Roger Douglas, who supported the liberalisation of trade and the sale of state assets plus deep tax cuts. These goals, which were against traditional Labour policies, angered both party members and the public. When the Prime Minister, David Lange, attempted to limit the influence Douglas had on the government's direction, Cullen became involved on Lange's side. After Labour's re-election in 1987, Cullen was made Associate Minister of Finance (an attempt by Lange to provide an anti-reform counterbalance to the radical Douglas) and Minister of Social Welfare.After Cullen had been elevated to Cabinet, his father died after a long and painful illness, his marriage ended and his dog died prompting him to ponder resigning; "I seriously considered quitting from Cabinet, but the least I could do was stay there for Helen [Clark] and David [Lange] and make sure we didn't lose social policy to the Rogernomes who were driving so much of the policy." Eventually, Douglas was forced to resign, but a month later the political controversies around the dispute prompted the resignation of Lange himself. Douglas was succeeded as Finance Minister by David Caygill, one of his allies (albeit a considerably less radical one). Cullen was made Associate Minister of Health, in an attempt reduce the effect of reforms on that sector.In 1989 he married fellow Labour MP Anne Collins.When Labour lost the 1990 election – attributed to public anger at Douglas' reforms, and disarray within the Labour Party – Cullen returned to being Labour's spokesperson on social welfare. The following year, he replaced David Caygill as the party's chief finance spokesperson. Before Labour's position in the polls improved, Cullen was also involved in an attempt to oust Helen Clark as party leader, which was not successful. Soon after, when Caygill decided to retire from politics in 1996, Cullen took the deputy leader's post unopposed as well. Cullen has claimed to be happy with his position as second, saying that in terms of personality, he is "a number two sort of person". Many commentators agree, believing that Cullen's strength lies more in administration than leadership.On 26 August 1999, Cullen was named by the Speaker Doug Kidd for saying that the National Member Max Bradford had lied, and that he was a "stooge" of the Employers Federation.Labour's electoral victory in 1999 resulted in Cullen becoming Minister of Finance. After the 2002 election, the electoral support for Labour's junior coalition partner (the Progressive Party) was not sufficient to justify its leader holding the Deputy Prime Minister position, resulting in Michael Cullen replacing Jim Anderton as Deputy Prime Minister.In 2005 Helen Clark appointed Cullen to the post of Attorney-General following the election of Margaret Wilson as Speaker of the House. His appointment became controversial because of his non-legal background (only one other non-lawyer had previously held the post) and because of his previous criticisms of the judiciary, including of the Chief Justice Dame Sian Elias. His term in the position ended following the 2005 general election. However, with the resignation of David Parker in March 2006, Cullen took over the position again.He had a reputation as one of the Labour Party's best parliamentary debaters, and is known for his sometimes "acerbic" sense of humour.Cullen presented his seventh budget in 2006. Cullen's guiding principle was, he stated, "The fool who spends on the upturn will find himself broke on the downturn".Labour's eighth budget in 2007 reduced company tax from 33% to 30%and introduced a 15% research and development tax credit. It also made a number of changes to the KiwiSaver scheme.The New Zealand economy entered recession in December 2007. Cullen's final budget was delivered in this context in May 2008; it reduced income tax on the first $9,500 earned from 15% to 12.5%, and the company tax rate from 30% to 29%.The day after the defeat of Labour in the 2008 general elections and Helen Clark's resignation as party leader, Cullen announced his resignation as deputy leader of the Labour Party. When he resigned from Parliament in 2009 he was replaced as an MP from the party list by Damien O'Connor.Cullen identifies as a social democrat.In 2004 Cullen declared his support for the monarchy of New Zealand, describing himself as "a sort of token monarchist in the Cabinet these days". However, in 2010 he repudiated that stance, taking the view that New Zealand should move towards a republic once the Queen's reign ends.Cullen voted in favour of the third reading of the Civil Union Bill 2004, which legalised civil unions in New Zealand.After leaving parliament, Cullen held a number of roles on the New Zealand civil service, including serving on the Tax Working Group and chairing the Earthquake Commission. He also joined the board of retirement insurance business Lifetime Income.In March 2020, Cullen stood down from most of his public roles after announcing that he had been diagnosed with stage IV small-cell lung cancer.In 1990, Cullen was awarded the New Zealand 1990 Commemoration Medal. On 16 December 2009, Cullen received an honorary LLD from the University of Otago in recognition of "his contributions as an Otago academic and as a respected and highly influential politician".In the 2012 Queen's Birthday and Diamond Jubilee Honours, Cullen was appointed Knight Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit.	[ "Minister of Finance", "Minister for Social Development", "Attorney-General of New Zealand", "Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand" ]
Which position did Michael Cullen hold in 12-Apr-199812-April-1998?	April 12, 1998	{ "text": [ "Member of the New Zealand Parliament" ] }	L2_Q2622925_P39_1	Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister of Finance from Dec, 1999 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Member of the New Zealand Parliament from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999. Michael Cullen holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand from Aug, 2002 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Attorney-General of New Zealand from Mar, 2006 to Nov, 2008. Michael Cullen holds the position of Minister for Social Development from Aug, 1987 to Nov, 1990.	Michael Cullen (politician)Sir Michael John Cullen (born 5 February 1945) is a former New Zealand politician. He served as Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand, also Minister of Finance, Minister of Tertiary Education, and Attorney-General. He was the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1996 until November 2008, when he resigned following a defeat in the general election. He resigned from Parliament in April 2009, to become the deputy chairman of New Zealand Post from 1 November 2009 and chairman from 1 November 2010. On 6 March 2020 he announced that he had resigned from the Lakes and Bay of Plenty district health boards, respectively. At the same time he also announced that he had been diagnosed with stage 4 small-cell lung cancer, which had also spread to his liver.Cullen was born in Enfield in north London on 5 February 1945, the son of Ivy May Cullen (née Taylor) and John Joseph Thomas Cullen. His father was a spectacle frame maker and his mother was a secretary. The family emigrated from Tottenham to New Zealand in 1955, where friends gave him the nick-name "Pom", and Cullen attended secondary school on a scholarship at Christ's College in Christchurch. He went on to study history at the University of Canterbury, earning a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1965, and a Master of Arts in 1968. Receiving a Commonwealth Scholarship he then gained a PhD in social and economic history from the University of Edinburgh. He was the first person in his family to attend university. From 1971 to 1981 he was a lecturer at the University of Otago, with a term as a visiting fellow at the Australian National University from 1975 to 1976. One of his students was future MP Michael Laws, of whom he said "A very bright student, but you knew there was something not quite right, even then."Whilst Cullen was researching his thesis on poverty in the late 19th century in London he discovered that the street in which his maternal grandparents grew up was famed for semi-criminal activities. They proceeded to become working class respectables and then his father became a semi-skilled tradesman.Cullen became a naturalised New Zealand citizen in 1975.Cullen joined the Labour Party in 1974, and served on the party's Executive and Council between 1976 and 1981. In 1981 he was elected MP for the Dunedin electorate of St Kilda. In 1983 he was appointed as Labour's spokesperson for the environment.When Labour entered government in 1984, Cullen became Senior Whip. Due to his knowledge of economics, Cullen became increasingly involved in the disputes surrounding the Minister of Finance, Roger Douglas, who supported the liberalisation of trade and the sale of state assets plus deep tax cuts. These goals, which were against traditional Labour policies, angered both party members and the public. When the Prime Minister, David Lange, attempted to limit the influence Douglas had on the government's direction, Cullen became involved on Lange's side. After Labour's re-election in 1987, Cullen was made Associate Minister of Finance (an attempt by Lange to provide an anti-reform counterbalance to the radical Douglas) and Minister of Social Welfare.After Cullen had been elevated to Cabinet, his father died after a long and painful illness, his marriage ended and his dog died prompting him to ponder resigning; "I seriously considered quitting from Cabinet, but the least I could do was stay there for Helen [Clark] and David [Lange] and make sure we didn't lose social policy to the Rogernomes who were driving so much of the policy." Eventually, Douglas was forced to resign, but a month later the political controversies around the dispute prompted the resignation of Lange himself. Douglas was succeeded as Finance Minister by David Caygill, one of his allies (albeit a considerably less radical one). Cullen was made Associate Minister of Health, in an attempt reduce the effect of reforms on that sector.In 1989 he married fellow Labour MP Anne Collins.When Labour lost the 1990 election – attributed to public anger at Douglas' reforms, and disarray within the Labour Party – Cullen returned to being Labour's spokesperson on social welfare. The following year, he replaced David Caygill as the party's chief finance spokesperson. Before Labour's position in the polls improved, Cullen was also involved in an attempt to oust Helen Clark as party leader, which was not successful. Soon after, when Caygill decided to retire from politics in 1996, Cullen took the deputy leader's post unopposed as well. Cullen has claimed to be happy with his position as second, saying that in terms of personality, he is "a number two sort of person". Many commentators agree, believing that Cullen's strength lies more in administration than leadership.On 26 August 1999, Cullen was named by the Speaker Doug Kidd for saying that the National Member Max Bradford had lied, and that he was a "stooge" of the Employers Federation.Labour's electoral victory in 1999 resulted in Cullen becoming Minister of Finance. After the 2002 election, the electoral support for Labour's junior coalition partner (the Progressive Party) was not sufficient to justify its leader holding the Deputy Prime Minister position, resulting in Michael Cullen replacing Jim Anderton as Deputy Prime Minister.In 2005 Helen Clark appointed Cullen to the post of Attorney-General following the election of Margaret Wilson as Speaker of the House. His appointment became controversial because of his non-legal background (only one other non-lawyer had previously held the post) and because of his previous criticisms of the judiciary, including of the Chief Justice Dame Sian Elias. His term in the position ended following the 2005 general election. However, with the resignation of David Parker in March 2006, Cullen took over the position again.He had a reputation as one of the Labour Party's best parliamentary debaters, and is known for his sometimes "acerbic" sense of humour.Cullen presented his seventh budget in 2006. Cullen's guiding principle was, he stated, "The fool who spends on the upturn will find himself broke on the downturn".Labour's eighth budget in 2007 reduced company tax from 33% to 30%and introduced a 15% research and development tax credit. It also made a number of changes to the KiwiSaver scheme.The New Zealand economy entered recession in December 2007. Cullen's final budget was delivered in this context in May 2008; it reduced income tax on the first $9,500 earned from 15% to 12.5%, and the company tax rate from 30% to 29%.The day after the defeat of Labour in the 2008 general elections and Helen Clark's resignation as party leader, Cullen announced his resignation as deputy leader of the Labour Party. When he resigned from Parliament in 2009 he was replaced as an MP from the party list by Damien O'Connor.Cullen identifies as a social democrat.In 2004 Cullen declared his support for the monarchy of New Zealand, describing himself as "a sort of token monarchist in the Cabinet these days". However, in 2010 he repudiated that stance, taking the view that New Zealand should move towards a republic once the Queen's reign ends.Cullen voted in favour of the third reading of the Civil Union Bill 2004, which legalised civil unions in New Zealand.After leaving parliament, Cullen held a number of roles on the New Zealand civil service, including serving on the Tax Working Group and chairing the Earthquake Commission. He also joined the board of retirement insurance business Lifetime Income.In March 2020, Cullen stood down from most of his public roles after announcing that he had been diagnosed with stage IV small-cell lung cancer.In 1990, Cullen was awarded the New Zealand 1990 Commemoration Medal. On 16 December 2009, Cullen received an honorary LLD from the University of Otago in recognition of "his contributions as an Otago academic and as a respected and highly influential politician".In the 2012 Queen's Birthday and Diamond Jubilee Honours, Cullen was appointed Knight Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit.	[ "Minister of Finance", "Minister for Social Development", "Attorney-General of New Zealand", "Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand" ]
Which team did Christophe Samson play for in Sep, 2006?	September 08, 2006	{ "text": [ "Stade Rochelais" ] }	L2_Q2966485_P54_0	Christophe Samson plays for ASM Clermont Auvergne from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. Christophe Samson plays for RC Toulonnais from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for Stade Rochelais from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007. Christophe Samson plays for Castres Olympique from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for France national rugby union team from Jun, 2012 to Jun, 2013.	Christophe SamsonChristophe Samson (born 1 March 1984) is a French rugby union player. His position is Lock and he currently plays for Castres Olympique in the Top 14. He began his career with La Rochelle in the Pro D2 before moving to home-town club Clermont Auvergne in 2007. He moved to Toulon in 2010. He made his international debut in June 2012 during France's 2012 tour of Argentina. Castres	[ "RC Toulonnais", "ASM Clermont Auvergne", "Castres Olympique", "France national rugby union team" ]
Which team did Christophe Samson play for in 2006-09-08?	September 08, 2006	{ "text": [ "Stade Rochelais" ] }	L2_Q2966485_P54_0	Christophe Samson plays for ASM Clermont Auvergne from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. Christophe Samson plays for RC Toulonnais from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for Stade Rochelais from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007. Christophe Samson plays for Castres Olympique from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for France national rugby union team from Jun, 2012 to Jun, 2013.	Christophe SamsonChristophe Samson (born 1 March 1984) is a French rugby union player. His position is Lock and he currently plays for Castres Olympique in the Top 14. He began his career with La Rochelle in the Pro D2 before moving to home-town club Clermont Auvergne in 2007. He moved to Toulon in 2010. He made his international debut in June 2012 during France's 2012 tour of Argentina. Castres	[ "RC Toulonnais", "ASM Clermont Auvergne", "Castres Olympique", "France national rugby union team" ]
Which team did Christophe Samson play for in 08/09/2006?	September 08, 2006	{ "text": [ "Stade Rochelais" ] }	L2_Q2966485_P54_0	Christophe Samson plays for ASM Clermont Auvergne from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. Christophe Samson plays for RC Toulonnais from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for Stade Rochelais from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007. Christophe Samson plays for Castres Olympique from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for France national rugby union team from Jun, 2012 to Jun, 2013.	Christophe SamsonChristophe Samson (born 1 March 1984) is a French rugby union player. His position is Lock and he currently plays for Castres Olympique in the Top 14. He began his career with La Rochelle in the Pro D2 before moving to home-town club Clermont Auvergne in 2007. He moved to Toulon in 2010. He made his international debut in June 2012 during France's 2012 tour of Argentina. Castres	[ "RC Toulonnais", "ASM Clermont Auvergne", "Castres Olympique", "France national rugby union team" ]
Which team did Christophe Samson play for in Sep 08, 2006?	September 08, 2006	{ "text": [ "Stade Rochelais" ] }	L2_Q2966485_P54_0	Christophe Samson plays for ASM Clermont Auvergne from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. Christophe Samson plays for RC Toulonnais from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for Stade Rochelais from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007. Christophe Samson plays for Castres Olympique from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for France national rugby union team from Jun, 2012 to Jun, 2013.	Christophe SamsonChristophe Samson (born 1 March 1984) is a French rugby union player. His position is Lock and he currently plays for Castres Olympique in the Top 14. He began his career with La Rochelle in the Pro D2 before moving to home-town club Clermont Auvergne in 2007. He moved to Toulon in 2010. He made his international debut in June 2012 during France's 2012 tour of Argentina. Castres	[ "RC Toulonnais", "ASM Clermont Auvergne", "Castres Olympique", "France national rugby union team" ]
Which team did Christophe Samson play for in 09/08/2006?	September 08, 2006	{ "text": [ "Stade Rochelais" ] }	L2_Q2966485_P54_0	Christophe Samson plays for ASM Clermont Auvergne from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. Christophe Samson plays for RC Toulonnais from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for Stade Rochelais from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007. Christophe Samson plays for Castres Olympique from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for France national rugby union team from Jun, 2012 to Jun, 2013.	Christophe SamsonChristophe Samson (born 1 March 1984) is a French rugby union player. His position is Lock and he currently plays for Castres Olympique in the Top 14. He began his career with La Rochelle in the Pro D2 before moving to home-town club Clermont Auvergne in 2007. He moved to Toulon in 2010. He made his international debut in June 2012 during France's 2012 tour of Argentina. Castres	[ "RC Toulonnais", "ASM Clermont Auvergne", "Castres Olympique", "France national rugby union team" ]
Which team did Christophe Samson play for in 08-Sep-200608-September-2006?	September 08, 2006	{ "text": [ "Stade Rochelais" ] }	L2_Q2966485_P54_0	Christophe Samson plays for ASM Clermont Auvergne from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2010. Christophe Samson plays for RC Toulonnais from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for Stade Rochelais from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2007. Christophe Samson plays for Castres Olympique from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Christophe Samson plays for France national rugby union team from Jun, 2012 to Jun, 2013.	Christophe SamsonChristophe Samson (born 1 March 1984) is a French rugby union player. His position is Lock and he currently plays for Castres Olympique in the Top 14. He began his career with La Rochelle in the Pro D2 before moving to home-town club Clermont Auvergne in 2007. He moved to Toulon in 2010. He made his international debut in June 2012 during France's 2012 tour of Argentina. Castres	[ "RC Toulonnais", "ASM Clermont Auvergne", "Castres Olympique", "France national rugby union team" ]
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in Jan, 1969?	January 28, 1969	{ "text": [ "Rodolfo Oroz" ] }	L2_Q4671057_P488_3	Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949. Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995. Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980. Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980. Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931. Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.	Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors:	[ "Alejandro Garretón", "José Victorino Lastarria", "Alfredo Matus Olivier", "Adriana Valdés", "Crescente Errázuriz", "Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes", "Roque Esteban Scarpa" ]
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in 1969-01-28?	January 28, 1969	{ "text": [ "Rodolfo Oroz" ] }	L2_Q4671057_P488_3	Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949. Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995. Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980. Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980. Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931. Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.	Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors:	[ "Alejandro Garretón", "José Victorino Lastarria", "Alfredo Matus Olivier", "Adriana Valdés", "Crescente Errázuriz", "Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes", "Roque Esteban Scarpa" ]
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in 28/01/1969?	January 28, 1969	{ "text": [ "Rodolfo Oroz" ] }	L2_Q4671057_P488_3	Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949. Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995. Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980. Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980. Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931. Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.	Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors:	[ "Alejandro Garretón", "José Victorino Lastarria", "Alfredo Matus Olivier", "Adriana Valdés", "Crescente Errázuriz", "Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes", "Roque Esteban Scarpa" ]
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in Jan 28, 1969?	January 28, 1969	{ "text": [ "Rodolfo Oroz" ] }	L2_Q4671057_P488_3	Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949. Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995. Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980. Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980. Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931. Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.	Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors:	[ "Alejandro Garretón", "José Victorino Lastarria", "Alfredo Matus Olivier", "Adriana Valdés", "Crescente Errázuriz", "Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes", "Roque Esteban Scarpa" ]
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in 01/28/1969?	January 28, 1969	{ "text": [ "Rodolfo Oroz" ] }	L2_Q4671057_P488_3	Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949. Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995. Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980. Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980. Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931. Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.	Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors:	[ "Alejandro Garretón", "José Victorino Lastarria", "Alfredo Matus Olivier", "Adriana Valdés", "Crescente Errázuriz", "Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes", "Roque Esteban Scarpa" ]
Who was the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua in 28-Jan-196928-January-1969?	January 28, 1969	{ "text": [ "Rodolfo Oroz" ] }	L2_Q4671057_P488_3	Adriana Valdés is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1949. Roque Esteban Scarpa is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1995. Rodolfo Oroz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980. Alejandro Garretón is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1980. Crescente Errázuriz is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1931. Alfredo Matus Olivier is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2018. José Victorino Lastarria is the chair of Academia Chilena de la Lengua from Jan, 1885 to Jan, 1888.	Academia Chilena de la LenguaThe Academia Chilena de la Lengua (Spanish for "Chilean Language Academy") is an association of academics and experts on the use of the Spanish language in Chile. It is a member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language and is a part of the Instituto de Chile.The academy was founded in Santiago de Chile on June 5, 1885. It started out with 18 members designated by the Royal Spanish Academy. Its stated aims, according to its bylaws, are: to ensure the purity and splendor of the Spanish language, to contribute to the work of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language, and to collaborate with other institutions on matters related to the language and its literature, particularly Chilean literature.Today, its members are chosen by co-option. The academy currently has 36 members, as well as a variable number of correspondent members in various Chilean regions and abroad. It has several honorary members, including the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral, the Spanish philologist Víctor García de la Concha, and Pope John Paul II.The academy gives out five prizes every year:The academy produces the following periodicals:It has also published dictionaries, including the 1976 "Diccionario del Habla Chilena."Since its founding, the academy has been led by the following directors:	[ "Alejandro Garretón", "José Victorino Lastarria", "Alfredo Matus Olivier", "Adriana Valdés", "Crescente Errázuriz", "Miguel Luis Amunátegui Reyes", "Roque Esteban Scarpa" ]
Who was the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland in Feb, 1917?	February 22, 1917	{ "text": [ "Kullervo Manner" ] }	L2_Q499029_P488_7	Matti Paasivuori is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1930. Ulf Sundqvist is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993. Taavi Tainio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1905. Emil Perttilä is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1906. Pertti Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991. Onni Hiltunen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Edvard Valpas-Hänninen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909. Nils Robert af Ursin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1899 to Jan, 1900. Eero Heinäluoma is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2005 to Jun, 2008. Sanna Marin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022. Väinö Tanner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1963. Kullervo Manner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1918. Emil Skog is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1957. Rafael Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1975. Jutta Urpilainen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2008 to May, 2014. Antti Rinne is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from May, 2014 to Aug, 2020. J. A. Salminen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1900. Karl Fredrik Hellsten is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1903. Paavo Lipponen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1993 to Jun, 2005. Väinö Salovaara is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1944. Kaarlo Harvala is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1930 to Jan, 1942. Kalevi Sorsa is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1975 to Jan, 1987. Otto Wille Kuusinen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1913.	Social Democratic Party of FinlandThe Social Democratic Party of Finland (SDP, ; ), founded as the Finnish Labour Party (; ), shortened to the Social Democrats (; ) and commonly known in Finnish as Demarit (), is a social-democratic political party in Finland. It is currently the largest party in the Parliament of Finland with 40 seats.Founded in 1899, the SDP is Finland's oldest active political party. The SDP has a close relationship with SAK, the largest trade union confederation. It is also a member of the Progressive Alliance, the Socialist International, the Party of European Socialists and SAMAK.Following the resignation of Antti Rinne in December 2019, Sanna Marin became the country's 67th Prime Minister. SDP formed a new coalition government on the basis of its predecessor, in effect continuing cooperation with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the Swedish People's Party. Seven of the government's nineteen ministers are Social Democrats.The SDP was founded as the Finnish Labour Party in 1899, with its first meeting being held from 17–20 July in Turku. The name was changed to the present form in 1903. The SDP was closely associated with the Finnish Trade Union Federation (SAJ), established in 1907, with all of its members also being members of the party. The party remained a chiefly extra-parliamentary movement until universal suffrage was introduced in 1906, after which the SDP's share of the votes reached 47% in the 1916 Finnish parliamentary election, when the party secured a majority in the parliament, the only time in the history of Finland when one party has had such a majority. The party lost its majority in the 1917 Finnish parliamentary election after independence from Russia and started a rebellion that escalated into the Finnish Civil War in 1918.SDP members declared Finland a socialist republic, but they were defeated by the forces of the White Guard. The war resulted in most of the party leaders being killed, imprisoned or left to seek refuge in Soviet Russia. In addition, the process leading to the civil war and the war itself had stripped the party of its political legitimacy and respectability in the eyes of the right-wing majority. However, the political support for the party remained strong. In the 1919 Finnish parliamentary election, the party, reorganised by Väinö Tanner, received 80 of the 200 seats of the parliament. In 1918, former exiled SDP members founded the Communist Party of Finland (SKP) in Moscow. Although the SKP was banned in Finland until 1944, it was represented by front organizations, leading to the support of the Finnish working class being divided between the SDP and the SKP.It became the life's work of Väinö Tanner to re-establish the SDP as a serious, governing party. The result was a much more patriotic SDP which leaned less to the left and was relatively isolated from its Nordic sister parties, namely the Danish Social Democrats, the Norwegian Labour Party and the Swedish Social Democratic Party. President Pehr Evind Svinhufvud's animosity kept the SDP out of government during his presidency from 1931 to 1937. With the exception of a brief period in 1926, when Tanner formed a minority government, the SDP was excluded from cabinet participation until Kyösti Kallio was elected President in 1937. During World War II, the party played a central role in a series of broad coalition cabinets, symbolising national unity forged in response to the threat of the Soviet Union in the Winter War of 1939–1940. The SDP was a member of the Labour and Socialist International from 1923 to 1940.During the first few months of the Continuation War (1941–1944), the country, the parliament and the cabinet were divided on the question of whether Finland's army should stop at the old border and thereby demonstratively refrain from any attempt of conquests. However, the country's dangerous position called for national unity and the SDP's leadership chose to refrain from any visible protests. This decision is sometimes indicated as one of the main reasons behind the post-war division between the main left-wing parties (the SKP and the SDP) and the high percentage of SKP voters in the first elections after the Continuation War. After the war, the SKP was allowed to continue working and the main feature of Finnish political life during the 1944–1949 period was the competition between the SDP and the SKP, both for voters and for the control of the labor unions. During this time, the political field was divided roughly equally between the SDP, the SKP and the Agrarian League, each party commanding some 25% of the vote. In the post-war era, the SDP adopted a line defending Finnish sovereignty and democracy in line with the Agrarian League and other bourgeois political parties, finally leading to the expulsion of the SKP from the cabinet in 1948. As a result, the Soviet Union remained more openly critical towards the SDP than the centre-right parties.Because of the SDP's anti-communist activities, the United States Central Intelligence Agency supported the party by means of funds laundered through Nordic sister parties or through organizations that bought luxury goods such as coffee abroad, then imported and sold them for a high profit as post-war rationing served to inflate prices. In the 1956 Finnish presidential election, the SDP candidate Karl-August Fagerholm lost by only one electoral vote to Urho Kekkonen. Fagerholm would act as Prime Minister in the Fagerholm I Cabinet (1956–1957) and the Fagerholm II Cabinet (1958–1959). The latter cabinet was forced to resign due to Soviet pressure, leading to a series of cabinets led by the Agrarian League. In 1958, due to the election of Väinö Tanner as party chairman, a faction of the SDP resigned and formed the Social Democratic Union of Workers and Smallholders (TPSL) around the former SDP chairman Emil Skog. The dispute was over several issues, namely whether the party should function as an interest group and whether it should co-operate with the anti-communists and right-wingers or with president Kekkonen, the Agrarian League and the SKP. During the 1960s, the TPSL dwindled, its members returning one by one to the SDP or joining the SKP, with Skog himself returning to the SDP in 1965. In the 1970 Finnish parliamentary election, the TPSL failed to gain any seats in parliament. Only in 1966 was the SDP able to satisfy the Soviet Union about its friendly attitude towards it and could thus return to the cabinet. Since then, the SDP has been represented in most Finnish cabinets, often cooperating with the centrist-agrarian Centre Party (formerly the Agrarian League), but sometimes with the liberal-conservative National Coalition Party. The SDP was in opposition from 1991 to 1995, when the main parties in the cabinet were the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party (NCP).The 1995 Finnish parliamentary election saw a landslide victory for the SDP, achieving their best results since World War II. The SDP rose to government from the opposition and leader Paavo Lipponen headed two consecutive cabinets from 1995 to 2003. During this time, the party adopted a pro-European stance and contributed actively to the Finnish membership in the European Union in 1995 in concert with the cabinet. In the 2003 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP won 53 of the 200 seats, ending up a close second to the Centre Party. As a result, Lipponen became the Speaker of Parliament and the Centre Party leader Anneli Jäätteenmäki became the new Prime Minister, leading a coalition cabinet that included the SDP which got eight ministerial posts. After two months in office, Jäätteenmäki resigned due to a scandal relating to the Iraq leak and was replaced by Matti Vanhanen, another Centre Party representative, who commanded the Vanhanen I Cabinet.In the 2007 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained the third-most votes. The chairman of the then-largest Centre Party, Matti Vanhanen, became the Prime Minister and formed a coalition cabinet consisting of the Green League, the NCP and the Swedish People's Party of Finland (SFP), leaving the SDP to the opposition. SDP leader Eero Heinäluoma did not immediately resign as party chairman, but he did announce his withdrawal from running for party chairman in the following party conference. He was replaced by Jutta Urpilainen. The SDP suffered further losses in the 2008 Finnish municipal elections and the 2009 European Parliament election. In the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP lost three more seats, ending up with 19.1 percent of the vote which corresponded to 42 seats, the party's worst-ever result. However, as the Centre Party lost even more voters, the SDP became the second-largest party in the country after the NCP, receiving only some 1,500 votes more than the Finns Party which came in third. After lengthy negotiations, a six-party coalition government, the Katainen Cabinet, was formed with the NCP and the SDP as the two main parties. SDP leader Jutta Urpilainen became the cabinet's Minister of Finance, with NCP chairman Jyrki Katainen serving as Prime Minister.In the 2014 party conference, Urpilainen was narrowly defeated by her challenger Antti Rinne in a 257 to 243 vote. Urpilainen subsequently stepped down as the Minister of Finance, passing the seat on to Rinne. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, the drop of support continued for the SDP. The party lost eight more seats compared to the 2011 parliamentary election, ending up with 34 seats and 16.5 percent of the vote. With the repeat of the worst-ever result, the SDP dropped to being the fourth largest political party in Finland, receiving 50,110 fewer votes than the NCP, yet 237,000 more votes than the Green League. The SDP was left in the opposition and provided extensive criticism on the actions of the Sipilä Cabinet on matters such as alcohol policy, cuts to education spending and the so-called active model. On 22 June 2016, Maria Tolppanen, a Finns Party representative, joined the SDP. This increased the SDP's parliamentary seat number to 35. In the 2019 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained 6 seats in comparison to the 2015 parliamentary election and became the largest party in the parliament. Based on the answers and initial talks with all parties, Rinne announced that he would negotiate forming a government with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the SFP. The negotiations were ultimately successful and the Rinne Cabinet was formally inaugurated on 6 June 2019. On 3 December 2019, Rinne resigned as Prime Minister after the Center Party had expressed a lack of confidence in Rinne for his handling of the events surrounding a postal strike in Finland. He was followed in the position by Sanna Marin, who was appointed as Prime Minister on 10 December 2019.The SDP is a centre-left social-democratic party. The SDP is opposed to Finland joining NATO and is for Finland remaining in the Partnership for Peace. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, 91% of SDP candidates were opposed to NATO membership.The SDP is in favor of LGBT adoption rights, the construction of nuclear power plants, the conservation of Swedish as one of Finland's two official languages and the increase of funding to public universities. The party is advocating for Finland to become oil-independent by 2030. The SDP has advocated for policies preventing foreigners from working in Finland. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, only the Finns Party had a higher share of candidates opposed to the easing of work-based immigration.The party opposed economic reforms both in the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election and in the subsequent government program negotiations. The SDP maintains a close relationship with trade unions. The party has opposed social reforms that would reduce the role of earnings-related unemployment benefits. The government pays them to recipients through financial middlemen that are almost exclusively trade unions. The SDP supports the separation of church and state.The average age of an SDP member is 61.5 years. Over one half of all SDP voters are active members of the workforce.	[ "Paavo Lipponen", "Antti Rinne", "Matti Paasivuori", "Ulf Sundqvist", "J. A. Salminen", "Nils Robert af Ursin", "Onni Hiltunen", "Edvard Valpas-Hänninen", "Taavi Tainio", "Rafael Paasio", "Karl Fredrik Hellsten", "Eero Heinäluoma", "Jutta Urpilainen", "Väinö Salovaara", "Emil Perttilä", "Pertti Paasio", "Otto Wille Kuusinen", "Emil Skog", "Sanna Marin", "Kaarlo Harvala", "Väinö Tanner", "Kalevi Sorsa" ]
Who was the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland in 1917-02-22?	February 22, 1917	{ "text": [ "Kullervo Manner" ] }	L2_Q499029_P488_7	Matti Paasivuori is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1930. Ulf Sundqvist is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993. Taavi Tainio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1905. Emil Perttilä is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1906. Pertti Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991. Onni Hiltunen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Edvard Valpas-Hänninen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909. Nils Robert af Ursin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1899 to Jan, 1900. Eero Heinäluoma is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2005 to Jun, 2008. Sanna Marin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022. Väinö Tanner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1963. Kullervo Manner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1918. Emil Skog is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1957. Rafael Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1975. Jutta Urpilainen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2008 to May, 2014. Antti Rinne is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from May, 2014 to Aug, 2020. J. A. Salminen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1900. Karl Fredrik Hellsten is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1903. Paavo Lipponen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1993 to Jun, 2005. Väinö Salovaara is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1944. Kaarlo Harvala is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1930 to Jan, 1942. Kalevi Sorsa is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1975 to Jan, 1987. Otto Wille Kuusinen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1913.	Social Democratic Party of FinlandThe Social Democratic Party of Finland (SDP, ; ), founded as the Finnish Labour Party (; ), shortened to the Social Democrats (; ) and commonly known in Finnish as Demarit (), is a social-democratic political party in Finland. It is currently the largest party in the Parliament of Finland with 40 seats.Founded in 1899, the SDP is Finland's oldest active political party. The SDP has a close relationship with SAK, the largest trade union confederation. It is also a member of the Progressive Alliance, the Socialist International, the Party of European Socialists and SAMAK.Following the resignation of Antti Rinne in December 2019, Sanna Marin became the country's 67th Prime Minister. SDP formed a new coalition government on the basis of its predecessor, in effect continuing cooperation with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the Swedish People's Party. Seven of the government's nineteen ministers are Social Democrats.The SDP was founded as the Finnish Labour Party in 1899, with its first meeting being held from 17–20 July in Turku. The name was changed to the present form in 1903. The SDP was closely associated with the Finnish Trade Union Federation (SAJ), established in 1907, with all of its members also being members of the party. The party remained a chiefly extra-parliamentary movement until universal suffrage was introduced in 1906, after which the SDP's share of the votes reached 47% in the 1916 Finnish parliamentary election, when the party secured a majority in the parliament, the only time in the history of Finland when one party has had such a majority. The party lost its majority in the 1917 Finnish parliamentary election after independence from Russia and started a rebellion that escalated into the Finnish Civil War in 1918.SDP members declared Finland a socialist republic, but they were defeated by the forces of the White Guard. The war resulted in most of the party leaders being killed, imprisoned or left to seek refuge in Soviet Russia. In addition, the process leading to the civil war and the war itself had stripped the party of its political legitimacy and respectability in the eyes of the right-wing majority. However, the political support for the party remained strong. In the 1919 Finnish parliamentary election, the party, reorganised by Väinö Tanner, received 80 of the 200 seats of the parliament. In 1918, former exiled SDP members founded the Communist Party of Finland (SKP) in Moscow. Although the SKP was banned in Finland until 1944, it was represented by front organizations, leading to the support of the Finnish working class being divided between the SDP and the SKP.It became the life's work of Väinö Tanner to re-establish the SDP as a serious, governing party. The result was a much more patriotic SDP which leaned less to the left and was relatively isolated from its Nordic sister parties, namely the Danish Social Democrats, the Norwegian Labour Party and the Swedish Social Democratic Party. President Pehr Evind Svinhufvud's animosity kept the SDP out of government during his presidency from 1931 to 1937. With the exception of a brief period in 1926, when Tanner formed a minority government, the SDP was excluded from cabinet participation until Kyösti Kallio was elected President in 1937. During World War II, the party played a central role in a series of broad coalition cabinets, symbolising national unity forged in response to the threat of the Soviet Union in the Winter War of 1939–1940. The SDP was a member of the Labour and Socialist International from 1923 to 1940.During the first few months of the Continuation War (1941–1944), the country, the parliament and the cabinet were divided on the question of whether Finland's army should stop at the old border and thereby demonstratively refrain from any attempt of conquests. However, the country's dangerous position called for national unity and the SDP's leadership chose to refrain from any visible protests. This decision is sometimes indicated as one of the main reasons behind the post-war division between the main left-wing parties (the SKP and the SDP) and the high percentage of SKP voters in the first elections after the Continuation War. After the war, the SKP was allowed to continue working and the main feature of Finnish political life during the 1944–1949 period was the competition between the SDP and the SKP, both for voters and for the control of the labor unions. During this time, the political field was divided roughly equally between the SDP, the SKP and the Agrarian League, each party commanding some 25% of the vote. In the post-war era, the SDP adopted a line defending Finnish sovereignty and democracy in line with the Agrarian League and other bourgeois political parties, finally leading to the expulsion of the SKP from the cabinet in 1948. As a result, the Soviet Union remained more openly critical towards the SDP than the centre-right parties.Because of the SDP's anti-communist activities, the United States Central Intelligence Agency supported the party by means of funds laundered through Nordic sister parties or through organizations that bought luxury goods such as coffee abroad, then imported and sold them for a high profit as post-war rationing served to inflate prices. In the 1956 Finnish presidential election, the SDP candidate Karl-August Fagerholm lost by only one electoral vote to Urho Kekkonen. Fagerholm would act as Prime Minister in the Fagerholm I Cabinet (1956–1957) and the Fagerholm II Cabinet (1958–1959). The latter cabinet was forced to resign due to Soviet pressure, leading to a series of cabinets led by the Agrarian League. In 1958, due to the election of Väinö Tanner as party chairman, a faction of the SDP resigned and formed the Social Democratic Union of Workers and Smallholders (TPSL) around the former SDP chairman Emil Skog. The dispute was over several issues, namely whether the party should function as an interest group and whether it should co-operate with the anti-communists and right-wingers or with president Kekkonen, the Agrarian League and the SKP. During the 1960s, the TPSL dwindled, its members returning one by one to the SDP or joining the SKP, with Skog himself returning to the SDP in 1965. In the 1970 Finnish parliamentary election, the TPSL failed to gain any seats in parliament. Only in 1966 was the SDP able to satisfy the Soviet Union about its friendly attitude towards it and could thus return to the cabinet. Since then, the SDP has been represented in most Finnish cabinets, often cooperating with the centrist-agrarian Centre Party (formerly the Agrarian League), but sometimes with the liberal-conservative National Coalition Party. The SDP was in opposition from 1991 to 1995, when the main parties in the cabinet were the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party (NCP).The 1995 Finnish parliamentary election saw a landslide victory for the SDP, achieving their best results since World War II. The SDP rose to government from the opposition and leader Paavo Lipponen headed two consecutive cabinets from 1995 to 2003. During this time, the party adopted a pro-European stance and contributed actively to the Finnish membership in the European Union in 1995 in concert with the cabinet. In the 2003 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP won 53 of the 200 seats, ending up a close second to the Centre Party. As a result, Lipponen became the Speaker of Parliament and the Centre Party leader Anneli Jäätteenmäki became the new Prime Minister, leading a coalition cabinet that included the SDP which got eight ministerial posts. After two months in office, Jäätteenmäki resigned due to a scandal relating to the Iraq leak and was replaced by Matti Vanhanen, another Centre Party representative, who commanded the Vanhanen I Cabinet.In the 2007 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained the third-most votes. The chairman of the then-largest Centre Party, Matti Vanhanen, became the Prime Minister and formed a coalition cabinet consisting of the Green League, the NCP and the Swedish People's Party of Finland (SFP), leaving the SDP to the opposition. SDP leader Eero Heinäluoma did not immediately resign as party chairman, but he did announce his withdrawal from running for party chairman in the following party conference. He was replaced by Jutta Urpilainen. The SDP suffered further losses in the 2008 Finnish municipal elections and the 2009 European Parliament election. In the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP lost three more seats, ending up with 19.1 percent of the vote which corresponded to 42 seats, the party's worst-ever result. However, as the Centre Party lost even more voters, the SDP became the second-largest party in the country after the NCP, receiving only some 1,500 votes more than the Finns Party which came in third. After lengthy negotiations, a six-party coalition government, the Katainen Cabinet, was formed with the NCP and the SDP as the two main parties. SDP leader Jutta Urpilainen became the cabinet's Minister of Finance, with NCP chairman Jyrki Katainen serving as Prime Minister.In the 2014 party conference, Urpilainen was narrowly defeated by her challenger Antti Rinne in a 257 to 243 vote. Urpilainen subsequently stepped down as the Minister of Finance, passing the seat on to Rinne. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, the drop of support continued for the SDP. The party lost eight more seats compared to the 2011 parliamentary election, ending up with 34 seats and 16.5 percent of the vote. With the repeat of the worst-ever result, the SDP dropped to being the fourth largest political party in Finland, receiving 50,110 fewer votes than the NCP, yet 237,000 more votes than the Green League. The SDP was left in the opposition and provided extensive criticism on the actions of the Sipilä Cabinet on matters such as alcohol policy, cuts to education spending and the so-called active model. On 22 June 2016, Maria Tolppanen, a Finns Party representative, joined the SDP. This increased the SDP's parliamentary seat number to 35. In the 2019 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained 6 seats in comparison to the 2015 parliamentary election and became the largest party in the parliament. Based on the answers and initial talks with all parties, Rinne announced that he would negotiate forming a government with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the SFP. The negotiations were ultimately successful and the Rinne Cabinet was formally inaugurated on 6 June 2019. On 3 December 2019, Rinne resigned as Prime Minister after the Center Party had expressed a lack of confidence in Rinne for his handling of the events surrounding a postal strike in Finland. He was followed in the position by Sanna Marin, who was appointed as Prime Minister on 10 December 2019.The SDP is a centre-left social-democratic party. The SDP is opposed to Finland joining NATO and is for Finland remaining in the Partnership for Peace. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, 91% of SDP candidates were opposed to NATO membership.The SDP is in favor of LGBT adoption rights, the construction of nuclear power plants, the conservation of Swedish as one of Finland's two official languages and the increase of funding to public universities. The party is advocating for Finland to become oil-independent by 2030. The SDP has advocated for policies preventing foreigners from working in Finland. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, only the Finns Party had a higher share of candidates opposed to the easing of work-based immigration.The party opposed economic reforms both in the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election and in the subsequent government program negotiations. The SDP maintains a close relationship with trade unions. The party has opposed social reforms that would reduce the role of earnings-related unemployment benefits. The government pays them to recipients through financial middlemen that are almost exclusively trade unions. The SDP supports the separation of church and state.The average age of an SDP member is 61.5 years. Over one half of all SDP voters are active members of the workforce.	[ "Paavo Lipponen", "Antti Rinne", "Matti Paasivuori", "Ulf Sundqvist", "J. A. Salminen", "Nils Robert af Ursin", "Onni Hiltunen", "Edvard Valpas-Hänninen", "Taavi Tainio", "Rafael Paasio", "Karl Fredrik Hellsten", "Eero Heinäluoma", "Jutta Urpilainen", "Väinö Salovaara", "Emil Perttilä", "Pertti Paasio", "Otto Wille Kuusinen", "Emil Skog", "Sanna Marin", "Kaarlo Harvala", "Väinö Tanner", "Kalevi Sorsa" ]
Who was the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland in 22/02/1917?	February 22, 1917	{ "text": [ "Kullervo Manner" ] }	L2_Q499029_P488_7	Matti Paasivuori is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1930. Ulf Sundqvist is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993. Taavi Tainio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1905. Emil Perttilä is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1906. Pertti Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991. Onni Hiltunen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Edvard Valpas-Hänninen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909. Nils Robert af Ursin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1899 to Jan, 1900. Eero Heinäluoma is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2005 to Jun, 2008. Sanna Marin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022. Väinö Tanner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1963. Kullervo Manner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1918. Emil Skog is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1957. Rafael Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1975. Jutta Urpilainen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2008 to May, 2014. Antti Rinne is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from May, 2014 to Aug, 2020. J. A. Salminen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1900. Karl Fredrik Hellsten is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1903. Paavo Lipponen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1993 to Jun, 2005. Väinö Salovaara is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1944. Kaarlo Harvala is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1930 to Jan, 1942. Kalevi Sorsa is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1975 to Jan, 1987. Otto Wille Kuusinen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1913.	Social Democratic Party of FinlandThe Social Democratic Party of Finland (SDP, ; ), founded as the Finnish Labour Party (; ), shortened to the Social Democrats (; ) and commonly known in Finnish as Demarit (), is a social-democratic political party in Finland. It is currently the largest party in the Parliament of Finland with 40 seats.Founded in 1899, the SDP is Finland's oldest active political party. The SDP has a close relationship with SAK, the largest trade union confederation. It is also a member of the Progressive Alliance, the Socialist International, the Party of European Socialists and SAMAK.Following the resignation of Antti Rinne in December 2019, Sanna Marin became the country's 67th Prime Minister. SDP formed a new coalition government on the basis of its predecessor, in effect continuing cooperation with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the Swedish People's Party. Seven of the government's nineteen ministers are Social Democrats.The SDP was founded as the Finnish Labour Party in 1899, with its first meeting being held from 17–20 July in Turku. The name was changed to the present form in 1903. The SDP was closely associated with the Finnish Trade Union Federation (SAJ), established in 1907, with all of its members also being members of the party. The party remained a chiefly extra-parliamentary movement until universal suffrage was introduced in 1906, after which the SDP's share of the votes reached 47% in the 1916 Finnish parliamentary election, when the party secured a majority in the parliament, the only time in the history of Finland when one party has had such a majority. The party lost its majority in the 1917 Finnish parliamentary election after independence from Russia and started a rebellion that escalated into the Finnish Civil War in 1918.SDP members declared Finland a socialist republic, but they were defeated by the forces of the White Guard. The war resulted in most of the party leaders being killed, imprisoned or left to seek refuge in Soviet Russia. In addition, the process leading to the civil war and the war itself had stripped the party of its political legitimacy and respectability in the eyes of the right-wing majority. However, the political support for the party remained strong. In the 1919 Finnish parliamentary election, the party, reorganised by Väinö Tanner, received 80 of the 200 seats of the parliament. In 1918, former exiled SDP members founded the Communist Party of Finland (SKP) in Moscow. Although the SKP was banned in Finland until 1944, it was represented by front organizations, leading to the support of the Finnish working class being divided between the SDP and the SKP.It became the life's work of Väinö Tanner to re-establish the SDP as a serious, governing party. The result was a much more patriotic SDP which leaned less to the left and was relatively isolated from its Nordic sister parties, namely the Danish Social Democrats, the Norwegian Labour Party and the Swedish Social Democratic Party. President Pehr Evind Svinhufvud's animosity kept the SDP out of government during his presidency from 1931 to 1937. With the exception of a brief period in 1926, when Tanner formed a minority government, the SDP was excluded from cabinet participation until Kyösti Kallio was elected President in 1937. During World War II, the party played a central role in a series of broad coalition cabinets, symbolising national unity forged in response to the threat of the Soviet Union in the Winter War of 1939–1940. The SDP was a member of the Labour and Socialist International from 1923 to 1940.During the first few months of the Continuation War (1941–1944), the country, the parliament and the cabinet were divided on the question of whether Finland's army should stop at the old border and thereby demonstratively refrain from any attempt of conquests. However, the country's dangerous position called for national unity and the SDP's leadership chose to refrain from any visible protests. This decision is sometimes indicated as one of the main reasons behind the post-war division between the main left-wing parties (the SKP and the SDP) and the high percentage of SKP voters in the first elections after the Continuation War. After the war, the SKP was allowed to continue working and the main feature of Finnish political life during the 1944–1949 period was the competition between the SDP and the SKP, both for voters and for the control of the labor unions. During this time, the political field was divided roughly equally between the SDP, the SKP and the Agrarian League, each party commanding some 25% of the vote. In the post-war era, the SDP adopted a line defending Finnish sovereignty and democracy in line with the Agrarian League and other bourgeois political parties, finally leading to the expulsion of the SKP from the cabinet in 1948. As a result, the Soviet Union remained more openly critical towards the SDP than the centre-right parties.Because of the SDP's anti-communist activities, the United States Central Intelligence Agency supported the party by means of funds laundered through Nordic sister parties or through organizations that bought luxury goods such as coffee abroad, then imported and sold them for a high profit as post-war rationing served to inflate prices. In the 1956 Finnish presidential election, the SDP candidate Karl-August Fagerholm lost by only one electoral vote to Urho Kekkonen. Fagerholm would act as Prime Minister in the Fagerholm I Cabinet (1956–1957) and the Fagerholm II Cabinet (1958–1959). The latter cabinet was forced to resign due to Soviet pressure, leading to a series of cabinets led by the Agrarian League. In 1958, due to the election of Väinö Tanner as party chairman, a faction of the SDP resigned and formed the Social Democratic Union of Workers and Smallholders (TPSL) around the former SDP chairman Emil Skog. The dispute was over several issues, namely whether the party should function as an interest group and whether it should co-operate with the anti-communists and right-wingers or with president Kekkonen, the Agrarian League and the SKP. During the 1960s, the TPSL dwindled, its members returning one by one to the SDP or joining the SKP, with Skog himself returning to the SDP in 1965. In the 1970 Finnish parliamentary election, the TPSL failed to gain any seats in parliament. Only in 1966 was the SDP able to satisfy the Soviet Union about its friendly attitude towards it and could thus return to the cabinet. Since then, the SDP has been represented in most Finnish cabinets, often cooperating with the centrist-agrarian Centre Party (formerly the Agrarian League), but sometimes with the liberal-conservative National Coalition Party. The SDP was in opposition from 1991 to 1995, when the main parties in the cabinet were the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party (NCP).The 1995 Finnish parliamentary election saw a landslide victory for the SDP, achieving their best results since World War II. The SDP rose to government from the opposition and leader Paavo Lipponen headed two consecutive cabinets from 1995 to 2003. During this time, the party adopted a pro-European stance and contributed actively to the Finnish membership in the European Union in 1995 in concert with the cabinet. In the 2003 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP won 53 of the 200 seats, ending up a close second to the Centre Party. As a result, Lipponen became the Speaker of Parliament and the Centre Party leader Anneli Jäätteenmäki became the new Prime Minister, leading a coalition cabinet that included the SDP which got eight ministerial posts. After two months in office, Jäätteenmäki resigned due to a scandal relating to the Iraq leak and was replaced by Matti Vanhanen, another Centre Party representative, who commanded the Vanhanen I Cabinet.In the 2007 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained the third-most votes. The chairman of the then-largest Centre Party, Matti Vanhanen, became the Prime Minister and formed a coalition cabinet consisting of the Green League, the NCP and the Swedish People's Party of Finland (SFP), leaving the SDP to the opposition. SDP leader Eero Heinäluoma did not immediately resign as party chairman, but he did announce his withdrawal from running for party chairman in the following party conference. He was replaced by Jutta Urpilainen. The SDP suffered further losses in the 2008 Finnish municipal elections and the 2009 European Parliament election. In the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP lost three more seats, ending up with 19.1 percent of the vote which corresponded to 42 seats, the party's worst-ever result. However, as the Centre Party lost even more voters, the SDP became the second-largest party in the country after the NCP, receiving only some 1,500 votes more than the Finns Party which came in third. After lengthy negotiations, a six-party coalition government, the Katainen Cabinet, was formed with the NCP and the SDP as the two main parties. SDP leader Jutta Urpilainen became the cabinet's Minister of Finance, with NCP chairman Jyrki Katainen serving as Prime Minister.In the 2014 party conference, Urpilainen was narrowly defeated by her challenger Antti Rinne in a 257 to 243 vote. Urpilainen subsequently stepped down as the Minister of Finance, passing the seat on to Rinne. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, the drop of support continued for the SDP. The party lost eight more seats compared to the 2011 parliamentary election, ending up with 34 seats and 16.5 percent of the vote. With the repeat of the worst-ever result, the SDP dropped to being the fourth largest political party in Finland, receiving 50,110 fewer votes than the NCP, yet 237,000 more votes than the Green League. The SDP was left in the opposition and provided extensive criticism on the actions of the Sipilä Cabinet on matters such as alcohol policy, cuts to education spending and the so-called active model. On 22 June 2016, Maria Tolppanen, a Finns Party representative, joined the SDP. This increased the SDP's parliamentary seat number to 35. In the 2019 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained 6 seats in comparison to the 2015 parliamentary election and became the largest party in the parliament. Based on the answers and initial talks with all parties, Rinne announced that he would negotiate forming a government with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the SFP. The negotiations were ultimately successful and the Rinne Cabinet was formally inaugurated on 6 June 2019. On 3 December 2019, Rinne resigned as Prime Minister after the Center Party had expressed a lack of confidence in Rinne for his handling of the events surrounding a postal strike in Finland. He was followed in the position by Sanna Marin, who was appointed as Prime Minister on 10 December 2019.The SDP is a centre-left social-democratic party. The SDP is opposed to Finland joining NATO and is for Finland remaining in the Partnership for Peace. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, 91% of SDP candidates were opposed to NATO membership.The SDP is in favor of LGBT adoption rights, the construction of nuclear power plants, the conservation of Swedish as one of Finland's two official languages and the increase of funding to public universities. The party is advocating for Finland to become oil-independent by 2030. The SDP has advocated for policies preventing foreigners from working in Finland. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, only the Finns Party had a higher share of candidates opposed to the easing of work-based immigration.The party opposed economic reforms both in the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election and in the subsequent government program negotiations. The SDP maintains a close relationship with trade unions. The party has opposed social reforms that would reduce the role of earnings-related unemployment benefits. The government pays them to recipients through financial middlemen that are almost exclusively trade unions. The SDP supports the separation of church and state.The average age of an SDP member is 61.5 years. Over one half of all SDP voters are active members of the workforce.	[ "Paavo Lipponen", "Antti Rinne", "Matti Paasivuori", "Ulf Sundqvist", "J. A. Salminen", "Nils Robert af Ursin", "Onni Hiltunen", "Edvard Valpas-Hänninen", "Taavi Tainio", "Rafael Paasio", "Karl Fredrik Hellsten", "Eero Heinäluoma", "Jutta Urpilainen", "Väinö Salovaara", "Emil Perttilä", "Pertti Paasio", "Otto Wille Kuusinen", "Emil Skog", "Sanna Marin", "Kaarlo Harvala", "Väinö Tanner", "Kalevi Sorsa" ]
Who was the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland in Feb 22, 1917?	February 22, 1917	{ "text": [ "Kullervo Manner" ] }	L2_Q499029_P488_7	Matti Paasivuori is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1930. Ulf Sundqvist is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993. Taavi Tainio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1905. Emil Perttilä is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1906. Pertti Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991. Onni Hiltunen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Edvard Valpas-Hänninen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909. Nils Robert af Ursin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1899 to Jan, 1900. Eero Heinäluoma is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2005 to Jun, 2008. Sanna Marin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022. Väinö Tanner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1963. Kullervo Manner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1918. Emil Skog is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1957. Rafael Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1975. Jutta Urpilainen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2008 to May, 2014. Antti Rinne is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from May, 2014 to Aug, 2020. J. A. Salminen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1900. Karl Fredrik Hellsten is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1903. Paavo Lipponen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1993 to Jun, 2005. Väinö Salovaara is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1944. Kaarlo Harvala is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1930 to Jan, 1942. Kalevi Sorsa is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1975 to Jan, 1987. Otto Wille Kuusinen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1913.	Social Democratic Party of FinlandThe Social Democratic Party of Finland (SDP, ; ), founded as the Finnish Labour Party (; ), shortened to the Social Democrats (; ) and commonly known in Finnish as Demarit (), is a social-democratic political party in Finland. It is currently the largest party in the Parliament of Finland with 40 seats.Founded in 1899, the SDP is Finland's oldest active political party. The SDP has a close relationship with SAK, the largest trade union confederation. It is also a member of the Progressive Alliance, the Socialist International, the Party of European Socialists and SAMAK.Following the resignation of Antti Rinne in December 2019, Sanna Marin became the country's 67th Prime Minister. SDP formed a new coalition government on the basis of its predecessor, in effect continuing cooperation with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the Swedish People's Party. Seven of the government's nineteen ministers are Social Democrats.The SDP was founded as the Finnish Labour Party in 1899, with its first meeting being held from 17–20 July in Turku. The name was changed to the present form in 1903. The SDP was closely associated with the Finnish Trade Union Federation (SAJ), established in 1907, with all of its members also being members of the party. The party remained a chiefly extra-parliamentary movement until universal suffrage was introduced in 1906, after which the SDP's share of the votes reached 47% in the 1916 Finnish parliamentary election, when the party secured a majority in the parliament, the only time in the history of Finland when one party has had such a majority. The party lost its majority in the 1917 Finnish parliamentary election after independence from Russia and started a rebellion that escalated into the Finnish Civil War in 1918.SDP members declared Finland a socialist republic, but they were defeated by the forces of the White Guard. The war resulted in most of the party leaders being killed, imprisoned or left to seek refuge in Soviet Russia. In addition, the process leading to the civil war and the war itself had stripped the party of its political legitimacy and respectability in the eyes of the right-wing majority. However, the political support for the party remained strong. In the 1919 Finnish parliamentary election, the party, reorganised by Väinö Tanner, received 80 of the 200 seats of the parliament. In 1918, former exiled SDP members founded the Communist Party of Finland (SKP) in Moscow. Although the SKP was banned in Finland until 1944, it was represented by front organizations, leading to the support of the Finnish working class being divided between the SDP and the SKP.It became the life's work of Väinö Tanner to re-establish the SDP as a serious, governing party. The result was a much more patriotic SDP which leaned less to the left and was relatively isolated from its Nordic sister parties, namely the Danish Social Democrats, the Norwegian Labour Party and the Swedish Social Democratic Party. President Pehr Evind Svinhufvud's animosity kept the SDP out of government during his presidency from 1931 to 1937. With the exception of a brief period in 1926, when Tanner formed a minority government, the SDP was excluded from cabinet participation until Kyösti Kallio was elected President in 1937. During World War II, the party played a central role in a series of broad coalition cabinets, symbolising national unity forged in response to the threat of the Soviet Union in the Winter War of 1939–1940. The SDP was a member of the Labour and Socialist International from 1923 to 1940.During the first few months of the Continuation War (1941–1944), the country, the parliament and the cabinet were divided on the question of whether Finland's army should stop at the old border and thereby demonstratively refrain from any attempt of conquests. However, the country's dangerous position called for national unity and the SDP's leadership chose to refrain from any visible protests. This decision is sometimes indicated as one of the main reasons behind the post-war division between the main left-wing parties (the SKP and the SDP) and the high percentage of SKP voters in the first elections after the Continuation War. After the war, the SKP was allowed to continue working and the main feature of Finnish political life during the 1944–1949 period was the competition between the SDP and the SKP, both for voters and for the control of the labor unions. During this time, the political field was divided roughly equally between the SDP, the SKP and the Agrarian League, each party commanding some 25% of the vote. In the post-war era, the SDP adopted a line defending Finnish sovereignty and democracy in line with the Agrarian League and other bourgeois political parties, finally leading to the expulsion of the SKP from the cabinet in 1948. As a result, the Soviet Union remained more openly critical towards the SDP than the centre-right parties.Because of the SDP's anti-communist activities, the United States Central Intelligence Agency supported the party by means of funds laundered through Nordic sister parties or through organizations that bought luxury goods such as coffee abroad, then imported and sold them for a high profit as post-war rationing served to inflate prices. In the 1956 Finnish presidential election, the SDP candidate Karl-August Fagerholm lost by only one electoral vote to Urho Kekkonen. Fagerholm would act as Prime Minister in the Fagerholm I Cabinet (1956–1957) and the Fagerholm II Cabinet (1958–1959). The latter cabinet was forced to resign due to Soviet pressure, leading to a series of cabinets led by the Agrarian League. In 1958, due to the election of Väinö Tanner as party chairman, a faction of the SDP resigned and formed the Social Democratic Union of Workers and Smallholders (TPSL) around the former SDP chairman Emil Skog. The dispute was over several issues, namely whether the party should function as an interest group and whether it should co-operate with the anti-communists and right-wingers or with president Kekkonen, the Agrarian League and the SKP. During the 1960s, the TPSL dwindled, its members returning one by one to the SDP or joining the SKP, with Skog himself returning to the SDP in 1965. In the 1970 Finnish parliamentary election, the TPSL failed to gain any seats in parliament. Only in 1966 was the SDP able to satisfy the Soviet Union about its friendly attitude towards it and could thus return to the cabinet. Since then, the SDP has been represented in most Finnish cabinets, often cooperating with the centrist-agrarian Centre Party (formerly the Agrarian League), but sometimes with the liberal-conservative National Coalition Party. The SDP was in opposition from 1991 to 1995, when the main parties in the cabinet were the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party (NCP).The 1995 Finnish parliamentary election saw a landslide victory for the SDP, achieving their best results since World War II. The SDP rose to government from the opposition and leader Paavo Lipponen headed two consecutive cabinets from 1995 to 2003. During this time, the party adopted a pro-European stance and contributed actively to the Finnish membership in the European Union in 1995 in concert with the cabinet. In the 2003 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP won 53 of the 200 seats, ending up a close second to the Centre Party. As a result, Lipponen became the Speaker of Parliament and the Centre Party leader Anneli Jäätteenmäki became the new Prime Minister, leading a coalition cabinet that included the SDP which got eight ministerial posts. After two months in office, Jäätteenmäki resigned due to a scandal relating to the Iraq leak and was replaced by Matti Vanhanen, another Centre Party representative, who commanded the Vanhanen I Cabinet.In the 2007 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained the third-most votes. The chairman of the then-largest Centre Party, Matti Vanhanen, became the Prime Minister and formed a coalition cabinet consisting of the Green League, the NCP and the Swedish People's Party of Finland (SFP), leaving the SDP to the opposition. SDP leader Eero Heinäluoma did not immediately resign as party chairman, but he did announce his withdrawal from running for party chairman in the following party conference. He was replaced by Jutta Urpilainen. The SDP suffered further losses in the 2008 Finnish municipal elections and the 2009 European Parliament election. In the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP lost three more seats, ending up with 19.1 percent of the vote which corresponded to 42 seats, the party's worst-ever result. However, as the Centre Party lost even more voters, the SDP became the second-largest party in the country after the NCP, receiving only some 1,500 votes more than the Finns Party which came in third. After lengthy negotiations, a six-party coalition government, the Katainen Cabinet, was formed with the NCP and the SDP as the two main parties. SDP leader Jutta Urpilainen became the cabinet's Minister of Finance, with NCP chairman Jyrki Katainen serving as Prime Minister.In the 2014 party conference, Urpilainen was narrowly defeated by her challenger Antti Rinne in a 257 to 243 vote. Urpilainen subsequently stepped down as the Minister of Finance, passing the seat on to Rinne. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, the drop of support continued for the SDP. The party lost eight more seats compared to the 2011 parliamentary election, ending up with 34 seats and 16.5 percent of the vote. With the repeat of the worst-ever result, the SDP dropped to being the fourth largest political party in Finland, receiving 50,110 fewer votes than the NCP, yet 237,000 more votes than the Green League. The SDP was left in the opposition and provided extensive criticism on the actions of the Sipilä Cabinet on matters such as alcohol policy, cuts to education spending and the so-called active model. On 22 June 2016, Maria Tolppanen, a Finns Party representative, joined the SDP. This increased the SDP's parliamentary seat number to 35. In the 2019 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained 6 seats in comparison to the 2015 parliamentary election and became the largest party in the parliament. Based on the answers and initial talks with all parties, Rinne announced that he would negotiate forming a government with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the SFP. The negotiations were ultimately successful and the Rinne Cabinet was formally inaugurated on 6 June 2019. On 3 December 2019, Rinne resigned as Prime Minister after the Center Party had expressed a lack of confidence in Rinne for his handling of the events surrounding a postal strike in Finland. He was followed in the position by Sanna Marin, who was appointed as Prime Minister on 10 December 2019.The SDP is a centre-left social-democratic party. The SDP is opposed to Finland joining NATO and is for Finland remaining in the Partnership for Peace. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, 91% of SDP candidates were opposed to NATO membership.The SDP is in favor of LGBT adoption rights, the construction of nuclear power plants, the conservation of Swedish as one of Finland's two official languages and the increase of funding to public universities. The party is advocating for Finland to become oil-independent by 2030. The SDP has advocated for policies preventing foreigners from working in Finland. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, only the Finns Party had a higher share of candidates opposed to the easing of work-based immigration.The party opposed economic reforms both in the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election and in the subsequent government program negotiations. The SDP maintains a close relationship with trade unions. The party has opposed social reforms that would reduce the role of earnings-related unemployment benefits. The government pays them to recipients through financial middlemen that are almost exclusively trade unions. The SDP supports the separation of church and state.The average age of an SDP member is 61.5 years. Over one half of all SDP voters are active members of the workforce.	[ "Paavo Lipponen", "Antti Rinne", "Matti Paasivuori", "Ulf Sundqvist", "J. A. Salminen", "Nils Robert af Ursin", "Onni Hiltunen", "Edvard Valpas-Hänninen", "Taavi Tainio", "Rafael Paasio", "Karl Fredrik Hellsten", "Eero Heinäluoma", "Jutta Urpilainen", "Väinö Salovaara", "Emil Perttilä", "Pertti Paasio", "Otto Wille Kuusinen", "Emil Skog", "Sanna Marin", "Kaarlo Harvala", "Väinö Tanner", "Kalevi Sorsa" ]
Who was the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland in 02/22/1917?	February 22, 1917	{ "text": [ "Kullervo Manner" ] }	L2_Q499029_P488_7	Matti Paasivuori is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1930. Ulf Sundqvist is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993. Taavi Tainio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1905. Emil Perttilä is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1906. Pertti Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991. Onni Hiltunen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Edvard Valpas-Hänninen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909. Nils Robert af Ursin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1899 to Jan, 1900. Eero Heinäluoma is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2005 to Jun, 2008. Sanna Marin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022. Väinö Tanner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1963. Kullervo Manner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1918. Emil Skog is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1957. Rafael Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1975. Jutta Urpilainen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2008 to May, 2014. Antti Rinne is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from May, 2014 to Aug, 2020. J. A. Salminen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1900. Karl Fredrik Hellsten is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1903. Paavo Lipponen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1993 to Jun, 2005. Väinö Salovaara is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1944. Kaarlo Harvala is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1930 to Jan, 1942. Kalevi Sorsa is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1975 to Jan, 1987. Otto Wille Kuusinen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1913.	Social Democratic Party of FinlandThe Social Democratic Party of Finland (SDP, ; ), founded as the Finnish Labour Party (; ), shortened to the Social Democrats (; ) and commonly known in Finnish as Demarit (), is a social-democratic political party in Finland. It is currently the largest party in the Parliament of Finland with 40 seats.Founded in 1899, the SDP is Finland's oldest active political party. The SDP has a close relationship with SAK, the largest trade union confederation. It is also a member of the Progressive Alliance, the Socialist International, the Party of European Socialists and SAMAK.Following the resignation of Antti Rinne in December 2019, Sanna Marin became the country's 67th Prime Minister. SDP formed a new coalition government on the basis of its predecessor, in effect continuing cooperation with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the Swedish People's Party. Seven of the government's nineteen ministers are Social Democrats.The SDP was founded as the Finnish Labour Party in 1899, with its first meeting being held from 17–20 July in Turku. The name was changed to the present form in 1903. The SDP was closely associated with the Finnish Trade Union Federation (SAJ), established in 1907, with all of its members also being members of the party. The party remained a chiefly extra-parliamentary movement until universal suffrage was introduced in 1906, after which the SDP's share of the votes reached 47% in the 1916 Finnish parliamentary election, when the party secured a majority in the parliament, the only time in the history of Finland when one party has had such a majority. The party lost its majority in the 1917 Finnish parliamentary election after independence from Russia and started a rebellion that escalated into the Finnish Civil War in 1918.SDP members declared Finland a socialist republic, but they were defeated by the forces of the White Guard. The war resulted in most of the party leaders being killed, imprisoned or left to seek refuge in Soviet Russia. In addition, the process leading to the civil war and the war itself had stripped the party of its political legitimacy and respectability in the eyes of the right-wing majority. However, the political support for the party remained strong. In the 1919 Finnish parliamentary election, the party, reorganised by Väinö Tanner, received 80 of the 200 seats of the parliament. In 1918, former exiled SDP members founded the Communist Party of Finland (SKP) in Moscow. Although the SKP was banned in Finland until 1944, it was represented by front organizations, leading to the support of the Finnish working class being divided between the SDP and the SKP.It became the life's work of Väinö Tanner to re-establish the SDP as a serious, governing party. The result was a much more patriotic SDP which leaned less to the left and was relatively isolated from its Nordic sister parties, namely the Danish Social Democrats, the Norwegian Labour Party and the Swedish Social Democratic Party. President Pehr Evind Svinhufvud's animosity kept the SDP out of government during his presidency from 1931 to 1937. With the exception of a brief period in 1926, when Tanner formed a minority government, the SDP was excluded from cabinet participation until Kyösti Kallio was elected President in 1937. During World War II, the party played a central role in a series of broad coalition cabinets, symbolising national unity forged in response to the threat of the Soviet Union in the Winter War of 1939–1940. The SDP was a member of the Labour and Socialist International from 1923 to 1940.During the first few months of the Continuation War (1941–1944), the country, the parliament and the cabinet were divided on the question of whether Finland's army should stop at the old border and thereby demonstratively refrain from any attempt of conquests. However, the country's dangerous position called for national unity and the SDP's leadership chose to refrain from any visible protests. This decision is sometimes indicated as one of the main reasons behind the post-war division between the main left-wing parties (the SKP and the SDP) and the high percentage of SKP voters in the first elections after the Continuation War. After the war, the SKP was allowed to continue working and the main feature of Finnish political life during the 1944–1949 period was the competition between the SDP and the SKP, both for voters and for the control of the labor unions. During this time, the political field was divided roughly equally between the SDP, the SKP and the Agrarian League, each party commanding some 25% of the vote. In the post-war era, the SDP adopted a line defending Finnish sovereignty and democracy in line with the Agrarian League and other bourgeois political parties, finally leading to the expulsion of the SKP from the cabinet in 1948. As a result, the Soviet Union remained more openly critical towards the SDP than the centre-right parties.Because of the SDP's anti-communist activities, the United States Central Intelligence Agency supported the party by means of funds laundered through Nordic sister parties or through organizations that bought luxury goods such as coffee abroad, then imported and sold them for a high profit as post-war rationing served to inflate prices. In the 1956 Finnish presidential election, the SDP candidate Karl-August Fagerholm lost by only one electoral vote to Urho Kekkonen. Fagerholm would act as Prime Minister in the Fagerholm I Cabinet (1956–1957) and the Fagerholm II Cabinet (1958–1959). The latter cabinet was forced to resign due to Soviet pressure, leading to a series of cabinets led by the Agrarian League. In 1958, due to the election of Väinö Tanner as party chairman, a faction of the SDP resigned and formed the Social Democratic Union of Workers and Smallholders (TPSL) around the former SDP chairman Emil Skog. The dispute was over several issues, namely whether the party should function as an interest group and whether it should co-operate with the anti-communists and right-wingers or with president Kekkonen, the Agrarian League and the SKP. During the 1960s, the TPSL dwindled, its members returning one by one to the SDP or joining the SKP, with Skog himself returning to the SDP in 1965. In the 1970 Finnish parliamentary election, the TPSL failed to gain any seats in parliament. Only in 1966 was the SDP able to satisfy the Soviet Union about its friendly attitude towards it and could thus return to the cabinet. Since then, the SDP has been represented in most Finnish cabinets, often cooperating with the centrist-agrarian Centre Party (formerly the Agrarian League), but sometimes with the liberal-conservative National Coalition Party. The SDP was in opposition from 1991 to 1995, when the main parties in the cabinet were the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party (NCP).The 1995 Finnish parliamentary election saw a landslide victory for the SDP, achieving their best results since World War II. The SDP rose to government from the opposition and leader Paavo Lipponen headed two consecutive cabinets from 1995 to 2003. During this time, the party adopted a pro-European stance and contributed actively to the Finnish membership in the European Union in 1995 in concert with the cabinet. In the 2003 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP won 53 of the 200 seats, ending up a close second to the Centre Party. As a result, Lipponen became the Speaker of Parliament and the Centre Party leader Anneli Jäätteenmäki became the new Prime Minister, leading a coalition cabinet that included the SDP which got eight ministerial posts. After two months in office, Jäätteenmäki resigned due to a scandal relating to the Iraq leak and was replaced by Matti Vanhanen, another Centre Party representative, who commanded the Vanhanen I Cabinet.In the 2007 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained the third-most votes. The chairman of the then-largest Centre Party, Matti Vanhanen, became the Prime Minister and formed a coalition cabinet consisting of the Green League, the NCP and the Swedish People's Party of Finland (SFP), leaving the SDP to the opposition. SDP leader Eero Heinäluoma did not immediately resign as party chairman, but he did announce his withdrawal from running for party chairman in the following party conference. He was replaced by Jutta Urpilainen. The SDP suffered further losses in the 2008 Finnish municipal elections and the 2009 European Parliament election. In the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP lost three more seats, ending up with 19.1 percent of the vote which corresponded to 42 seats, the party's worst-ever result. However, as the Centre Party lost even more voters, the SDP became the second-largest party in the country after the NCP, receiving only some 1,500 votes more than the Finns Party which came in third. After lengthy negotiations, a six-party coalition government, the Katainen Cabinet, was formed with the NCP and the SDP as the two main parties. SDP leader Jutta Urpilainen became the cabinet's Minister of Finance, with NCP chairman Jyrki Katainen serving as Prime Minister.In the 2014 party conference, Urpilainen was narrowly defeated by her challenger Antti Rinne in a 257 to 243 vote. Urpilainen subsequently stepped down as the Minister of Finance, passing the seat on to Rinne. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, the drop of support continued for the SDP. The party lost eight more seats compared to the 2011 parliamentary election, ending up with 34 seats and 16.5 percent of the vote. With the repeat of the worst-ever result, the SDP dropped to being the fourth largest political party in Finland, receiving 50,110 fewer votes than the NCP, yet 237,000 more votes than the Green League. The SDP was left in the opposition and provided extensive criticism on the actions of the Sipilä Cabinet on matters such as alcohol policy, cuts to education spending and the so-called active model. On 22 June 2016, Maria Tolppanen, a Finns Party representative, joined the SDP. This increased the SDP's parliamentary seat number to 35. In the 2019 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained 6 seats in comparison to the 2015 parliamentary election and became the largest party in the parliament. Based on the answers and initial talks with all parties, Rinne announced that he would negotiate forming a government with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the SFP. The negotiations were ultimately successful and the Rinne Cabinet was formally inaugurated on 6 June 2019. On 3 December 2019, Rinne resigned as Prime Minister after the Center Party had expressed a lack of confidence in Rinne for his handling of the events surrounding a postal strike in Finland. He was followed in the position by Sanna Marin, who was appointed as Prime Minister on 10 December 2019.The SDP is a centre-left social-democratic party. The SDP is opposed to Finland joining NATO and is for Finland remaining in the Partnership for Peace. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, 91% of SDP candidates were opposed to NATO membership.The SDP is in favor of LGBT adoption rights, the construction of nuclear power plants, the conservation of Swedish as one of Finland's two official languages and the increase of funding to public universities. The party is advocating for Finland to become oil-independent by 2030. The SDP has advocated for policies preventing foreigners from working in Finland. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, only the Finns Party had a higher share of candidates opposed to the easing of work-based immigration.The party opposed economic reforms both in the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election and in the subsequent government program negotiations. The SDP maintains a close relationship with trade unions. The party has opposed social reforms that would reduce the role of earnings-related unemployment benefits. The government pays them to recipients through financial middlemen that are almost exclusively trade unions. The SDP supports the separation of church and state.The average age of an SDP member is 61.5 years. Over one half of all SDP voters are active members of the workforce.	[ "Paavo Lipponen", "Antti Rinne", "Matti Paasivuori", "Ulf Sundqvist", "J. A. Salminen", "Nils Robert af Ursin", "Onni Hiltunen", "Edvard Valpas-Hänninen", "Taavi Tainio", "Rafael Paasio", "Karl Fredrik Hellsten", "Eero Heinäluoma", "Jutta Urpilainen", "Väinö Salovaara", "Emil Perttilä", "Pertti Paasio", "Otto Wille Kuusinen", "Emil Skog", "Sanna Marin", "Kaarlo Harvala", "Väinö Tanner", "Kalevi Sorsa" ]
Who was the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland in 22-Feb-191722-February-1917?	February 22, 1917	{ "text": [ "Kullervo Manner" ] }	L2_Q499029_P488_7	Matti Paasivuori is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1930. Ulf Sundqvist is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993. Taavi Tainio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1905. Emil Perttilä is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1905 to Jan, 1906. Pertti Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991. Onni Hiltunen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Edvard Valpas-Hänninen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1906 to Jan, 1909. Nils Robert af Ursin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1899 to Jan, 1900. Eero Heinäluoma is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2005 to Jun, 2008. Sanna Marin is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Aug, 2020 to Dec, 2022. Väinö Tanner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1963. Kullervo Manner is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1918. Emil Skog is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1957. Rafael Paasio is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1975. Jutta Urpilainen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jun, 2008 to May, 2014. Antti Rinne is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from May, 2014 to Aug, 2020. J. A. Salminen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1900. Karl Fredrik Hellsten is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1900 to Jan, 1903. Paavo Lipponen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1993 to Jun, 2005. Väinö Salovaara is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1944. Kaarlo Harvala is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1930 to Jan, 1942. Kalevi Sorsa is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1975 to Jan, 1987. Otto Wille Kuusinen is the chair of Social Democratic Party of Finland from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1913.	Social Democratic Party of FinlandThe Social Democratic Party of Finland (SDP, ; ), founded as the Finnish Labour Party (; ), shortened to the Social Democrats (; ) and commonly known in Finnish as Demarit (), is a social-democratic political party in Finland. It is currently the largest party in the Parliament of Finland with 40 seats.Founded in 1899, the SDP is Finland's oldest active political party. The SDP has a close relationship with SAK, the largest trade union confederation. It is also a member of the Progressive Alliance, the Socialist International, the Party of European Socialists and SAMAK.Following the resignation of Antti Rinne in December 2019, Sanna Marin became the country's 67th Prime Minister. SDP formed a new coalition government on the basis of its predecessor, in effect continuing cooperation with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the Swedish People's Party. Seven of the government's nineteen ministers are Social Democrats.The SDP was founded as the Finnish Labour Party in 1899, with its first meeting being held from 17–20 July in Turku. The name was changed to the present form in 1903. The SDP was closely associated with the Finnish Trade Union Federation (SAJ), established in 1907, with all of its members also being members of the party. The party remained a chiefly extra-parliamentary movement until universal suffrage was introduced in 1906, after which the SDP's share of the votes reached 47% in the 1916 Finnish parliamentary election, when the party secured a majority in the parliament, the only time in the history of Finland when one party has had such a majority. The party lost its majority in the 1917 Finnish parliamentary election after independence from Russia and started a rebellion that escalated into the Finnish Civil War in 1918.SDP members declared Finland a socialist republic, but they were defeated by the forces of the White Guard. The war resulted in most of the party leaders being killed, imprisoned or left to seek refuge in Soviet Russia. In addition, the process leading to the civil war and the war itself had stripped the party of its political legitimacy and respectability in the eyes of the right-wing majority. However, the political support for the party remained strong. In the 1919 Finnish parliamentary election, the party, reorganised by Väinö Tanner, received 80 of the 200 seats of the parliament. In 1918, former exiled SDP members founded the Communist Party of Finland (SKP) in Moscow. Although the SKP was banned in Finland until 1944, it was represented by front organizations, leading to the support of the Finnish working class being divided between the SDP and the SKP.It became the life's work of Väinö Tanner to re-establish the SDP as a serious, governing party. The result was a much more patriotic SDP which leaned less to the left and was relatively isolated from its Nordic sister parties, namely the Danish Social Democrats, the Norwegian Labour Party and the Swedish Social Democratic Party. President Pehr Evind Svinhufvud's animosity kept the SDP out of government during his presidency from 1931 to 1937. With the exception of a brief period in 1926, when Tanner formed a minority government, the SDP was excluded from cabinet participation until Kyösti Kallio was elected President in 1937. During World War II, the party played a central role in a series of broad coalition cabinets, symbolising national unity forged in response to the threat of the Soviet Union in the Winter War of 1939–1940. The SDP was a member of the Labour and Socialist International from 1923 to 1940.During the first few months of the Continuation War (1941–1944), the country, the parliament and the cabinet were divided on the question of whether Finland's army should stop at the old border and thereby demonstratively refrain from any attempt of conquests. However, the country's dangerous position called for national unity and the SDP's leadership chose to refrain from any visible protests. This decision is sometimes indicated as one of the main reasons behind the post-war division between the main left-wing parties (the SKP and the SDP) and the high percentage of SKP voters in the first elections after the Continuation War. After the war, the SKP was allowed to continue working and the main feature of Finnish political life during the 1944–1949 period was the competition between the SDP and the SKP, both for voters and for the control of the labor unions. During this time, the political field was divided roughly equally between the SDP, the SKP and the Agrarian League, each party commanding some 25% of the vote. In the post-war era, the SDP adopted a line defending Finnish sovereignty and democracy in line with the Agrarian League and other bourgeois political parties, finally leading to the expulsion of the SKP from the cabinet in 1948. As a result, the Soviet Union remained more openly critical towards the SDP than the centre-right parties.Because of the SDP's anti-communist activities, the United States Central Intelligence Agency supported the party by means of funds laundered through Nordic sister parties or through organizations that bought luxury goods such as coffee abroad, then imported and sold them for a high profit as post-war rationing served to inflate prices. In the 1956 Finnish presidential election, the SDP candidate Karl-August Fagerholm lost by only one electoral vote to Urho Kekkonen. Fagerholm would act as Prime Minister in the Fagerholm I Cabinet (1956–1957) and the Fagerholm II Cabinet (1958–1959). The latter cabinet was forced to resign due to Soviet pressure, leading to a series of cabinets led by the Agrarian League. In 1958, due to the election of Väinö Tanner as party chairman, a faction of the SDP resigned and formed the Social Democratic Union of Workers and Smallholders (TPSL) around the former SDP chairman Emil Skog. The dispute was over several issues, namely whether the party should function as an interest group and whether it should co-operate with the anti-communists and right-wingers or with president Kekkonen, the Agrarian League and the SKP. During the 1960s, the TPSL dwindled, its members returning one by one to the SDP or joining the SKP, with Skog himself returning to the SDP in 1965. In the 1970 Finnish parliamentary election, the TPSL failed to gain any seats in parliament. Only in 1966 was the SDP able to satisfy the Soviet Union about its friendly attitude towards it and could thus return to the cabinet. Since then, the SDP has been represented in most Finnish cabinets, often cooperating with the centrist-agrarian Centre Party (formerly the Agrarian League), but sometimes with the liberal-conservative National Coalition Party. The SDP was in opposition from 1991 to 1995, when the main parties in the cabinet were the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party (NCP).The 1995 Finnish parliamentary election saw a landslide victory for the SDP, achieving their best results since World War II. The SDP rose to government from the opposition and leader Paavo Lipponen headed two consecutive cabinets from 1995 to 2003. During this time, the party adopted a pro-European stance and contributed actively to the Finnish membership in the European Union in 1995 in concert with the cabinet. In the 2003 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP won 53 of the 200 seats, ending up a close second to the Centre Party. As a result, Lipponen became the Speaker of Parliament and the Centre Party leader Anneli Jäätteenmäki became the new Prime Minister, leading a coalition cabinet that included the SDP which got eight ministerial posts. After two months in office, Jäätteenmäki resigned due to a scandal relating to the Iraq leak and was replaced by Matti Vanhanen, another Centre Party representative, who commanded the Vanhanen I Cabinet.In the 2007 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained the third-most votes. The chairman of the then-largest Centre Party, Matti Vanhanen, became the Prime Minister and formed a coalition cabinet consisting of the Green League, the NCP and the Swedish People's Party of Finland (SFP), leaving the SDP to the opposition. SDP leader Eero Heinäluoma did not immediately resign as party chairman, but he did announce his withdrawal from running for party chairman in the following party conference. He was replaced by Jutta Urpilainen. The SDP suffered further losses in the 2008 Finnish municipal elections and the 2009 European Parliament election. In the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP lost three more seats, ending up with 19.1 percent of the vote which corresponded to 42 seats, the party's worst-ever result. However, as the Centre Party lost even more voters, the SDP became the second-largest party in the country after the NCP, receiving only some 1,500 votes more than the Finns Party which came in third. After lengthy negotiations, a six-party coalition government, the Katainen Cabinet, was formed with the NCP and the SDP as the two main parties. SDP leader Jutta Urpilainen became the cabinet's Minister of Finance, with NCP chairman Jyrki Katainen serving as Prime Minister.In the 2014 party conference, Urpilainen was narrowly defeated by her challenger Antti Rinne in a 257 to 243 vote. Urpilainen subsequently stepped down as the Minister of Finance, passing the seat on to Rinne. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, the drop of support continued for the SDP. The party lost eight more seats compared to the 2011 parliamentary election, ending up with 34 seats and 16.5 percent of the vote. With the repeat of the worst-ever result, the SDP dropped to being the fourth largest political party in Finland, receiving 50,110 fewer votes than the NCP, yet 237,000 more votes than the Green League. The SDP was left in the opposition and provided extensive criticism on the actions of the Sipilä Cabinet on matters such as alcohol policy, cuts to education spending and the so-called active model. On 22 June 2016, Maria Tolppanen, a Finns Party representative, joined the SDP. This increased the SDP's parliamentary seat number to 35. In the 2019 Finnish parliamentary election, the SDP gained 6 seats in comparison to the 2015 parliamentary election and became the largest party in the parliament. Based on the answers and initial talks with all parties, Rinne announced that he would negotiate forming a government with the Centre Party, the Green League, the Left Alliance and the SFP. The negotiations were ultimately successful and the Rinne Cabinet was formally inaugurated on 6 June 2019. On 3 December 2019, Rinne resigned as Prime Minister after the Center Party had expressed a lack of confidence in Rinne for his handling of the events surrounding a postal strike in Finland. He was followed in the position by Sanna Marin, who was appointed as Prime Minister on 10 December 2019.The SDP is a centre-left social-democratic party. The SDP is opposed to Finland joining NATO and is for Finland remaining in the Partnership for Peace. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, 91% of SDP candidates were opposed to NATO membership.The SDP is in favor of LGBT adoption rights, the construction of nuclear power plants, the conservation of Swedish as one of Finland's two official languages and the increase of funding to public universities. The party is advocating for Finland to become oil-independent by 2030. The SDP has advocated for policies preventing foreigners from working in Finland. In the 2015 Finnish parliamentary election, only the Finns Party had a higher share of candidates opposed to the easing of work-based immigration.The party opposed economic reforms both in the 2011 Finnish parliamentary election and in the subsequent government program negotiations. The SDP maintains a close relationship with trade unions. The party has opposed social reforms that would reduce the role of earnings-related unemployment benefits. The government pays them to recipients through financial middlemen that are almost exclusively trade unions. The SDP supports the separation of church and state.The average age of an SDP member is 61.5 years. Over one half of all SDP voters are active members of the workforce.	[ "Paavo Lipponen", "Antti Rinne", "Matti Paasivuori", "Ulf Sundqvist", "J. A. Salminen", "Nils Robert af Ursin", "Onni Hiltunen", "Edvard Valpas-Hänninen", "Taavi Tainio", "Rafael Paasio", "Karl Fredrik Hellsten", "Eero Heinäluoma", "Jutta Urpilainen", "Väinö Salovaara", "Emil Perttilä", "Pertti Paasio", "Otto Wille Kuusinen", "Emil Skog", "Sanna Marin", "Kaarlo Harvala", "Väinö Tanner", "Kalevi Sorsa" ]
Which position did Biju Patnaik hold in Jul, 1996?	July 13, 1996	{ "text": [ "Member of the 11th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly" ] }	L2_Q3526595_P39_13	Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of Rajya Sabha from Apr, 1966 to Oct, 1971. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1952. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 11th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1996 to Apr, 1997. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1974 to Apr, 1977. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 7th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1984. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1990 to Mar, 1995. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Jun, 1980. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1961. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Sep, 1971 to Jan, 1973. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 8th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1989. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1957. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1967. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Apr, 1997.	Biju PatnaikBijayananda Patnaik (5 March 1916 – 17 April 1997), popularly known as Biju Patnaik, was an Indian politician, aviator and businessman. As politician, he served twice as the Chief Minister of the State of Odisha.Biju Patnaik was born on 5 March in a karan kayastha family 1916 in Cuttack to Lakshminarayan and Ashalata Patnaik. His parents belong to G.Nuagan, Bellaguntha, Ganjam district, around 80 km from Bramhapur. He was educated at Ravenshaw College in Odisha but due to his interest in aviation he dropped out and trained as a pilot Patnaik flew with private airlines but at the start of the Second World War he joined the Royal Indian Air Force eventually becoming head of air transport command. While in service he began an interest in nationalist politics and used air force transports to deliver what was seen as subversive literature to Indian troops. But Patnaik remained committed to fighting the Axis Powers. He was jailed by the British for dropping political leaflets to Indian soldiers fighting under British command in Burma and flying clandestine missions that carried Congress Party leaders from hideouts across India to secret meetings that charted the independence struggle.Biju Patnaik met with Jawaharlal Nehru during his participation in Indonesian freedom struggle and became one of his trusted friends. Nehru viewed the freedom struggle of the Indonesian people as parallel to that of India, and viewed Indonesia as a potential ally. When the Dutch attempted to quell Indonesian independence on 21 July 1947, President Sukarno ordered Sjahrir, the former prime minister of Indonesia, to leave the country to attend the first Inter-Asia Conference, organised by Nehru, in July 1947 and to foment international public opinion against the Dutch. Sjahrir was unable to leave as the Dutch controlled the Indonesian sea and air routes. Nehru asked Biju Patnaik, who was adventurous and an expert pilot, to rescue Sjahrir and other Indonesian resistance fighters who were fighting their Dutch colonisers. Biju Patnaik and his wife Gyanwati, flew to Java, dodging the Dutch guns, he entered Indonesian airspace and landed on an improvised airstrip near Jakarta. Using left-over fuel from abandoned Japanese military dumps, Patnaik took off with prominent rebels, including Sultan Sjahrir and Achmad Sukarno, for a secret meeting with Nehru at New Delhi and brought out on a Douglas C-47 (Dakota) military aircraft reaching India via Singapore on 24 July 1947. For this act of bravery, Patnaik was given honorary citizenship in Indonesia and awarded the 'Bhoomi Putra', the highest Indonesian award, rarely granted to a foreigner. In 1995, when Indonesia was celebrating its 50th Independence Day, Biju Patnaik was awarded the highest national award, the "Bintang Jasa Utama".In 2015, Sukarno's daughter Megawati Sukarnoputri recounted how it was Patnaik who suggested she be named Meghavati or "daughter of clouds". She, whose full name is Diah Permata Megawati Setiawati Sukarnoputri, later became Indonesia's first female president, serving from 2001 to 2004.In 2021, the Indonesian Embassy in New Delhi designated a room on the name of Biju Patnaik. On the walls of the Biju Patnaik room are photographs, newspaper clippings and letters that document Mr. Patnaik’s secret assignments to fly out Indonesian leaders, as well as his relations with the Indonesian leadership.Biju Patnaik flew many sorties on his Dakota DC-3 from Delhi Safdarjung Airport on 27 October 1947, after the first Dakota DC-3 (Reg. No: VP 905) flown by Wg. Cdr. KL Bhatia landed in Srinagar Airport early morning. He brought 17 soldiers of 1-Sikh regiment commanded by Lt. Col. Dewan Ranjit Rai. He flew low on the airstrip twice to ensure that no raiders were around. Instructions from Prime Minister Nehru's office were clear: If the airport was taken over by the enemy, he was not to land. Taking a full circle the DC-3 flew ground level. Anxious eye balls peered from inside the aircraft – only to find the airstrip empty. Nary a soul was in sight. The raiders were busy distributing the spoils of war amongst them in Baramulla.Patnaik's political ideals were centred in socialism and federalism. His strong advocacy for equal resources to all Indian states who needed such, made him a champion of his Odia constituents.In 1946 Patnaik was elected uncontested to the Odisha Legislative Assembly from North Cuttack constituency. In 1952 and 1957 he won from Jagannathprasad and Surada, respectively. In 1960 he assumed the presidency of the state Congress. Under his leadership, the Congress Party won 82 of 140 seats and Patnaik (representing Chowdwar constituency) became the chief minister of Odisha on 23 June 1961 and remained in the position until 2 October 1963 when he resigned from the post under the Kamaraj Plan to revitalise the Congress party. He was the Chief Minister of Odisha at the age of 45.Patnaik was close to Indira Gandhi who took over the Congress Party in 1967. However, they clashed in 1969 over the Presidential election. He left the Congress and formed a regional party—the Utkal Congress. In the 1971 assembly poll, his party did reasonably well. Patnaik then re-established contact with his old friend Jayaprakash Narayan and plunged into the JP movement as it picked up momentum in 1974. When the Emergency was declared in 1975, Biju Patnaik was one of the first to be arrested along with other opposition leaders.He was released in 1977. Later, in the same year, he was elected to the Lok Sabha for the first time from Kendrapara and became Union minister for steel and mines in both the Morarji Desai and the Charan Singh governments until 1979. He was re-elected to the Lok Sabha again in 1980 and 1984 from Kendrapara as Janata Party candidate despite the Congress wave in 1984 following Indira Gandhi's death. With the Congress defeat in 1989, he bounced back into the political limelight. However, after playing a key behind-the-scenes role in manoeuvring V. P. Singh to the Prime Minister's post, he again chose to go back to Odisha, and prepared for the assembly election. In 1990 state assembly election, the Janata Dal received a thumping majority (two-thirds of the assembly seats) which saw Biju Patnaik being the Chief Minister of Odisha for the second time until 1995.Patnaik was re-elected to the Lok Sabha in 1996 from Cuttack and Aska constituencies as a Janata Dal candidate. He retained the latter until his death on 17 April 1997 of cardio-respiratory failure.In 1992, Bijayananda Patnaik left this quote for the people of Odisha;"In my dream of the 21st century for the State, I would have young men and women who put the interest of the State before them. They will have pride in themselves, confidence in themselves. They will not be at anybody's mercy, except their own selves. By their brains, intelligence and capacity, they will recapture the history of Kalinga."Biju Patnaik set up Kalinga tubes, Kalinga Airlines, Kalinga Iron work, Kalinga Refractories and the Kalinga, a daily Oriya newspaper. In 1951 he established the international Kalinga Prize for popularisation of Science and Technology among the people and entrusted the responsibility to the UNESCO. The projects which he was known to have spearheaded includes the Port of Paradip, Orissa aviation centre, Bhubaneswar Airport, the Cuttack-Jagatpur Mahanadi highway bridge, Regional Engineering College, Rourkela, Sainik School Bhubaneswar, Orissa University of Agriculture and Technology-Bhubaneswar, NALCO (National Aluminum Company), Talcher Thermal Power Station, Balimela Hydel Project, HAL-Sunabeda and the Choudwar & Barbil industrial belts.He also established the Kalinga Cup in football.Biju Patnaik was married to Gyan Patnaik, who belonged to Punjab, due to which he is known as a son-in-law of Punjab as well. Just like Biju his wife too was a pilot. In fact, she was the first Indian lady to get a commercial pilot's license. In the 1940s, Gyan Patnaik accompanied Biju in the freedom struggle movement and evacuation of British families from Rangoon when the Japanese laid siege on the region.Biju Patnaik's younger son, Naveen Patnaik, is the current Chief Minister of Odisha. His daughter, Gita Mehta, is an English writer. His elder son Prem Patnaik is a Delhi-based industrialist.The Government of Odisha has named several institutions after the name of Biju Patanaik. They include the Biju Patnaik Airport at Bhubaneswar, the Biju Patnaik University of Technology, Biju Patnaik Stadium at Nalco Nagar, Angul etc. Also his son Naveen Patnaik made his birthday 5 March as the Panchayat Raj Divas, a holiday in Odisha in his memory. The Biju Patnaik 5 Rupee commemorative coin was released in 2016. The glimpse of Biju Patnaik's stature can be understood by the fact that when he died, his coffin was wrapped in the national flags of India, Russia, and Indonesia.An avid Bridge player, Patnaik was the father of author Gita Mehta and Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik.	[ "Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 8th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of Rajya Sabha", "Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 7th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly" ]
Which position did Biju Patnaik hold in 1996-07-13?	July 13, 1996	{ "text": [ "Member of the 11th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly" ] }	L2_Q3526595_P39_13	Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of Rajya Sabha from Apr, 1966 to Oct, 1971. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1952. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 11th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1996 to Apr, 1997. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1974 to Apr, 1977. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 7th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1984. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1990 to Mar, 1995. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Jun, 1980. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1961. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Sep, 1971 to Jan, 1973. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 8th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1989. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1957. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1967. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Apr, 1997.	Biju PatnaikBijayananda Patnaik (5 March 1916 – 17 April 1997), popularly known as Biju Patnaik, was an Indian politician, aviator and businessman. As politician, he served twice as the Chief Minister of the State of Odisha.Biju Patnaik was born on 5 March in a karan kayastha family 1916 in Cuttack to Lakshminarayan and Ashalata Patnaik. His parents belong to G.Nuagan, Bellaguntha, Ganjam district, around 80 km from Bramhapur. He was educated at Ravenshaw College in Odisha but due to his interest in aviation he dropped out and trained as a pilot Patnaik flew with private airlines but at the start of the Second World War he joined the Royal Indian Air Force eventually becoming head of air transport command. While in service he began an interest in nationalist politics and used air force transports to deliver what was seen as subversive literature to Indian troops. But Patnaik remained committed to fighting the Axis Powers. He was jailed by the British for dropping political leaflets to Indian soldiers fighting under British command in Burma and flying clandestine missions that carried Congress Party leaders from hideouts across India to secret meetings that charted the independence struggle.Biju Patnaik met with Jawaharlal Nehru during his participation in Indonesian freedom struggle and became one of his trusted friends. Nehru viewed the freedom struggle of the Indonesian people as parallel to that of India, and viewed Indonesia as a potential ally. When the Dutch attempted to quell Indonesian independence on 21 July 1947, President Sukarno ordered Sjahrir, the former prime minister of Indonesia, to leave the country to attend the first Inter-Asia Conference, organised by Nehru, in July 1947 and to foment international public opinion against the Dutch. Sjahrir was unable to leave as the Dutch controlled the Indonesian sea and air routes. Nehru asked Biju Patnaik, who was adventurous and an expert pilot, to rescue Sjahrir and other Indonesian resistance fighters who were fighting their Dutch colonisers. Biju Patnaik and his wife Gyanwati, flew to Java, dodging the Dutch guns, he entered Indonesian airspace and landed on an improvised airstrip near Jakarta. Using left-over fuel from abandoned Japanese military dumps, Patnaik took off with prominent rebels, including Sultan Sjahrir and Achmad Sukarno, for a secret meeting with Nehru at New Delhi and brought out on a Douglas C-47 (Dakota) military aircraft reaching India via Singapore on 24 July 1947. For this act of bravery, Patnaik was given honorary citizenship in Indonesia and awarded the 'Bhoomi Putra', the highest Indonesian award, rarely granted to a foreigner. In 1995, when Indonesia was celebrating its 50th Independence Day, Biju Patnaik was awarded the highest national award, the "Bintang Jasa Utama".In 2015, Sukarno's daughter Megawati Sukarnoputri recounted how it was Patnaik who suggested she be named Meghavati or "daughter of clouds". She, whose full name is Diah Permata Megawati Setiawati Sukarnoputri, later became Indonesia's first female president, serving from 2001 to 2004.In 2021, the Indonesian Embassy in New Delhi designated a room on the name of Biju Patnaik. On the walls of the Biju Patnaik room are photographs, newspaper clippings and letters that document Mr. Patnaik’s secret assignments to fly out Indonesian leaders, as well as his relations with the Indonesian leadership.Biju Patnaik flew many sorties on his Dakota DC-3 from Delhi Safdarjung Airport on 27 October 1947, after the first Dakota DC-3 (Reg. No: VP 905) flown by Wg. Cdr. KL Bhatia landed in Srinagar Airport early morning. He brought 17 soldiers of 1-Sikh regiment commanded by Lt. Col. Dewan Ranjit Rai. He flew low on the airstrip twice to ensure that no raiders were around. Instructions from Prime Minister Nehru's office were clear: If the airport was taken over by the enemy, he was not to land. Taking a full circle the DC-3 flew ground level. Anxious eye balls peered from inside the aircraft – only to find the airstrip empty. Nary a soul was in sight. The raiders were busy distributing the spoils of war amongst them in Baramulla.Patnaik's political ideals were centred in socialism and federalism. His strong advocacy for equal resources to all Indian states who needed such, made him a champion of his Odia constituents.In 1946 Patnaik was elected uncontested to the Odisha Legislative Assembly from North Cuttack constituency. In 1952 and 1957 he won from Jagannathprasad and Surada, respectively. In 1960 he assumed the presidency of the state Congress. Under his leadership, the Congress Party won 82 of 140 seats and Patnaik (representing Chowdwar constituency) became the chief minister of Odisha on 23 June 1961 and remained in the position until 2 October 1963 when he resigned from the post under the Kamaraj Plan to revitalise the Congress party. He was the Chief Minister of Odisha at the age of 45.Patnaik was close to Indira Gandhi who took over the Congress Party in 1967. However, they clashed in 1969 over the Presidential election. He left the Congress and formed a regional party—the Utkal Congress. In the 1971 assembly poll, his party did reasonably well. Patnaik then re-established contact with his old friend Jayaprakash Narayan and plunged into the JP movement as it picked up momentum in 1974. When the Emergency was declared in 1975, Biju Patnaik was one of the first to be arrested along with other opposition leaders.He was released in 1977. Later, in the same year, he was elected to the Lok Sabha for the first time from Kendrapara and became Union minister for steel and mines in both the Morarji Desai and the Charan Singh governments until 1979. He was re-elected to the Lok Sabha again in 1980 and 1984 from Kendrapara as Janata Party candidate despite the Congress wave in 1984 following Indira Gandhi's death. With the Congress defeat in 1989, he bounced back into the political limelight. However, after playing a key behind-the-scenes role in manoeuvring V. P. Singh to the Prime Minister's post, he again chose to go back to Odisha, and prepared for the assembly election. In 1990 state assembly election, the Janata Dal received a thumping majority (two-thirds of the assembly seats) which saw Biju Patnaik being the Chief Minister of Odisha for the second time until 1995.Patnaik was re-elected to the Lok Sabha in 1996 from Cuttack and Aska constituencies as a Janata Dal candidate. He retained the latter until his death on 17 April 1997 of cardio-respiratory failure.In 1992, Bijayananda Patnaik left this quote for the people of Odisha;"In my dream of the 21st century for the State, I would have young men and women who put the interest of the State before them. They will have pride in themselves, confidence in themselves. They will not be at anybody's mercy, except their own selves. By their brains, intelligence and capacity, they will recapture the history of Kalinga."Biju Patnaik set up Kalinga tubes, Kalinga Airlines, Kalinga Iron work, Kalinga Refractories and the Kalinga, a daily Oriya newspaper. In 1951 he established the international Kalinga Prize for popularisation of Science and Technology among the people and entrusted the responsibility to the UNESCO. The projects which he was known to have spearheaded includes the Port of Paradip, Orissa aviation centre, Bhubaneswar Airport, the Cuttack-Jagatpur Mahanadi highway bridge, Regional Engineering College, Rourkela, Sainik School Bhubaneswar, Orissa University of Agriculture and Technology-Bhubaneswar, NALCO (National Aluminum Company), Talcher Thermal Power Station, Balimela Hydel Project, HAL-Sunabeda and the Choudwar & Barbil industrial belts.He also established the Kalinga Cup in football.Biju Patnaik was married to Gyan Patnaik, who belonged to Punjab, due to which he is known as a son-in-law of Punjab as well. Just like Biju his wife too was a pilot. In fact, she was the first Indian lady to get a commercial pilot's license. In the 1940s, Gyan Patnaik accompanied Biju in the freedom struggle movement and evacuation of British families from Rangoon when the Japanese laid siege on the region.Biju Patnaik's younger son, Naveen Patnaik, is the current Chief Minister of Odisha. His daughter, Gita Mehta, is an English writer. His elder son Prem Patnaik is a Delhi-based industrialist.The Government of Odisha has named several institutions after the name of Biju Patanaik. They include the Biju Patnaik Airport at Bhubaneswar, the Biju Patnaik University of Technology, Biju Patnaik Stadium at Nalco Nagar, Angul etc. Also his son Naveen Patnaik made his birthday 5 March as the Panchayat Raj Divas, a holiday in Odisha in his memory. The Biju Patnaik 5 Rupee commemorative coin was released in 2016. The glimpse of Biju Patnaik's stature can be understood by the fact that when he died, his coffin was wrapped in the national flags of India, Russia, and Indonesia.An avid Bridge player, Patnaik was the father of author Gita Mehta and Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik.	[ "Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 8th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of Rajya Sabha", "Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 7th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly" ]
Which position did Biju Patnaik hold in 13/07/1996?	July 13, 1996	{ "text": [ "Member of the 11th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly" ] }	L2_Q3526595_P39_13	Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of Rajya Sabha from Apr, 1966 to Oct, 1971. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1952. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 11th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1996 to Apr, 1997. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1974 to Apr, 1977. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 7th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1984. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1990 to Mar, 1995. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Jun, 1980. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1961. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Sep, 1971 to Jan, 1973. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 8th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1989. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1957. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1967. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Apr, 1997.	Biju PatnaikBijayananda Patnaik (5 March 1916 – 17 April 1997), popularly known as Biju Patnaik, was an Indian politician, aviator and businessman. As politician, he served twice as the Chief Minister of the State of Odisha.Biju Patnaik was born on 5 March in a karan kayastha family 1916 in Cuttack to Lakshminarayan and Ashalata Patnaik. His parents belong to G.Nuagan, Bellaguntha, Ganjam district, around 80 km from Bramhapur. He was educated at Ravenshaw College in Odisha but due to his interest in aviation he dropped out and trained as a pilot Patnaik flew with private airlines but at the start of the Second World War he joined the Royal Indian Air Force eventually becoming head of air transport command. While in service he began an interest in nationalist politics and used air force transports to deliver what was seen as subversive literature to Indian troops. But Patnaik remained committed to fighting the Axis Powers. He was jailed by the British for dropping political leaflets to Indian soldiers fighting under British command in Burma and flying clandestine missions that carried Congress Party leaders from hideouts across India to secret meetings that charted the independence struggle.Biju Patnaik met with Jawaharlal Nehru during his participation in Indonesian freedom struggle and became one of his trusted friends. Nehru viewed the freedom struggle of the Indonesian people as parallel to that of India, and viewed Indonesia as a potential ally. When the Dutch attempted to quell Indonesian independence on 21 July 1947, President Sukarno ordered Sjahrir, the former prime minister of Indonesia, to leave the country to attend the first Inter-Asia Conference, organised by Nehru, in July 1947 and to foment international public opinion against the Dutch. Sjahrir was unable to leave as the Dutch controlled the Indonesian sea and air routes. Nehru asked Biju Patnaik, who was adventurous and an expert pilot, to rescue Sjahrir and other Indonesian resistance fighters who were fighting their Dutch colonisers. Biju Patnaik and his wife Gyanwati, flew to Java, dodging the Dutch guns, he entered Indonesian airspace and landed on an improvised airstrip near Jakarta. Using left-over fuel from abandoned Japanese military dumps, Patnaik took off with prominent rebels, including Sultan Sjahrir and Achmad Sukarno, for a secret meeting with Nehru at New Delhi and brought out on a Douglas C-47 (Dakota) military aircraft reaching India via Singapore on 24 July 1947. For this act of bravery, Patnaik was given honorary citizenship in Indonesia and awarded the 'Bhoomi Putra', the highest Indonesian award, rarely granted to a foreigner. In 1995, when Indonesia was celebrating its 50th Independence Day, Biju Patnaik was awarded the highest national award, the "Bintang Jasa Utama".In 2015, Sukarno's daughter Megawati Sukarnoputri recounted how it was Patnaik who suggested she be named Meghavati or "daughter of clouds". She, whose full name is Diah Permata Megawati Setiawati Sukarnoputri, later became Indonesia's first female president, serving from 2001 to 2004.In 2021, the Indonesian Embassy in New Delhi designated a room on the name of Biju Patnaik. On the walls of the Biju Patnaik room are photographs, newspaper clippings and letters that document Mr. Patnaik’s secret assignments to fly out Indonesian leaders, as well as his relations with the Indonesian leadership.Biju Patnaik flew many sorties on his Dakota DC-3 from Delhi Safdarjung Airport on 27 October 1947, after the first Dakota DC-3 (Reg. No: VP 905) flown by Wg. Cdr. KL Bhatia landed in Srinagar Airport early morning. He brought 17 soldiers of 1-Sikh regiment commanded by Lt. Col. Dewan Ranjit Rai. He flew low on the airstrip twice to ensure that no raiders were around. Instructions from Prime Minister Nehru's office were clear: If the airport was taken over by the enemy, he was not to land. Taking a full circle the DC-3 flew ground level. Anxious eye balls peered from inside the aircraft – only to find the airstrip empty. Nary a soul was in sight. The raiders were busy distributing the spoils of war amongst them in Baramulla.Patnaik's political ideals were centred in socialism and federalism. His strong advocacy for equal resources to all Indian states who needed such, made him a champion of his Odia constituents.In 1946 Patnaik was elected uncontested to the Odisha Legislative Assembly from North Cuttack constituency. In 1952 and 1957 he won from Jagannathprasad and Surada, respectively. In 1960 he assumed the presidency of the state Congress. Under his leadership, the Congress Party won 82 of 140 seats and Patnaik (representing Chowdwar constituency) became the chief minister of Odisha on 23 June 1961 and remained in the position until 2 October 1963 when he resigned from the post under the Kamaraj Plan to revitalise the Congress party. He was the Chief Minister of Odisha at the age of 45.Patnaik was close to Indira Gandhi who took over the Congress Party in 1967. However, they clashed in 1969 over the Presidential election. He left the Congress and formed a regional party—the Utkal Congress. In the 1971 assembly poll, his party did reasonably well. Patnaik then re-established contact with his old friend Jayaprakash Narayan and plunged into the JP movement as it picked up momentum in 1974. When the Emergency was declared in 1975, Biju Patnaik was one of the first to be arrested along with other opposition leaders.He was released in 1977. Later, in the same year, he was elected to the Lok Sabha for the first time from Kendrapara and became Union minister for steel and mines in both the Morarji Desai and the Charan Singh governments until 1979. He was re-elected to the Lok Sabha again in 1980 and 1984 from Kendrapara as Janata Party candidate despite the Congress wave in 1984 following Indira Gandhi's death. With the Congress defeat in 1989, he bounced back into the political limelight. However, after playing a key behind-the-scenes role in manoeuvring V. P. Singh to the Prime Minister's post, he again chose to go back to Odisha, and prepared for the assembly election. In 1990 state assembly election, the Janata Dal received a thumping majority (two-thirds of the assembly seats) which saw Biju Patnaik being the Chief Minister of Odisha for the second time until 1995.Patnaik was re-elected to the Lok Sabha in 1996 from Cuttack and Aska constituencies as a Janata Dal candidate. He retained the latter until his death on 17 April 1997 of cardio-respiratory failure.In 1992, Bijayananda Patnaik left this quote for the people of Odisha;"In my dream of the 21st century for the State, I would have young men and women who put the interest of the State before them. They will have pride in themselves, confidence in themselves. They will not be at anybody's mercy, except their own selves. By their brains, intelligence and capacity, they will recapture the history of Kalinga."Biju Patnaik set up Kalinga tubes, Kalinga Airlines, Kalinga Iron work, Kalinga Refractories and the Kalinga, a daily Oriya newspaper. In 1951 he established the international Kalinga Prize for popularisation of Science and Technology among the people and entrusted the responsibility to the UNESCO. The projects which he was known to have spearheaded includes the Port of Paradip, Orissa aviation centre, Bhubaneswar Airport, the Cuttack-Jagatpur Mahanadi highway bridge, Regional Engineering College, Rourkela, Sainik School Bhubaneswar, Orissa University of Agriculture and Technology-Bhubaneswar, NALCO (National Aluminum Company), Talcher Thermal Power Station, Balimela Hydel Project, HAL-Sunabeda and the Choudwar & Barbil industrial belts.He also established the Kalinga Cup in football.Biju Patnaik was married to Gyan Patnaik, who belonged to Punjab, due to which he is known as a son-in-law of Punjab as well. Just like Biju his wife too was a pilot. In fact, she was the first Indian lady to get a commercial pilot's license. In the 1940s, Gyan Patnaik accompanied Biju in the freedom struggle movement and evacuation of British families from Rangoon when the Japanese laid siege on the region.Biju Patnaik's younger son, Naveen Patnaik, is the current Chief Minister of Odisha. His daughter, Gita Mehta, is an English writer. His elder son Prem Patnaik is a Delhi-based industrialist.The Government of Odisha has named several institutions after the name of Biju Patanaik. They include the Biju Patnaik Airport at Bhubaneswar, the Biju Patnaik University of Technology, Biju Patnaik Stadium at Nalco Nagar, Angul etc. Also his son Naveen Patnaik made his birthday 5 March as the Panchayat Raj Divas, a holiday in Odisha in his memory. The Biju Patnaik 5 Rupee commemorative coin was released in 2016. The glimpse of Biju Patnaik's stature can be understood by the fact that when he died, his coffin was wrapped in the national flags of India, Russia, and Indonesia.An avid Bridge player, Patnaik was the father of author Gita Mehta and Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik.	[ "Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 8th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of Rajya Sabha", "Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 7th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly" ]
Which position did Biju Patnaik hold in Jul 13, 1996?	July 13, 1996	{ "text": [ "Member of the 11th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly" ] }	L2_Q3526595_P39_13	Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of Rajya Sabha from Apr, 1966 to Oct, 1971. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1952. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 11th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1996 to Apr, 1997. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1974 to Apr, 1977. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 7th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1984. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1990 to Mar, 1995. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Jun, 1980. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1961. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Sep, 1971 to Jan, 1973. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 8th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1989. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1957. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1967. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Apr, 1997.	Biju PatnaikBijayananda Patnaik (5 March 1916 – 17 April 1997), popularly known as Biju Patnaik, was an Indian politician, aviator and businessman. As politician, he served twice as the Chief Minister of the State of Odisha.Biju Patnaik was born on 5 March in a karan kayastha family 1916 in Cuttack to Lakshminarayan and Ashalata Patnaik. His parents belong to G.Nuagan, Bellaguntha, Ganjam district, around 80 km from Bramhapur. He was educated at Ravenshaw College in Odisha but due to his interest in aviation he dropped out and trained as a pilot Patnaik flew with private airlines but at the start of the Second World War he joined the Royal Indian Air Force eventually becoming head of air transport command. While in service he began an interest in nationalist politics and used air force transports to deliver what was seen as subversive literature to Indian troops. But Patnaik remained committed to fighting the Axis Powers. He was jailed by the British for dropping political leaflets to Indian soldiers fighting under British command in Burma and flying clandestine missions that carried Congress Party leaders from hideouts across India to secret meetings that charted the independence struggle.Biju Patnaik met with Jawaharlal Nehru during his participation in Indonesian freedom struggle and became one of his trusted friends. Nehru viewed the freedom struggle of the Indonesian people as parallel to that of India, and viewed Indonesia as a potential ally. When the Dutch attempted to quell Indonesian independence on 21 July 1947, President Sukarno ordered Sjahrir, the former prime minister of Indonesia, to leave the country to attend the first Inter-Asia Conference, organised by Nehru, in July 1947 and to foment international public opinion against the Dutch. Sjahrir was unable to leave as the Dutch controlled the Indonesian sea and air routes. Nehru asked Biju Patnaik, who was adventurous and an expert pilot, to rescue Sjahrir and other Indonesian resistance fighters who were fighting their Dutch colonisers. Biju Patnaik and his wife Gyanwati, flew to Java, dodging the Dutch guns, he entered Indonesian airspace and landed on an improvised airstrip near Jakarta. Using left-over fuel from abandoned Japanese military dumps, Patnaik took off with prominent rebels, including Sultan Sjahrir and Achmad Sukarno, for a secret meeting with Nehru at New Delhi and brought out on a Douglas C-47 (Dakota) military aircraft reaching India via Singapore on 24 July 1947. For this act of bravery, Patnaik was given honorary citizenship in Indonesia and awarded the 'Bhoomi Putra', the highest Indonesian award, rarely granted to a foreigner. In 1995, when Indonesia was celebrating its 50th Independence Day, Biju Patnaik was awarded the highest national award, the "Bintang Jasa Utama".In 2015, Sukarno's daughter Megawati Sukarnoputri recounted how it was Patnaik who suggested she be named Meghavati or "daughter of clouds". She, whose full name is Diah Permata Megawati Setiawati Sukarnoputri, later became Indonesia's first female president, serving from 2001 to 2004.In 2021, the Indonesian Embassy in New Delhi designated a room on the name of Biju Patnaik. On the walls of the Biju Patnaik room are photographs, newspaper clippings and letters that document Mr. Patnaik’s secret assignments to fly out Indonesian leaders, as well as his relations with the Indonesian leadership.Biju Patnaik flew many sorties on his Dakota DC-3 from Delhi Safdarjung Airport on 27 October 1947, after the first Dakota DC-3 (Reg. No: VP 905) flown by Wg. Cdr. KL Bhatia landed in Srinagar Airport early morning. He brought 17 soldiers of 1-Sikh regiment commanded by Lt. Col. Dewan Ranjit Rai. He flew low on the airstrip twice to ensure that no raiders were around. Instructions from Prime Minister Nehru's office were clear: If the airport was taken over by the enemy, he was not to land. Taking a full circle the DC-3 flew ground level. Anxious eye balls peered from inside the aircraft – only to find the airstrip empty. Nary a soul was in sight. The raiders were busy distributing the spoils of war amongst them in Baramulla.Patnaik's political ideals were centred in socialism and federalism. His strong advocacy for equal resources to all Indian states who needed such, made him a champion of his Odia constituents.In 1946 Patnaik was elected uncontested to the Odisha Legislative Assembly from North Cuttack constituency. In 1952 and 1957 he won from Jagannathprasad and Surada, respectively. In 1960 he assumed the presidency of the state Congress. Under his leadership, the Congress Party won 82 of 140 seats and Patnaik (representing Chowdwar constituency) became the chief minister of Odisha on 23 June 1961 and remained in the position until 2 October 1963 when he resigned from the post under the Kamaraj Plan to revitalise the Congress party. He was the Chief Minister of Odisha at the age of 45.Patnaik was close to Indira Gandhi who took over the Congress Party in 1967. However, they clashed in 1969 over the Presidential election. He left the Congress and formed a regional party—the Utkal Congress. In the 1971 assembly poll, his party did reasonably well. Patnaik then re-established contact with his old friend Jayaprakash Narayan and plunged into the JP movement as it picked up momentum in 1974. When the Emergency was declared in 1975, Biju Patnaik was one of the first to be arrested along with other opposition leaders.He was released in 1977. Later, in the same year, he was elected to the Lok Sabha for the first time from Kendrapara and became Union minister for steel and mines in both the Morarji Desai and the Charan Singh governments until 1979. He was re-elected to the Lok Sabha again in 1980 and 1984 from Kendrapara as Janata Party candidate despite the Congress wave in 1984 following Indira Gandhi's death. With the Congress defeat in 1989, he bounced back into the political limelight. However, after playing a key behind-the-scenes role in manoeuvring V. P. Singh to the Prime Minister's post, he again chose to go back to Odisha, and prepared for the assembly election. In 1990 state assembly election, the Janata Dal received a thumping majority (two-thirds of the assembly seats) which saw Biju Patnaik being the Chief Minister of Odisha for the second time until 1995.Patnaik was re-elected to the Lok Sabha in 1996 from Cuttack and Aska constituencies as a Janata Dal candidate. He retained the latter until his death on 17 April 1997 of cardio-respiratory failure.In 1992, Bijayananda Patnaik left this quote for the people of Odisha;"In my dream of the 21st century for the State, I would have young men and women who put the interest of the State before them. They will have pride in themselves, confidence in themselves. They will not be at anybody's mercy, except their own selves. By their brains, intelligence and capacity, they will recapture the history of Kalinga."Biju Patnaik set up Kalinga tubes, Kalinga Airlines, Kalinga Iron work, Kalinga Refractories and the Kalinga, a daily Oriya newspaper. In 1951 he established the international Kalinga Prize for popularisation of Science and Technology among the people and entrusted the responsibility to the UNESCO. The projects which he was known to have spearheaded includes the Port of Paradip, Orissa aviation centre, Bhubaneswar Airport, the Cuttack-Jagatpur Mahanadi highway bridge, Regional Engineering College, Rourkela, Sainik School Bhubaneswar, Orissa University of Agriculture and Technology-Bhubaneswar, NALCO (National Aluminum Company), Talcher Thermal Power Station, Balimela Hydel Project, HAL-Sunabeda and the Choudwar & Barbil industrial belts.He also established the Kalinga Cup in football.Biju Patnaik was married to Gyan Patnaik, who belonged to Punjab, due to which he is known as a son-in-law of Punjab as well. Just like Biju his wife too was a pilot. In fact, she was the first Indian lady to get a commercial pilot's license. In the 1940s, Gyan Patnaik accompanied Biju in the freedom struggle movement and evacuation of British families from Rangoon when the Japanese laid siege on the region.Biju Patnaik's younger son, Naveen Patnaik, is the current Chief Minister of Odisha. His daughter, Gita Mehta, is an English writer. His elder son Prem Patnaik is a Delhi-based industrialist.The Government of Odisha has named several institutions after the name of Biju Patanaik. They include the Biju Patnaik Airport at Bhubaneswar, the Biju Patnaik University of Technology, Biju Patnaik Stadium at Nalco Nagar, Angul etc. Also his son Naveen Patnaik made his birthday 5 March as the Panchayat Raj Divas, a holiday in Odisha in his memory. The Biju Patnaik 5 Rupee commemorative coin was released in 2016. The glimpse of Biju Patnaik's stature can be understood by the fact that when he died, his coffin was wrapped in the national flags of India, Russia, and Indonesia.An avid Bridge player, Patnaik was the father of author Gita Mehta and Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik.	[ "Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 8th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of Rajya Sabha", "Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 7th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly" ]
Which position did Biju Patnaik hold in 07/13/1996?	July 13, 1996	{ "text": [ "Member of the 11th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly" ] }	L2_Q3526595_P39_13	Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of Rajya Sabha from Apr, 1966 to Oct, 1971. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1952. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 11th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1996 to Apr, 1997. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1974 to Apr, 1977. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 7th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1984. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1990 to Mar, 1995. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Jun, 1980. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1961. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Sep, 1971 to Jan, 1973. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 8th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1989. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1957. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1967. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Apr, 1997.	Biju PatnaikBijayananda Patnaik (5 March 1916 – 17 April 1997), popularly known as Biju Patnaik, was an Indian politician, aviator and businessman. As politician, he served twice as the Chief Minister of the State of Odisha.Biju Patnaik was born on 5 March in a karan kayastha family 1916 in Cuttack to Lakshminarayan and Ashalata Patnaik. His parents belong to G.Nuagan, Bellaguntha, Ganjam district, around 80 km from Bramhapur. He was educated at Ravenshaw College in Odisha but due to his interest in aviation he dropped out and trained as a pilot Patnaik flew with private airlines but at the start of the Second World War he joined the Royal Indian Air Force eventually becoming head of air transport command. While in service he began an interest in nationalist politics and used air force transports to deliver what was seen as subversive literature to Indian troops. But Patnaik remained committed to fighting the Axis Powers. He was jailed by the British for dropping political leaflets to Indian soldiers fighting under British command in Burma and flying clandestine missions that carried Congress Party leaders from hideouts across India to secret meetings that charted the independence struggle.Biju Patnaik met with Jawaharlal Nehru during his participation in Indonesian freedom struggle and became one of his trusted friends. Nehru viewed the freedom struggle of the Indonesian people as parallel to that of India, and viewed Indonesia as a potential ally. When the Dutch attempted to quell Indonesian independence on 21 July 1947, President Sukarno ordered Sjahrir, the former prime minister of Indonesia, to leave the country to attend the first Inter-Asia Conference, organised by Nehru, in July 1947 and to foment international public opinion against the Dutch. Sjahrir was unable to leave as the Dutch controlled the Indonesian sea and air routes. Nehru asked Biju Patnaik, who was adventurous and an expert pilot, to rescue Sjahrir and other Indonesian resistance fighters who were fighting their Dutch colonisers. Biju Patnaik and his wife Gyanwati, flew to Java, dodging the Dutch guns, he entered Indonesian airspace and landed on an improvised airstrip near Jakarta. Using left-over fuel from abandoned Japanese military dumps, Patnaik took off with prominent rebels, including Sultan Sjahrir and Achmad Sukarno, for a secret meeting with Nehru at New Delhi and brought out on a Douglas C-47 (Dakota) military aircraft reaching India via Singapore on 24 July 1947. For this act of bravery, Patnaik was given honorary citizenship in Indonesia and awarded the 'Bhoomi Putra', the highest Indonesian award, rarely granted to a foreigner. In 1995, when Indonesia was celebrating its 50th Independence Day, Biju Patnaik was awarded the highest national award, the "Bintang Jasa Utama".In 2015, Sukarno's daughter Megawati Sukarnoputri recounted how it was Patnaik who suggested she be named Meghavati or "daughter of clouds". She, whose full name is Diah Permata Megawati Setiawati Sukarnoputri, later became Indonesia's first female president, serving from 2001 to 2004.In 2021, the Indonesian Embassy in New Delhi designated a room on the name of Biju Patnaik. On the walls of the Biju Patnaik room are photographs, newspaper clippings and letters that document Mr. Patnaik’s secret assignments to fly out Indonesian leaders, as well as his relations with the Indonesian leadership.Biju Patnaik flew many sorties on his Dakota DC-3 from Delhi Safdarjung Airport on 27 October 1947, after the first Dakota DC-3 (Reg. No: VP 905) flown by Wg. Cdr. KL Bhatia landed in Srinagar Airport early morning. He brought 17 soldiers of 1-Sikh regiment commanded by Lt. Col. Dewan Ranjit Rai. He flew low on the airstrip twice to ensure that no raiders were around. Instructions from Prime Minister Nehru's office were clear: If the airport was taken over by the enemy, he was not to land. Taking a full circle the DC-3 flew ground level. Anxious eye balls peered from inside the aircraft – only to find the airstrip empty. Nary a soul was in sight. The raiders were busy distributing the spoils of war amongst them in Baramulla.Patnaik's political ideals were centred in socialism and federalism. His strong advocacy for equal resources to all Indian states who needed such, made him a champion of his Odia constituents.In 1946 Patnaik was elected uncontested to the Odisha Legislative Assembly from North Cuttack constituency. In 1952 and 1957 he won from Jagannathprasad and Surada, respectively. In 1960 he assumed the presidency of the state Congress. Under his leadership, the Congress Party won 82 of 140 seats and Patnaik (representing Chowdwar constituency) became the chief minister of Odisha on 23 June 1961 and remained in the position until 2 October 1963 when he resigned from the post under the Kamaraj Plan to revitalise the Congress party. He was the Chief Minister of Odisha at the age of 45.Patnaik was close to Indira Gandhi who took over the Congress Party in 1967. However, they clashed in 1969 over the Presidential election. He left the Congress and formed a regional party—the Utkal Congress. In the 1971 assembly poll, his party did reasonably well. Patnaik then re-established contact with his old friend Jayaprakash Narayan and plunged into the JP movement as it picked up momentum in 1974. When the Emergency was declared in 1975, Biju Patnaik was one of the first to be arrested along with other opposition leaders.He was released in 1977. Later, in the same year, he was elected to the Lok Sabha for the first time from Kendrapara and became Union minister for steel and mines in both the Morarji Desai and the Charan Singh governments until 1979. He was re-elected to the Lok Sabha again in 1980 and 1984 from Kendrapara as Janata Party candidate despite the Congress wave in 1984 following Indira Gandhi's death. With the Congress defeat in 1989, he bounced back into the political limelight. However, after playing a key behind-the-scenes role in manoeuvring V. P. Singh to the Prime Minister's post, he again chose to go back to Odisha, and prepared for the assembly election. In 1990 state assembly election, the Janata Dal received a thumping majority (two-thirds of the assembly seats) which saw Biju Patnaik being the Chief Minister of Odisha for the second time until 1995.Patnaik was re-elected to the Lok Sabha in 1996 from Cuttack and Aska constituencies as a Janata Dal candidate. He retained the latter until his death on 17 April 1997 of cardio-respiratory failure.In 1992, Bijayananda Patnaik left this quote for the people of Odisha;"In my dream of the 21st century for the State, I would have young men and women who put the interest of the State before them. They will have pride in themselves, confidence in themselves. They will not be at anybody's mercy, except their own selves. By their brains, intelligence and capacity, they will recapture the history of Kalinga."Biju Patnaik set up Kalinga tubes, Kalinga Airlines, Kalinga Iron work, Kalinga Refractories and the Kalinga, a daily Oriya newspaper. In 1951 he established the international Kalinga Prize for popularisation of Science and Technology among the people and entrusted the responsibility to the UNESCO. The projects which he was known to have spearheaded includes the Port of Paradip, Orissa aviation centre, Bhubaneswar Airport, the Cuttack-Jagatpur Mahanadi highway bridge, Regional Engineering College, Rourkela, Sainik School Bhubaneswar, Orissa University of Agriculture and Technology-Bhubaneswar, NALCO (National Aluminum Company), Talcher Thermal Power Station, Balimela Hydel Project, HAL-Sunabeda and the Choudwar & Barbil industrial belts.He also established the Kalinga Cup in football.Biju Patnaik was married to Gyan Patnaik, who belonged to Punjab, due to which he is known as a son-in-law of Punjab as well. Just like Biju his wife too was a pilot. In fact, she was the first Indian lady to get a commercial pilot's license. In the 1940s, Gyan Patnaik accompanied Biju in the freedom struggle movement and evacuation of British families from Rangoon when the Japanese laid siege on the region.Biju Patnaik's younger son, Naveen Patnaik, is the current Chief Minister of Odisha. His daughter, Gita Mehta, is an English writer. His elder son Prem Patnaik is a Delhi-based industrialist.The Government of Odisha has named several institutions after the name of Biju Patanaik. They include the Biju Patnaik Airport at Bhubaneswar, the Biju Patnaik University of Technology, Biju Patnaik Stadium at Nalco Nagar, Angul etc. Also his son Naveen Patnaik made his birthday 5 March as the Panchayat Raj Divas, a holiday in Odisha in his memory. The Biju Patnaik 5 Rupee commemorative coin was released in 2016. The glimpse of Biju Patnaik's stature can be understood by the fact that when he died, his coffin was wrapped in the national flags of India, Russia, and Indonesia.An avid Bridge player, Patnaik was the father of author Gita Mehta and Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik.	[ "Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 8th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of Rajya Sabha", "Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 7th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly" ]
Which position did Biju Patnaik hold in 13-Jul-199613-July-1996?	July 13, 1996	{ "text": [ "Member of the 11th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly" ] }	L2_Q3526595_P39_13	Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of Rajya Sabha from Apr, 1966 to Oct, 1971. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1952. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 11th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1996 to Apr, 1997. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1974 to Apr, 1977. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 7th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1984. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1990 to Mar, 1995. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jun, 1980 to Jun, 1980. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1961. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Sep, 1971 to Jan, 1973. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1985 to Mar, 1990. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the 8th Lok Sabha from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1989. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1952 to Jan, 1957. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1967. Biju Patnaik holds the position of Member of the Eleventh Odisha Legislative Assembly from Mar, 1995 to Apr, 1997.	Biju PatnaikBijayananda Patnaik (5 March 1916 – 17 April 1997), popularly known as Biju Patnaik, was an Indian politician, aviator and businessman. As politician, he served twice as the Chief Minister of the State of Odisha.Biju Patnaik was born on 5 March in a karan kayastha family 1916 in Cuttack to Lakshminarayan and Ashalata Patnaik. His parents belong to G.Nuagan, Bellaguntha, Ganjam district, around 80 km from Bramhapur. He was educated at Ravenshaw College in Odisha but due to his interest in aviation he dropped out and trained as a pilot Patnaik flew with private airlines but at the start of the Second World War he joined the Royal Indian Air Force eventually becoming head of air transport command. While in service he began an interest in nationalist politics and used air force transports to deliver what was seen as subversive literature to Indian troops. But Patnaik remained committed to fighting the Axis Powers. He was jailed by the British for dropping political leaflets to Indian soldiers fighting under British command in Burma and flying clandestine missions that carried Congress Party leaders from hideouts across India to secret meetings that charted the independence struggle.Biju Patnaik met with Jawaharlal Nehru during his participation in Indonesian freedom struggle and became one of his trusted friends. Nehru viewed the freedom struggle of the Indonesian people as parallel to that of India, and viewed Indonesia as a potential ally. When the Dutch attempted to quell Indonesian independence on 21 July 1947, President Sukarno ordered Sjahrir, the former prime minister of Indonesia, to leave the country to attend the first Inter-Asia Conference, organised by Nehru, in July 1947 and to foment international public opinion against the Dutch. Sjahrir was unable to leave as the Dutch controlled the Indonesian sea and air routes. Nehru asked Biju Patnaik, who was adventurous and an expert pilot, to rescue Sjahrir and other Indonesian resistance fighters who were fighting their Dutch colonisers. Biju Patnaik and his wife Gyanwati, flew to Java, dodging the Dutch guns, he entered Indonesian airspace and landed on an improvised airstrip near Jakarta. Using left-over fuel from abandoned Japanese military dumps, Patnaik took off with prominent rebels, including Sultan Sjahrir and Achmad Sukarno, for a secret meeting with Nehru at New Delhi and brought out on a Douglas C-47 (Dakota) military aircraft reaching India via Singapore on 24 July 1947. For this act of bravery, Patnaik was given honorary citizenship in Indonesia and awarded the 'Bhoomi Putra', the highest Indonesian award, rarely granted to a foreigner. In 1995, when Indonesia was celebrating its 50th Independence Day, Biju Patnaik was awarded the highest national award, the "Bintang Jasa Utama".In 2015, Sukarno's daughter Megawati Sukarnoputri recounted how it was Patnaik who suggested she be named Meghavati or "daughter of clouds". She, whose full name is Diah Permata Megawati Setiawati Sukarnoputri, later became Indonesia's first female president, serving from 2001 to 2004.In 2021, the Indonesian Embassy in New Delhi designated a room on the name of Biju Patnaik. On the walls of the Biju Patnaik room are photographs, newspaper clippings and letters that document Mr. Patnaik’s secret assignments to fly out Indonesian leaders, as well as his relations with the Indonesian leadership.Biju Patnaik flew many sorties on his Dakota DC-3 from Delhi Safdarjung Airport on 27 October 1947, after the first Dakota DC-3 (Reg. No: VP 905) flown by Wg. Cdr. KL Bhatia landed in Srinagar Airport early morning. He brought 17 soldiers of 1-Sikh regiment commanded by Lt. Col. Dewan Ranjit Rai. He flew low on the airstrip twice to ensure that no raiders were around. Instructions from Prime Minister Nehru's office were clear: If the airport was taken over by the enemy, he was not to land. Taking a full circle the DC-3 flew ground level. Anxious eye balls peered from inside the aircraft – only to find the airstrip empty. Nary a soul was in sight. The raiders were busy distributing the spoils of war amongst them in Baramulla.Patnaik's political ideals were centred in socialism and federalism. His strong advocacy for equal resources to all Indian states who needed such, made him a champion of his Odia constituents.In 1946 Patnaik was elected uncontested to the Odisha Legislative Assembly from North Cuttack constituency. In 1952 and 1957 he won from Jagannathprasad and Surada, respectively. In 1960 he assumed the presidency of the state Congress. Under his leadership, the Congress Party won 82 of 140 seats and Patnaik (representing Chowdwar constituency) became the chief minister of Odisha on 23 June 1961 and remained in the position until 2 October 1963 when he resigned from the post under the Kamaraj Plan to revitalise the Congress party. He was the Chief Minister of Odisha at the age of 45.Patnaik was close to Indira Gandhi who took over the Congress Party in 1967. However, they clashed in 1969 over the Presidential election. He left the Congress and formed a regional party—the Utkal Congress. In the 1971 assembly poll, his party did reasonably well. Patnaik then re-established contact with his old friend Jayaprakash Narayan and plunged into the JP movement as it picked up momentum in 1974. When the Emergency was declared in 1975, Biju Patnaik was one of the first to be arrested along with other opposition leaders.He was released in 1977. Later, in the same year, he was elected to the Lok Sabha for the first time from Kendrapara and became Union minister for steel and mines in both the Morarji Desai and the Charan Singh governments until 1979. He was re-elected to the Lok Sabha again in 1980 and 1984 from Kendrapara as Janata Party candidate despite the Congress wave in 1984 following Indira Gandhi's death. With the Congress defeat in 1989, he bounced back into the political limelight. However, after playing a key behind-the-scenes role in manoeuvring V. P. Singh to the Prime Minister's post, he again chose to go back to Odisha, and prepared for the assembly election. In 1990 state assembly election, the Janata Dal received a thumping majority (two-thirds of the assembly seats) which saw Biju Patnaik being the Chief Minister of Odisha for the second time until 1995.Patnaik was re-elected to the Lok Sabha in 1996 from Cuttack and Aska constituencies as a Janata Dal candidate. He retained the latter until his death on 17 April 1997 of cardio-respiratory failure.In 1992, Bijayananda Patnaik left this quote for the people of Odisha;"In my dream of the 21st century for the State, I would have young men and women who put the interest of the State before them. They will have pride in themselves, confidence in themselves. They will not be at anybody's mercy, except their own selves. By their brains, intelligence and capacity, they will recapture the history of Kalinga."Biju Patnaik set up Kalinga tubes, Kalinga Airlines, Kalinga Iron work, Kalinga Refractories and the Kalinga, a daily Oriya newspaper. In 1951 he established the international Kalinga Prize for popularisation of Science and Technology among the people and entrusted the responsibility to the UNESCO. The projects which he was known to have spearheaded includes the Port of Paradip, Orissa aviation centre, Bhubaneswar Airport, the Cuttack-Jagatpur Mahanadi highway bridge, Regional Engineering College, Rourkela, Sainik School Bhubaneswar, Orissa University of Agriculture and Technology-Bhubaneswar, NALCO (National Aluminum Company), Talcher Thermal Power Station, Balimela Hydel Project, HAL-Sunabeda and the Choudwar & Barbil industrial belts.He also established the Kalinga Cup in football.Biju Patnaik was married to Gyan Patnaik, who belonged to Punjab, due to which he is known as a son-in-law of Punjab as well. Just like Biju his wife too was a pilot. In fact, she was the first Indian lady to get a commercial pilot's license. In the 1940s, Gyan Patnaik accompanied Biju in the freedom struggle movement and evacuation of British families from Rangoon when the Japanese laid siege on the region.Biju Patnaik's younger son, Naveen Patnaik, is the current Chief Minister of Odisha. His daughter, Gita Mehta, is an English writer. His elder son Prem Patnaik is a Delhi-based industrialist.The Government of Odisha has named several institutions after the name of Biju Patanaik. They include the Biju Patnaik Airport at Bhubaneswar, the Biju Patnaik University of Technology, Biju Patnaik Stadium at Nalco Nagar, Angul etc. Also his son Naveen Patnaik made his birthday 5 March as the Panchayat Raj Divas, a holiday in Odisha in his memory. The Biju Patnaik 5 Rupee commemorative coin was released in 2016. The glimpse of Biju Patnaik's stature can be understood by the fact that when he died, his coffin was wrapped in the national flags of India, Russia, and Indonesia.An avid Bridge player, Patnaik was the father of author Gita Mehta and Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik.	[ "Member of the Second Pre-Ind. Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Fifth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 8th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Sixth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the First Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of Rajya Sabha", "Member of the Eighth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Tenth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Ninth Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the 7th Lok Sabha", "Member of the Third Odisha Legislative Assembly", "Member of the Second Odisha Legislative Assembly" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Bayern Munich in Dec, 2021?	December 22, 2021	{ "text": [ "Julian Nagelsmann" ] }	L2_Q15789_P286_10	Jupp Heynckes is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1987 to Oct, 1991. Niko Kovač is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2018 to Nov, 2019. Giovanni Trapattoni is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1994 to Jun, 1995. Andries Jonker is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Apr, 2011 to Jun, 2011. Julian Nagelsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Jürgen Klinsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Carlo Ancelotti is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Hansi Flick is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Nov, 2019 to Jun, 2021. Ottmar Hitzfeld is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Josep Guardiola is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jun, 2013 to May, 2016. Louis van Gaal is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2009 to Apr, 2011.	FC Bayern MunichFußball-Club Bayern München e. V. (), commonly known as FC Bayern München (), FCB, Bayern Munich, or FC Bayern, is a German professional sports club based in Munich, Bavaria. It is best known for its professional football team, which plays in the Bundesliga, the top tier of the German football league system. Bayern is the most successful club in German football history, having won a record 31 national titles, including nine consecutively since 2013, and 20 national cups, along with numerous European honours.FC Bayern Munich was founded in 1900 by 11 football players, led by Franz John. Although Bayern won its first national championship in 1932, the club was not selected for the Bundesliga at its inception in 1963. The club had its period of greatest success in the mid-1970s when, under the captaincy of Franz Beckenbauer, it won the European Cup three consecutive times (1974–1976). Overall, Bayern has reached eleven European Cup/UEFA Champions League finals, winning their sixth title in the 2020 final as part of a continental treble, after which it became only the second European club to achieve the continental treble twice. Bayern has also won one UEFA Cup, one European Cup Winners' Cup, two UEFA Super Cups, two FIFA Club World Cups and two Intercontinental Cups, making it one of the most successful European clubs internationally and the only German club to have won both international titles. By winning the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup, Bayern Munich became only the second club to win the sextuple. Bayern Munich are one of five clubs to have won all three of UEFA's main club competitions, the only German club to achieve that. As of May 2021, Bayern Munich are ranked first in UEFA club rankings. The club has traditional local rivalries with 1860 Munich and 1. FC Nürnberg, as well as with Borussia Dortmund since the mid-1990s.Since the beginning of the 2005–06 season, Bayern has played its home games at the Allianz Arena. Previously the team had played at Munich's Olympiastadion for 33 years. The team colours are red and white, and the crest shows the white and blue flag of Bavaria. In terms of revenue, Bayern Munich is the largest sports club in Germany and the third highest-earning football club in the world, generating €634.1 million in 2021. In November 2019, Bayern had 293,000 official members and 4,499 officially registered fan clubs with over 350,000 members. The club has other departments for chess, handball, basketball, gymnastics, bowling, table tennis and senior football with more than 1,100 active members.FC Bayern Munich was founded by members of a Munich gymnastics club (MTV 1879). When a congregation of members of MTV 1879 decided on 27 February 1900 that the footballers of the club would not be allowed to join the German Football Association (DFB), 11 members of the football division left the congregation and on the same evening founded Fußball-Club Bayern München. Within a few months, Bayern achieved high-scoring victories against all local rivals, including a 15–0 win against FC Nordstern, and reached the semi-finals of the 1900–01 South German championship. In the following years, the club won some local trophies and in 1910–11 Bayern joined the newly founded "Kreisliga", the first regional Bavarian league. The club won this league in its first year, but did not win it again until the beginning of World War I in 1914, which halted all football activities in Germany. By the end of its first decade of founding, Bayern had attracted its first German national team player, Max "Gaberl" Gablonsky. By 1920, it had over 700 members, making it the largest football club in Munich.In the years after the war, Bayern won several regional competitions before winning its first South German championship in 1926, an achievement repeated two years later. Its first national title was gained in 1932, when coach Richard "Little Dombi" Kohn led the team to the German championship by defeating Eintracht Frankfurt 2–0 in the final.The rise of Adolf Hitler to power put an abrupt end to Bayern's development. Club president Kurt Landauer and the coach, both of whom were Jewish, left the country. Many others in the club were also purged. Bayern was taunted as the "Jew's club" while local rival 1860 Munich gained much support. Josef Sauter, who was inaugurated in 1943, was the only NSDAP member as president. As some Bayern players greeted Landauer, who was watching a Bayern-friendly in Switzerland, lead to continued discrimination. Bayern was also affected by the ruling that football players had to be full amateurs again, which led to the move of the gifted young centre-forward Oskar Rohr to Switzerland. In the following years, Bayern could not sustain its role of contender for the national title, achieving mid-table results in its regional league instead.After the war, Bayern became a member of the Oberliga Süd, the southern conference of the German first division, which was split five ways at that time. Bayern struggled, hiring and firing 13 coaches between 1945 and 1963. Landauer returned from exile in 1947 and was once again appointed club president, the tenure lasted until 1951. He remains as the club's president with the longest accumulated tenure. Landauer has been deemed as inventor of Bayern as a professional club and his memory is being upheld by the Bayern ultras "Schickeria". In 1955, the club was relegated but returned to the "Oberliga" in the following season and won the DFB-Pokal for the first time, beating Fortuna Düsseldorf 1–0 in the final.The club struggled financially, though, verging on bankruptcy at the end of the 1950s. Manufacturer ousted president Reitlinger, who was later convicted for financial irregularities, was ousted in the elections of 1958 by the industrialist Roland Endler. He provided financial stability for the club. Under his reign, Bayern had its best years in the Oberliga. Endler was no longer a candidate in 1962, when Wilhelm Neudecker, who became wealthy in the postwar construction boom, replaced him.In 1963, the Oberligas in Germany were consolidated into one national league, the Bundesliga. Five teams from the Oberliga South were admitted. The key for qualifying for the Bundesliga was the accumulated record of the last twelve years, where Bayern was only the sixth-ranked club. To boot, local rivals TSV 1860 Munich, ranked seventh, were champions of the last Oberliga-Süd season and were given preference on the basis of this achievement. After initial protests of Bayern for alleged mistreatment remained fruitless, president Neudecker rose to the challenge and hired Zlatko Čajkovski, who in 1962 led 1. FC Köln to the national championship. Fielding a team with young talents like Franz Beckenbauer, Gerd Müller and Sepp Maier – who would later be collectively referred to as "the axis", they should achieve promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965.In their first Bundesliga season, Bayern finished third and also won the DFB-Pokal. This qualified them for the following year's European Cup Winners' Cup, which they won in a dramatic final against Scottish club Rangers, when Franz Roth scored the decider in a 1–0 extra time victory. In 1967, Bayern retained the DFB-Pokal, but slow overall progress saw Branko Zebec take over as coach. He replaced Bayern's offensive style of play with a more disciplined approach, and in doing so achieved the first league and cup double in Bundesliga history in 1969. Bayern Munich are one of four German clubs to win the Bundesliga and DFB-Pokal in the same season along with Borussia Dortmund, 1. FC Köln and Werder Bremen. Zebec used only 13 players throughout the season.Udo Lattek took charge in 1970. After winning the DFB-Pokal in his first season, Lattek led Bayern to their third German championship. The deciding match in the 1971–72 season against Schalke 04 was the first match in the new Olympiastadion, and was also the first live televised match in Bundesliga history. Bayern beat Schalke 5–1 and thus claimed the title, also setting several records, including points gained and goals scored. Bayern also won the next two championships, but the zenith was their triumph in the 1974 European Cup Final against Atlético Madrid, which Bayern won 4–0 after a replay. This title – after winning the Cup Winners' trophy 1967 and two semi-finals (1968 and 1972) in that competition – marked the club's breakthrough as a force on the international stage.During the following years, the team was unsuccessful domestically but defended their European title by defeating Leeds United in the 1975 European Cup Final when Roth and Müller secured victory with late goals. "We came back into the game and scored two lucky goals, so in the end, we were the winners, but we were very, very lucky", stated Franz Beckenbauer. Billy Bremner believed the French referee was "very suspicious". Leeds fans then rioted in Paris and were banned from European football for three years. A year later in Glasgow, Saint-Étienne were defeated by another Roth goal and Bayern became the third club to win the trophy in three consecutive years. The final trophy won by Bayern in this era was the Intercontinental Cup, in which they defeated Brazilian club Cruzeiro over two legs. The rest of the decade was a time of change and saw no further titles for Bayern. In 1977, Franz Beckenbauer left for New York Cosmos and, in 1979, Sepp Maier and Uli Hoeneß retired while Gerd Müller joined the Fort Lauderdale Strikers. "Bayerndusel" was coined during this period as an expression of either contempt or envy about the sometimes narrow and last-minute wins against other teams.The 1980s were a period of off-field turmoil for Bayern, with many changes in personnel and financial problems. On the field, Paul Breitner and Karl-Heinz Rummenigge, termed "FC Breitnigge", led the team to Bundesliga titles in 1980 and 1981. Apart from a DFB-Pokal win in 1982, two relatively unsuccessful seasons followed, after which Breitner retired, and former coach Udo Lattek returned. Bayern won the DFB-Pokal in 1984 and went on to win five Bundesliga championships in six seasons, including a double in 1986. European success, however, was elusive during the decade; Bayern managed to claim the runners-up spot in the European Cup in 1982 and 1987.Jupp Heynckes was hired as coach in 1987, but after two consecutive championships in 1988–89 and 1989–90, Bayern's form dipped. After finishing second in 1990–91, the club finished just five points above the relegation places in 1991–92. In 1993–94, Bayern was eliminated in the UEFA Cup second round to Premier League side Norwich City, who remain the only English club to beat Bayern at the Olympiastadion. Success returned when Franz Beckenbauer took over for the second half of the 1993–94 season, winning the championship again after a four-year gap. Beckenbauer was then appointed club president.His successors as coach, Giovanni Trapattoni and Otto Rehhagel, both finished trophyless after a season, not meeting the club's high expectations. During this time, Bayern's players frequently appeared in the gossip pages of the press rather than the sports pages, resulting in the nickname "FC Hollywood". Franz Beckenbauer briefly returned at the end of the 1995–96 season as caretaker coach and led his team to victory in the UEFA Cup, beating Bordeaux in the final. For the 1996–97 season, Trapattoni returned to win the championship. In the following season, Bayern lost the title to newly promoted 1. FC Kaiserslautern and Trapattoni had to take his leave for the second time.After his success at Borussia Dortmund, Bayern were coached by Ottmar Hitzfeld from 1998 to 2004. In Hitzfeld's first season, Bayern won the Bundesliga and came close to winning the Champions League, losing 2–1 to Manchester United into injury time after leading for most of the match. The following year, in the club's centenary season, Bayern won the third league and cup double in its history. A third consecutive Bundesliga title followed in 2001, won with a stoppage time goal on the final day of the league season. Days later, Bayern won the Champions League for the fourth time after a 25-year gap, defeating Valencia on penalties. The 2001–02 season began with a win in the Intercontinental Cup, but ended trophyless otherwise. In 2002–03, Bayern won their fourth double, leading the league by a record margin of 16 points. Hitzfeld's reign ended in 2004, with Bayern underperforming, including defeat by second division Alemannia Aachen in the DFB-Pokal.Felix Magath took over and led Bayern to two consecutive doubles. Prior to the start of the 2005–06 season, Bayern moved from the Olympiastadion to the new Allianz Arena, which the club shared with 1860 Munich. On the field, their performance in 2006–07 was erratic. Trailing in the league and having lost to Alemannia Aachen in the cup yet again, coach Magath was sacked shortly after the winter break.Hitzfeld returned as a trainer in January 2007, but Bayern finished the 2006–07 season in fourth position, thus failing to qualify for the Champions League for the first time in more than a decade. Additional losses in the DFB-Pokal and the DFB-Ligapokal left the club with no honours for the season.For the 2007–08 season, Bayern made drastic squad changes to help rebuild. They signed a total of eight new players and sold, released or loaned out nine of their players. Among new signings were 2006 World Cup stars such as Franck Ribéry, Miroslav Klose and Luca Toni. Bayern went on to win the Bundesliga in convincing fashion, leading the standings on every single week of play, and the DFB-Pokal against Borussia Dortmund.After the season, Bayern's long-term goalkeeper Oliver Kahn retired, which left the club without a top-tier goalkeeper for several seasons. The club's coach Ottmar Hitzfeld also retired and Jürgen Klinsmann was chosen as his successor. However, Klinsmann was sacked even before the end of his first season as Bayern trailed Wolfsburg in the league, had lost the quarterfinal of the DFB-Pokal to Bayer Leverkusen, and had been made look silly in the quarterfinal of the Champions League when FC Barcelona scored four times in the first half of the first leg and over the course of both legs Bayern never looked like they could keep up. Jupp Heynckes was named caretaker coach and led the club to a second-place finish in the league.For the 2009–10 season, Bayern hired Dutch manager Louis van Gaal, and Dutch forward Arjen Robben joined Bayern. Robben, alongside Ribéry, would go on to shape Bayern's playstyle of attacking over the wings for the next ten years. The press quickly dubbed the duo "Robbery". In addition, David Alaba and Thomas Müller were promoted to the first team. With Müller, van Gaal went so far as to proclaim, "With me, Müller always plays," which has become a much-referenced phrase over the years. On the pitch Bayern had its most successful season since 2001, securing the domestic double and losing only in the final of the Champions League to Inter Milan 0–2. Despite the successful 2009–10 campaign, van Gaal was fired in April 2011 as Bayern was trailing in the league and eliminated in the first knockout round of the Champions League, again by Inter. Van Gaal's second in command, Andries Jonker, took over and finished the season in third place.Jupp Heynckes returned for his second permanent spell in the 2011–12 season. Although the club had signed Manuel Neuer, ending Bayern's quest for an adequate substitute for Kahn, and Jérôme Boateng for the season, Bayern remained without a title for the second consecutive season, coming in second to Borussia Dortmund in the league and the cup. The Champions League final was held at the Allianz and Bayern indeed reached the final in their home stadium but lost the "Finale dahoam" as they had termed it to Chelsea on penalties. For the 2012–13 season, Bayern signed Javi Martínez. After Bayern had finished as runner-up to all titles in 2011–12, Bayern went on to win all titles in 2012–13, setting various Bundesliga records along the way, and becoming the first German team to win the treble. Bayern finished the Bundesliga on 91 points, only 11 points shy of a perfect season, and to date, still, the best season ever played. In what was Bayern's third Champions League final appearance within four years, they beat Borussia Dortmund 2–1. A week later, they completed the treble by winning the DFB-Pokal final over VfB Stuttgart. During the season, in January, Bayern had already announced that they would hire Pep Guardiola as coach for the 2013–14 season. Originally the club presented this as Heynckes retiring on the expiration of his contract, but Uli Hoeneß later admitted that it was not Heynckes's decision to leave Bayern at the end of the season. It was actually forced by the club's desire to appoint Guardiola.Bayern fulfilled Guardiola's wish of signing Thiago Alcântara from FC Barcelona and Guardiola's first season started off well with Bayern extending a streak of undefeated league matches from the last season to 53 matches. The eventual loss to Augsburg came two match days after Bayern had already claimed the league title. During the season, Bayern had also claimed two other titles, the FIFA Club World Cup and the UEFA Super Cup, the latter being the last major trophy the club had not yet won. Bayern also won the cup to complete their tenth domestic double, but lost in the semi-final of the Champions League to Real Madrid. Off the pitch, Bayern's president Uli Hoeneß was convicted of tax evasion on 13 March 2014 and sentenced to three and a half years in prison. Hoeneß resigned the next day. Vice-president Karl Hopfner was elected president on 2 May. Before the 2014–15 season, Bayern picked up Robert Lewandowski after his contract had ended at Borussia Dortmund, and loaned out Xabi Alonso from Real Madrid. Bayern also let Toni Kroos leave for Real. Club icons Bastian Schweinsteiger and Claudio Pizarro left before the 2015–16 season. In these two seasons, Bayern defended their league title, including another double in 2015–16, but failed to advance past the semi-finals in the Champions League. Although the club's leadership tried to convince Guardiola to stay, the coach decided not to extend his three-year contract.Carlo Ancelotti was hired as successor to Guardiola. The key transfer for the 2016–17 campaign was Mats Hummels from Borussia Dortmund. Off the pitch Uli Hoeneß had been released early from prison and reelected as president in November 2016. Under Ancelotti, Bayern claimed their fifth consecutive league title, but did not win the cup or the Champions League. In July 2017, Bayern announced that 1860 Munich would leave the Allianz for good as the club had been relegated to the 4th division. Before the 2017–18 season, Bayern made extensive changes to their squad, signing amongst others young prospects such as Kingsley Coman, Corentin Tolisso, Serge Gnabry and Niklas Süle, and loaning James Rodríguez from Real. Meanwhile, the club's captain, Philipp Lahm, and Xabi Alonso retired, and several other players left the club. As Bayern's performances were perceived to be more and more lackluster, Ancelotti was sacked after a 0–3 loss to Paris St. Germain in the Champions League, early in his second season. Willy Sagnol took over as interim manager for a week before it was announced that Jupp Heynckes would finish the season in his fourth spell at the club. During the season, the club urged Heynckes —even publicly— to extend his contract, but Heynckes, aged 73, stayed firm that he would retire for good after the season. The club began a long and extensive search to find a replacement, and eventually Niko Kovač was presented as Heynckes's successor, signing a three-year contract. Heynckes led the club to another championship. In the cup final, Heynckes's last match as coach, Heynckes met his successor on the pitch. Kovač's Eintracht Frankfurt denied Bayern the title, winning 3–1.Kovač's first season at the club started slowly, with Bayern falling behind Dortmund in the league throughout the first half of the season. In contrast to similar situations with van Gaal and Ancelotti, the club's leadership decided to protect their coach from criticisms. However, after the winter break, Bayern quickly closed the distance and put themselves first-place in the league. In the Champions League, the club was eliminated by Liverpool in the round of 16, the first time since 2011 that Bayern did not reach the quarterfinal. During the season Arjen Robben announced that it would be his last season for the club, while Uli Hoeneß announced that Franck Ribéry would be leaving at the end of the season. In March 2019, Bayern announced that they had signed Lucas Hernandez from Atlético Madrid for a club and Bundesliga record fee of €80 million. On 18 May 2019, Bayern won their seventh straight Bundesliga title as they finished two points above second-place Dortmund with 78 points. This Bundesliga title was Ribéry's ninth and Robben's eighth. A week later, Bayern defeated RB Leipzig 3–0 in the 2019 DFB-Pokal Final. With the win, Bayern won their 19th German Cup and completed their 12th domestic double.Hansi Flick joined Bayern Munich on 1 July 2019 as an assistant coach. Under Kovač, Bayern was off to a slow start in the league and after a 5–1 loss to Frankfurt, Kovač and Bayern parted ways on 3 November 2019 with Flick being promoted to interim manager. After a satisfying spell as interim coach, Bayern announced on 22 December 2019 that Flick would remain in charge until the end of season. Bayern's performances on the pitch picked up noticeably and in April 2020, the club agreed with Flick to a new permanent contract through 2023. Under Flick the club won the league, having played the most successful leg of a Bundesliga season in history, and went on to claim the cup, thus completing the club's 13th domestic double. In the Champions League, Bayern reached their first final since 2013, en route beating FC Barcelona 8–2 in the quarter-finals and Lyon 3–0 in the semi-final. In the final, which was held in Lisbon behind closed doors due to the severity of COVID-19 pandemic, they defeated Paris Saint-Germain 1–0. Former PSG player Kingsley Coman scored the only goal of the match. With the victory, they became the second European club to complete the continental treble in two different seasons, matching the 2014–15 FC Barcelona team.After a short break, Bayern started the new season by winning the UEFA Super Cup for the second time in their history. In a closely contested match, Bayern defeated Sevilla 2–1 after extra time, with Javi Martínez scoring the winning goal. In February 2021, they won the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup (postponed from December 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic) after defeating African champions Al Ahly SC 2–0 by a brace from Robert Lewandowski, and then winning in the final against Mexican team Tigres UANL 1–0 after a goal from Benjamin Pavard and became only the second club to win the sextuple, after Barcelona won it in 2009. Later, Bayern failed to defend its Champions League title after losing to PSG in a quarter-final. However, it managed to win its 9th Bundesliga title in a row. During the season Robert Lewandowski broke Gerd Müller's record for the number of goals scored in a Bundesliga season after scoring 41 times.On 27 April 2021, Bayern announced that Flick would be leaving at the end of the season, at his request, and that RB Leipzig manager Julian Nagelsmann would become the new manager, effective 1 July. According to multiple reports, Bayern paid Leipzig €25m, a world record for a manager, as compensation for Nagelsmann's services. It was later announced that Flick was leaving to take charge of the German national team.In the original club constitution, Bayern's colours were named as white and blue, but the club played in white shirts with black shorts until 1905 when Bayern joined MSC. MSC decreed that the footballers would have to play in red shorts. Also, the younger players were called red shorts, which were meant as an insult. For most of the club's early history, Bayern had primarily worn white and maroon home kits. In 1968–69 season, Bayern changed to red and blue striped shirts, with blue shorts and socks. Between 1969 and 1973, the team wore a home strip of red and white striped shirts with either red or white shorts and red socks. In the 1973–74 season, the team switched to an all-white kit featuring single vertical red and blue stripes on the shirt. From 1974 onwards, Bayern has mostly worn an all-red home kit with white trim. Bayern revived the red and blue striped colour scheme between 1995 and 1997. In 1997, blue was the dominant colour for the first time when Adidas released an all navy blue home kit with a red chest band. In 1999, Bayern returned to a predominantly red kit, which featured blue sleeves, and in 2000 the club released a traditional all red kit with white trim to be worn for Champions League matches. Bayern also wore a "Rotwein" coloured home kits in Bundesliga matches between 2001 and 2003, and during the 2006–07 Champions League campaign, in reference to their first-choice colours prior to the late 1960s.The club's away kit has had a wide range of colours over the years, including white, black, blue, and gold-green. Bayern also features a distinct international kit. During the 2013–14 season, Bayern used an all-red home kit with a Bavarian flag diamond watermark pattern, a "Lederhosen" inspired white and black "Oktoberfest" away kit, and an all navy blue international kit.In the 1980s and 1990s, Bayern used a special away kit when playing at 1. FC Kaiserslautern, representing the Brazilian colours blue and yellow, a superstition borne from the fact that the club found it hard to win there.Bayern's crest has changed several times. Originally it consisted of the stylised letters F, C, B, M, which were woven into one symbol. The original crest was blue. The colours of Bavaria were included for the first time in 1954. The crest from 1906 to 1919 denotes "Bayern FA", whereby "FA" stands for "Fußball-Abteilung", i.e., Football Department; Bayern then was integrated into TSV Jahn Munich and constituted its football department.The modern version of the crest has changed from the 1954 version in several steps. While the crest consisted of a single colour only for most of the time, namely blue or red, the current crest is blue, red, and white. It has the colours of Bavaria in its centre, and FC Bayern München is written in white on a red ring enclosing the Bavarian colours.Bayern played its first training games at the Schyrenplatz in the centre of Munich. The first official games were held on the Theresienwiese. In 1901, Bayern moved to a field of its own, located in Schwabing at the Clemensstraße. After joining the Münchner Sport-Club (MSC) in 1906, Bayern moved in May 1907 to MSC's ground at the Leopoldstraße. As the crowds gathering for Bayern's home games increased at the beginning of the 1920s, Bayern had to switch to various other premises in Munich.From 1925, Bayern shared the Grünwalder Stadion with 1860 Munich. Until World War II, the stadium was owned by 1860 Munich, and is still colloquially known as "Sechz'ger" ("Sixties") Stadium. It was destroyed during the war, and efforts to rebuild it resulted in a patchwork. Bayern's record crowd at the Grünwalder Stadion is reported as more than 50,000 in the home game against 1. FC Nürnberg in the 1961–62 season. In the Bundesliga era the stadium had a maximum capacity of 44,000 which was reached on several occasions, but the capacity has since been reduced to 21,272. As was the case at most of this period's stadiums, the vast majority of the stadium was given over to terracing. Today the second teams of both clubs play in the stadium.For the 1972 Summer Olympics, the city of Munich built the Olympiastadion. The stadium, renowned for its architecture, was inaugurated in the last Bundesliga match of the 1971–72 season. The match drew a capacity crowd of 79,000, a total which was reached again on numerous occasions. In its early days, the stadium was considered one of the foremost stadiums in the world and played host to numerous major finals, such as that of 1974 FIFA World Cup. In the following years the stadium underwent several modifications, such as an increase in seating space from approximately 50 per cent to 66 per cent. Eventually, the stadium had a capacity of 63,000 for national matches and 59,000 for international occasions such as European Cup competitions. Many people, however, began to feel that the stadium was too cold in winter, with half the audience exposed to the weather due to lack of cover. A further complaint was the distance between the spectators and the pitch, betraying the stadium's track and field heritage. Renovation proved impossible, as the architect Günther Behnisch vetoed major modifications of the stadium.After much discussion, the city of Munich, the state of Bavaria, Bayern Munich and 1860 Munich jointly decided at the end of 2000 to build a new stadium. While Bayern had wanted a purpose-built football stadium for several years, the awarding of the 2006 FIFA World Cup to Germany stimulated the discussion as the Olympiastadion no longer met the FIFA criteria to host a World Cup game. Located on the northern outskirts of Munich, the Allianz Arena has been in use since the beginning of the 2005–06 season. Its initial capacity of 66,000 fully covered seats has since been increased for matches on national level to 69,901 by transforming 3,000 seats to terracing in a 2:1 ratio. Since August 2012, 2,000 more seats were added in the last row of the top tier increasing the capacity to 71,000. In January 2015, a proposal to increase the capacity was approved by the city council so now Allianz Arena has a capacity of 75,000 (70,000 in Champions League).The stadium's most prominent feature is the translucent outer layer, which can be illuminated in different colors for impressive effects. Red lighting is used for Bayern home games and white for German national team home games.In May 2012, Bayern opened a museum about its history, FC Bayern Erlebniswelt, inside the Allianz Arena.At the 2018 annual general meeting, the Bayern board reported that the club had 291,000 official members and there are 4,433 officially registered fan clubs with over 390,000 members. This makes the club the largest fan membership club in the world. Bayern have fan clubs and supporters all over Germany. Fan club members from all over Germany and nearby Austria and Switzerland often travel more than to Munich to attend home games at the Allianz Arena. Bayern has an average of 75,000 attendees at the Allianz Arena which is at 100 per cent capacity level. Every Bundesliga game has been sold-out for years. Bayern's away games have been sold out for many years. According to a study by Sport+Markt Bayern is the fifth-most popular football club in Europe with 20.7 million supporters, and the most popular football club in Germany with 10 million supporters.Bayern Munich is also renowned for its well-organised ultra scene. The most prominent groups are the "Schickeria München", the "Inferno Bavaria", the "Red Munichs '89", the "Südkurve '73", the "Munichmaniacs 1996", the "Red Angels", and the "Red Sharks". The ultras scene of Bayern Munch has been recognised for certain groups taking stance against right-wing extremism, racism and homophobia, and in 2014 the group Schickeria München received the Julius Hirsch Award by the DFB for its commitment against antisemitism and discrimination.Stern des Südens is the song which fans sing at FCB home games. In the 1990s they also used to sing "FC Bayern, Forever Number One". Another notable song is "Mia San Mia" (Bavarian for "we are who we are") which is a famous motto of the club as well. A renowned catchphrase for the team is ""Packmas"" which is a Bavarian phrase for the German ""Packen wir es"", which means "let's do it". The team's mascot is called "Berni" since 2004.The club also has quite a number of high-profile supporters, among them Pope Benedict XVI, Boris Becker, Wladimir Klitschko, Horst Seehofer and Edmund Stoiber, former Minister-President of Bavaria, to name just a few.Bayern is one of three professional football clubs in Munich. Bayern's main local rival is 1860 Munich, who was the more successful club in the 1950s and was controversially picked for the initial Bundesliga season in 1963, winning a cup and a championship. In the 1970s and 1980s, 1860 Munich moved between the first and the third division. The Munich derby is still a much-anticipated event, getting much extra attention from supporters of both clubs. 1860 Munich is considered more working-class, and therefore suffers from a diminishing fan base in a city where the manufacturing sector is declining. Bayern is considered the establishment club, which is reflected by many board members being business leaders and including the former Bavarian minister-president, Edmund Stoiber. Despite the rivalry, Bayern has repeatedly supported 1860 in times of financial disarray.Since the 1920s, 1. FC Nürnberg has been Bayern's main and traditional rival in Bavaria. Philipp Lahm said that playing Nürnberg is "always special" and is a "heated atmosphere". Both clubs played in the same league in the mid-1920s, but in the 1920s and 1930s, Nürnberg was far more successful, winning five championships in the 1920s, making the club Germany's record champion. Bayern took over the title more than sixty years later, when they won their tenth championship in 1987, thereby surpassing the number of championships won by Nürnberg. The duel between Bayern and Nürnberg is often referred to as the Bavarian Derby.Bayern also enjoys a strong rivalry with the 1. FC Kaiserslautern, originating in parts from a game in 1973, when Bayern lost 7–4 after leading 4–1, but also from the two clubs competing for German championship honours at various times in the Bundesliga as well as the city of Kaiserslautern together with the surrounding Palatinate having been part of Bavaria until a plebiscite after the end of the Second World War.Since the 1970s, Bayern's main rivals have been the clubs who put up the strongest fight against its national dominance. In the 1970s this was Borussia Mönchengladbach, in the 1980s the category expanded to include Hamburger SV. In the 1990s, Borussia Dortmund, Werder Bremen and Bayer Leverkusen emerged as the most ardent opponents. Recently Borussia Dortmund, Schalke, and Werder Bremen have been the main challengers in the Bundesliga. Recently, Bayern's main Bundesliga challenger has been Borussia Dortmund. Bayern and Dortmund have competed against each other for many Bundesliga titles. They also have played against each other in the DFB-Pokal final in 2008, 2012, 2014, and 2016. The 2–5 loss against Dortmund in the 2012 final was Bayern's worst ever loss in a DFB-Pokal final. Bayern and Dortmund have also played against each other in the DFL-Supercup in 1989, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2016, 2017, 2019, and 2020. The height of the competition between the two clubs was when Bayern defeated Dortmund 2–1 in the final of the 2012–13 UEFA Champions League.Amongst Bayern's chief European rivals are Real Madrid, A.C. Milan, and Manchester United due to many classic wins, draws and losses. Real Madrid versus Bayern is the match that has historically been played most often in the Champions League/European Cup with 24 matches. Due to Bayern being traditionally hard to beat for Madrid, Madrid supporters often refer to Bayern as the ""Bestia negra"" ("Black Beast"). Despite the number of duels, Bayern and Real have never met in the final of a Champions League or European Cup.Bayern is led mostly by former club players. From 2016 to 2019, Uli Hoeneß served as the club's president, following Karl Hopfner who had been in office from 2014; Hoeneß had resigned in 2014 after being convicted of tax fraud. Karl-Heinz Rummenigge is the chairman of the executive board of the AG. The supervisory board of nine consists mostly of managers of big German corporations. Besides the club's president and the board's chairman, they are Herbert Hainer former CEO of (Adidas), Dr. Herbert Diess chairman of (Volkswagen), Dr. Werner Zedelius senior advisor at (Allianz), Timotheus Höttges CEO of (Deutsche Telekom), Prof. Dr. Dieter Mayer, Edmund Stoiber, Theodor Weimer CEO of (Deutsche Börse), and Dr. Michael Diederich speaker of the board at (UniCredit Bank).Professional football at Bayern is run by the spin-off organisation "FC Bayern München AG". "AG" is short for "Aktiengesellschaft", and Bayern is run like a joint stock company, a company whose stock are not listed on the public stock exchange, but is privately owned. 75 per cent of "FC Bayern München AG" is owned by the club, the "FC Bayern München e. V." ("e. V." is short for "Eingetragener Verein", which translates into "Registered Club"). Three German corporations, the sports goods manufacturer Adidas, the automobile company Audi and the financial services group Allianz each hold 8.33 per cent of the shares, 25 per cent in total. Adidas acquired its shares in 2002 for €77 million. The money was designated to help finance the Allianz Arena. In 2009 Audi paid €90 million for their share. The capital was used to repay the loan on the Allianz Arena. And in early 2014, Allianz became the third shareholder of the company acquiring theirs share for €110 million. With the sale, Bayern paid off the remaining debt on the Allianz Arena 16 years ahead of schedule. Bayern's other sports departments are run by the club.Bayern's shirt sponsor is Deutsche Telekom. Deutsche Telekom has been Bayern's shirt sponsor since the start of 2002–03 season. The company extended their sponsorship deal in August 2015 until the end of the 2022–23 season. Bayern's kit sponsor is Adidas. Adidas have been Bayern's kit sponsor since 1974. Adidas extended their sponsorship with Bayern on 29 April 2015. The sponsorship deal runs until the end of the 2029–30 season. The premium partners are Audi, Allianz, HypoVereinsbank, Goodyear, Qatar Airways, Siemens, Paulaner Brewery, SAP, DHL, Hamad International Airport and Tipico. Gold sponsors are Coca-Cola, MAN, Procter & Gamble. Classic sponsors are Apple Music, Bayern 3, Beats Electronics, EA Sports, Gigaset, Hugo Boss, Courtyard by Marriott, Veuve Clicquot, and Adelholzener. In previous years the jersey rights were held by Adidas (1974–78), Magirus Deutz and Iveco (1978–84), Commodore (1984–89) and Opel (1989–2002).Bayern is an exception in professional football, having generated profits for 27 consecutive years. Other clubs often report losses, realising transfers via loans, whereas Bayern always uses current assets. In the 2019 edition of the Deloitte Football Money League, Bayern had the fourth-highest revenue in club football, generating revenue of €629.2 million. Bayern differs from other European top clubs in their income composition. The top 20 European football clubs earned 43 per cent of revenue, on average, from broadcasting rights. Bayern earned the only 28 per cent of their revenue that way. Bayern had the second-highest commercial revenue in the 2019 Deloitte Football Money League, behind only Real Madrid. Bayern's commercial revenue was €348.7 million (55 per cent of total revenue). In contrast, Bayern's Matchday revenue trails other top clubs at €103.8 million (17 per cent of their total revenue).While other European clubs have mainly marketed to international audiences, Bayern had focused on Germany. In recent years Bayern have started to focus their marketing more on Asia and the United States. Bayern made summer tours to the United States in 2014 and 2016. Bayern went to China in the summer of 2015 and returned in the summer of 2017 where they also played games in Singapore. In August 2014 Bayern opened an office in New York City as the club wants to strengthen their brand positioning against other top European clubs in the United States. In March 2017, Bayern was the first foreign football club to open an office in mainland China. Bayern hope to attract new sponsors and to increase their merchandising sales. In 2017, Forbes ranks Bayern as the world's fourth-most valuable football club in their annual list, estimating the club's value at €2.5 billion.As a result of Bayern's appearance in the 2012 UEFA Champions League Final, the club's brand value has reached US$786 million, up 59 per cent from the previous year. Among European teams, this is ahead of Real Madrid's US$600 million and behind first-placed Manchester United, whose brand is valued at US$853 million. In 2013, Bayern overtook Manchester United to take first place in brand valuation.Bayern's financial report for the 2018–19 season reported revenue of €750.4 million and an operating profit of €146.1 million. Post-tax profits were €52.5 million which meant that this was Bayern's 27th consecutive year with a profit.Bayern has been involved with charitable ventures for a long time, helping other football clubs in financial disarray as well as ordinary people in misery. In the wake of the 2004 Tsunami the "FC Bayern – Hilfe e.V." was founded, a foundation that aims to concentrate the social engagements of the club. At its inception this venture was funded with €600,000, raised by officials and players of the club. The money was amongst other things used to build a school in Marathenkerny, Sri Lanka and to rebuild the area of Trincomalee, Sri Lanka. In April 2007 it was decided that the focus of the foundation would shift towards supporting people in need locally.The club has also time and again shown to have a soft spot for clubs in financial disarray. Repeatedly the club has supported its local rival 1860 Munich with gratuitous friendlies, transfers at favourable rates, and direct money transfers. Also when St. Pauli threatened to lose its licence for professional football due to financial problems, Bayern met the club for a friendly game free of any charge, giving all revenues to St. Pauli. More recently when Mark van Bommel's home club Fortuna Sittard was in financial distress Bayern came to a charity game at the Dutch club. Another well known example was the transfer of Alexander Zickler in 1993 from Dynamo Dresden. When Bayern picked up Zickler for 2.3 Million DM many considered the sum to be a subvention for the financially threatened Dresdeners. In 2003, Bayern provided a €2 Million loan without collateral to the nearly bankrupt Borussia Dortmund which has since been repaid. On 14 July 2013, Bayern played a charity game against financially threatened third division Hansa Rostock. The game raised about €1 million, securing Hansa's licence. On 30 August 2017, Bayern played a benefit match against financial troubled Kickers Offenbach. All the revenue from the match went to Kickers Offenbach. Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said, "Kickers Offenbach are a club with a rich tradition, they've always been an important club in Germany, so we'll gladly help them with a benefit match." On 27 May 2019, Bayern played a benefit match against 1. FC Kaiserslautern. The match was played so Kaiserslautern could secure their licence to play in the German third division. All income from the match went to Kaiserslautern. "1. FC Kaiserslautern are one of Germany's biggest traditional clubs," Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said. "For many years there were intense, and in retrospect also legendary, Bayern matches at Kaiserslautern. Football is all about emotions and sporting rivalries, but also about solidarity. That's why we're happy to help and hope 1. FC Kaiserslautern can once again gain promotion back to the Bundesliga in the foreseeable future."In March 2020, Bayern Munich, Borussia Dortmund, RB Leipzig, and Bayer Leverkusen, the four German UEFA Champions League teams for the 2019/20 season, collectively gave €20 million to Bundesliga and 2. Bundesliga teams that were struggling financially during the COVID-19 pandemic.In mid 2013, Bayern was the first club to give financial support to the Magnus Hirschfeld National Foundation. The foundation researches the living environment LGBT people, and developed an education concept to facilitate unbiased dealing with LGBT themes in football.In 2016, FC Bayern received the Nine Values Cup, an award of the international children's social programme Football for Friendship.FC Bayern Munich headquarters and training facility is called Säbener Straße and it is located in the Untergiesing-Harlaching borough of Munich. The first team and the reserve team train at the facility. There are five grass pitches, two of which have undersoil heating, two artificial grass fields, a beach volleyball court and a multi-functional sports hall.The players' quarters opened in 1990 and were reconstructed after the 2007–08 season on suggestions by then new coach, Jürgen Klinsmann, who took inspiration from various major sports clubs. The quarters are now called the performance centre and feature weights and fitness areas, a massage unit, dressing rooms, the coaches' office, and a conference room with screening facilities for video analysis. A café, a library, an e-Learning room, and a family room are also included.Until August 2017, the Youth House was located at the headquarters at Säbener Straße. The Youth House housed up to 14 young talents aged 15 to 18 from outside of Munich. Former residents of the Youth House include Bastian Schweinsteiger, David Alaba, Owen Hargreaves, Michael Rensing, Holger Badstuber and Emre Can.In 2006, Bayern purchased land near the Allianz Arena with the purpose of building a new youth academy. In 2015 the project, estimated to cost €70 million, was started after overcoming internal resistance. The project's main reasons were that the existing facilities were too small and that the club, while very successful at the senior level, lacked competitiveness with other German and European clubs at the youth level. The new facility was scheduled to open in the 2017–18 season. On 21 August 2017 the FC Bayern Campus opened at a cost of €70 million. The campus is located north of Munich at Ingolstädter Straße. The campus is 30 hectare and has 8 football pitches for youth teams from the U-9s to the U-19s and the women's and girls' teams. The campus also has a 2,500-capacity stadium where the U-17s and the U-19s play their matches. The Allianz FC Bayern Akademie is located on the campus site, and the academy has 35 apartments for young talents who don't live in the Greater Munich area. The academy building also has offices for youth coaches and staff.Bayern is historically the most successful team in German football, as they have won the most championships and the most cups. They are also Germany's most successful team in international competitions, having won fourteen trophies. Bayern is one of only five clubs to have won all three major European competitions and was also the last club to have won three consecutive European Cup titles in the old straight knockout tournament format, entitling them to wear a multiple-winner badge during Champions League matches.German Champions/BundesligaDFB-PokalDFB/DFL-SupercupDFL-LigapokalUEFA Champions League / European CupUEFA Europa League / UEFA CupUEFA/European Cup Winners' CupUEFA/European Super CupIntercontinental CupFIFA Club World CupBayern Munich is the only European team to have completed all available Trebles (continental treble, domestic treble and European treble).The football competitions, which consist of a single match involving only two teams (for example, the UEFA Super Cup or DFL Supercup) are generally not counted as part of a treble.At his farewell game, Oliver Kahn was declared honorary captain of Bayern Munich. The players below are part of the FC Bayern Munich Hall of Fame.1930s1970s:1980s:1990s:2000s:2010s:Bayern has had 19 coaches since its promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965. Udo Lattek, Giovanni Trapattoni and Ottmar Hitzfeld served two terms as head coach. Franz Beckenbauer served one term as head coach and one as caretaker, while Jupp Heynckes had four separate spells as coach, including one as caretaker. Lattek was the club's most successful coach, having won six Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the European Cup; following closely is Ottmar Hitzfeld, who won five Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the Champions League. The club's least successful coach was Søren Lerby, who won less than a third of his matches in charge and presided over the club's near-relegation in the 1991–92 campaign.On 3 November 2019, Bayern sacked Niko Kovač after a 5–1 loss to Eintracht Frankfurt and appointed Hansi Flick as a coach. Initially, Flick was installed as caretaker coach only, however on 15 November, after Flick's team had won 4–0 against Borussia Dortmund, Bayern announced that Flick would be in charge at least until Christmas 2019. Later on, Flick signed a new contract until 2023.The reserve team serves mainly as the final stepping stone for promising young players before being promoted to the main team. The second team is coached by Sebastian Hoeneß. The second team play in the 3. Liga for the 2019–20 season. Since the inception of the Regionalliga in 1994, the team played in the Regionalliga Süd, after playing in the Oberliga since 1978. In the 2007–08 season, they qualified for the newly founded 3. Liga, where they lasted until 2011 when they were relegated to the Regionalliga. This ended 33 consecutive years of playing in the highest league that the German Football Association permits the second team of a professional football team to play.The youth academy has produced some of Europe's top football players, including Thomas Hitzlsperger, Owen Hargreaves, Philipp Lahm, Bastian Schweinsteiger and Thomas Müller. On 1 August 2017, the FC Bayern Campus became the new home of the youth teams. It consists of ten teams, with the youngest being under 9. Jochen Sauer is the FC Bayern Campus director and Bayern legend coach Hermann Gerland is the sporting director.The women's football department consists of five teams, including a professional team, a reserve team, and two youth teams. The women's first team, which is led by head coach Thomas Wörle, features several members of the German national youth team. In the 2008–09 season, the team finished second in the women's Bundesliga. The division was founded in 1970 and consisted of four teams with 90 players. Their greatest successes were winning the championships in 1976, 2015, and 2016. In the 2011–12 season on 12 May 2012, FC Bayern Munich dethroned the German Cup title holders 1. FFC Frankfurt with a 2–0 in the 2011–12 final in Cologne and celebrated the biggest success of the club's history since winning the championship in 1976. In 2015 they won the Bundesliga for the first time, without any defeat. They won the 2015–16 Bundesliga for the second consecutive time.The senior football department was founded in 2002, making it the youngest division of the club, and consists of five teams. The division is intended to enable senior athletes to participate in the various senior citizen competitions in Munich.The FC Bayern AllStars were founded in summer 2006, and consists of former Bayern players, including Klaus Augenthaler, Raimond Aumann, Andreas Brehme, Paul Breitner, Hans Pflügler, Stefan Reuter, Paulo Sérgio, and Olaf Thon. The team is coached by Wolfgang Dremmler, and plays matches with other senior teams around the world. For organisational reasons, the team can only play a limited number of games annually.Bayern has other departments for a variety of sports.The basketball department was founded in 1946, and currently contains 26 teams, including four men's teams, three women's teams, sixteen youth teams, and three senior teams. The men's team are three-time German champions, having won in 1954, 1955, and 2014. The team also won the German Basketball Cup in 1968. The team plays its home games at the Rudi-Sedlmayer-Halle, located in the Sendling-Westpark borough of Munich.The bowling department emerged from SKC Real-Isaria in 1983 and currently consists of five teams. Directly next to the well-known club building of the football department, the team plays at the bowling alley of the Münchner Kegler-Verein. The first team plays in the second highest division of the Münchner Spielklasse Bezirksliga.The department was created in 1908, and consists of nine teams, including seven men's teams and two women's teams. The men's team, which currently plays in the Chess Bundesliga following promotion in 2013 from the 2. Bundesliga Ost, was nine-time German Champion from 1983 to 1995. The team also won the European Chess Club Cup in 1992. The women play in the 2. Bundesliga, with their biggest success being the rise to the league in 2002.The handball department was founded in 1945, and consists of thirteen teams, including three men's teams, two women's teams, five boys teams, two girls teams, and a mixed youth team. The first men's team plays in the Bezirksoberliga Oberbayern, while the women's first teams plays in the Bezirksliga Oberbayern.The refereeing department was established in 1919 and is currently the largest football refereeing division in Europe, with 110 referees, with 2 of them women. The referees mainly officiate amateur games in the local Munich leagues.The table tennis department was founded in 1946 and currently has 220 members. The club currently has fourteen teams, including eight men's teams, a women's team, three youth teams, and two children teams. The women's first team is currently playing in the Landesliga Süd/Ost, while the men's first team plays in the 3. Bundesliga Süd. The focus of the department is on youth support.The baseball division existed during the 1960s and 1970s, during which the team won two German championships in 1962 and 1969.From 1966 to 1969, there existed an ice hockey team, which completed two seasons in the Eishockey-Bundesliga.In the summer of 1965, the Münchner Eislauf Verein negotiated with Bayern Munich about joining the club. Although the talks came to nothing, the ice hockey department of Münchner Eislauf Verein decided to join Bayern –mid-season– in January 1966. The team finished the season under the name of Bayern Munich in third place of the second-tier Oberliga. The following season Bayern achieved promotion to the Bundesliga where the club stayed for two seasons. However, in 1969 the club disbanded the department and sold the hockey team to Augsburger EV, citing lack of local support and difficulty in recruiting players as reasons.The gymnastics department was founded in 1974 and was most successful in the 1980s. During this time, the team won four German championships in 1983, 1986, 1987, and 1988. In 2014, the division was dissolved.	[ "Louis van Gaal", "Jupp Heynckes", "Josep Guardiola", "Niko Kovač", "Hansi Flick", "Ottmar Hitzfeld", "Jürgen Klinsmann", "Carlo Ancelotti", "Andries Jonker", "Giovanni Trapattoni" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Bayern Munich in 2021-12-22?	December 22, 2021	{ "text": [ "Julian Nagelsmann" ] }	L2_Q15789_P286_10	Jupp Heynckes is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1987 to Oct, 1991. Niko Kovač is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2018 to Nov, 2019. Giovanni Trapattoni is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1994 to Jun, 1995. Andries Jonker is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Apr, 2011 to Jun, 2011. Julian Nagelsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Jürgen Klinsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Carlo Ancelotti is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Hansi Flick is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Nov, 2019 to Jun, 2021. Ottmar Hitzfeld is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Josep Guardiola is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jun, 2013 to May, 2016. Louis van Gaal is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2009 to Apr, 2011.	FC Bayern MunichFußball-Club Bayern München e. V. (), commonly known as FC Bayern München (), FCB, Bayern Munich, or FC Bayern, is a German professional sports club based in Munich, Bavaria. It is best known for its professional football team, which plays in the Bundesliga, the top tier of the German football league system. Bayern is the most successful club in German football history, having won a record 31 national titles, including nine consecutively since 2013, and 20 national cups, along with numerous European honours.FC Bayern Munich was founded in 1900 by 11 football players, led by Franz John. Although Bayern won its first national championship in 1932, the club was not selected for the Bundesliga at its inception in 1963. The club had its period of greatest success in the mid-1970s when, under the captaincy of Franz Beckenbauer, it won the European Cup three consecutive times (1974–1976). Overall, Bayern has reached eleven European Cup/UEFA Champions League finals, winning their sixth title in the 2020 final as part of a continental treble, after which it became only the second European club to achieve the continental treble twice. Bayern has also won one UEFA Cup, one European Cup Winners' Cup, two UEFA Super Cups, two FIFA Club World Cups and two Intercontinental Cups, making it one of the most successful European clubs internationally and the only German club to have won both international titles. By winning the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup, Bayern Munich became only the second club to win the sextuple. Bayern Munich are one of five clubs to have won all three of UEFA's main club competitions, the only German club to achieve that. As of May 2021, Bayern Munich are ranked first in UEFA club rankings. The club has traditional local rivalries with 1860 Munich and 1. FC Nürnberg, as well as with Borussia Dortmund since the mid-1990s.Since the beginning of the 2005–06 season, Bayern has played its home games at the Allianz Arena. Previously the team had played at Munich's Olympiastadion for 33 years. The team colours are red and white, and the crest shows the white and blue flag of Bavaria. In terms of revenue, Bayern Munich is the largest sports club in Germany and the third highest-earning football club in the world, generating €634.1 million in 2021. In November 2019, Bayern had 293,000 official members and 4,499 officially registered fan clubs with over 350,000 members. The club has other departments for chess, handball, basketball, gymnastics, bowling, table tennis and senior football with more than 1,100 active members.FC Bayern Munich was founded by members of a Munich gymnastics club (MTV 1879). When a congregation of members of MTV 1879 decided on 27 February 1900 that the footballers of the club would not be allowed to join the German Football Association (DFB), 11 members of the football division left the congregation and on the same evening founded Fußball-Club Bayern München. Within a few months, Bayern achieved high-scoring victories against all local rivals, including a 15–0 win against FC Nordstern, and reached the semi-finals of the 1900–01 South German championship. In the following years, the club won some local trophies and in 1910–11 Bayern joined the newly founded "Kreisliga", the first regional Bavarian league. The club won this league in its first year, but did not win it again until the beginning of World War I in 1914, which halted all football activities in Germany. By the end of its first decade of founding, Bayern had attracted its first German national team player, Max "Gaberl" Gablonsky. By 1920, it had over 700 members, making it the largest football club in Munich.In the years after the war, Bayern won several regional competitions before winning its first South German championship in 1926, an achievement repeated two years later. Its first national title was gained in 1932, when coach Richard "Little Dombi" Kohn led the team to the German championship by defeating Eintracht Frankfurt 2–0 in the final.The rise of Adolf Hitler to power put an abrupt end to Bayern's development. Club president Kurt Landauer and the coach, both of whom were Jewish, left the country. Many others in the club were also purged. Bayern was taunted as the "Jew's club" while local rival 1860 Munich gained much support. Josef Sauter, who was inaugurated in 1943, was the only NSDAP member as president. As some Bayern players greeted Landauer, who was watching a Bayern-friendly in Switzerland, lead to continued discrimination. Bayern was also affected by the ruling that football players had to be full amateurs again, which led to the move of the gifted young centre-forward Oskar Rohr to Switzerland. In the following years, Bayern could not sustain its role of contender for the national title, achieving mid-table results in its regional league instead.After the war, Bayern became a member of the Oberliga Süd, the southern conference of the German first division, which was split five ways at that time. Bayern struggled, hiring and firing 13 coaches between 1945 and 1963. Landauer returned from exile in 1947 and was once again appointed club president, the tenure lasted until 1951. He remains as the club's president with the longest accumulated tenure. Landauer has been deemed as inventor of Bayern as a professional club and his memory is being upheld by the Bayern ultras "Schickeria". In 1955, the club was relegated but returned to the "Oberliga" in the following season and won the DFB-Pokal for the first time, beating Fortuna Düsseldorf 1–0 in the final.The club struggled financially, though, verging on bankruptcy at the end of the 1950s. Manufacturer ousted president Reitlinger, who was later convicted for financial irregularities, was ousted in the elections of 1958 by the industrialist Roland Endler. He provided financial stability for the club. Under his reign, Bayern had its best years in the Oberliga. Endler was no longer a candidate in 1962, when Wilhelm Neudecker, who became wealthy in the postwar construction boom, replaced him.In 1963, the Oberligas in Germany were consolidated into one national league, the Bundesliga. Five teams from the Oberliga South were admitted. The key for qualifying for the Bundesliga was the accumulated record of the last twelve years, where Bayern was only the sixth-ranked club. To boot, local rivals TSV 1860 Munich, ranked seventh, were champions of the last Oberliga-Süd season and were given preference on the basis of this achievement. After initial protests of Bayern for alleged mistreatment remained fruitless, president Neudecker rose to the challenge and hired Zlatko Čajkovski, who in 1962 led 1. FC Köln to the national championship. Fielding a team with young talents like Franz Beckenbauer, Gerd Müller and Sepp Maier – who would later be collectively referred to as "the axis", they should achieve promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965.In their first Bundesliga season, Bayern finished third and also won the DFB-Pokal. This qualified them for the following year's European Cup Winners' Cup, which they won in a dramatic final against Scottish club Rangers, when Franz Roth scored the decider in a 1–0 extra time victory. In 1967, Bayern retained the DFB-Pokal, but slow overall progress saw Branko Zebec take over as coach. He replaced Bayern's offensive style of play with a more disciplined approach, and in doing so achieved the first league and cup double in Bundesliga history in 1969. Bayern Munich are one of four German clubs to win the Bundesliga and DFB-Pokal in the same season along with Borussia Dortmund, 1. FC Köln and Werder Bremen. Zebec used only 13 players throughout the season.Udo Lattek took charge in 1970. After winning the DFB-Pokal in his first season, Lattek led Bayern to their third German championship. The deciding match in the 1971–72 season against Schalke 04 was the first match in the new Olympiastadion, and was also the first live televised match in Bundesliga history. Bayern beat Schalke 5–1 and thus claimed the title, also setting several records, including points gained and goals scored. Bayern also won the next two championships, but the zenith was their triumph in the 1974 European Cup Final against Atlético Madrid, which Bayern won 4–0 after a replay. This title – after winning the Cup Winners' trophy 1967 and two semi-finals (1968 and 1972) in that competition – marked the club's breakthrough as a force on the international stage.During the following years, the team was unsuccessful domestically but defended their European title by defeating Leeds United in the 1975 European Cup Final when Roth and Müller secured victory with late goals. "We came back into the game and scored two lucky goals, so in the end, we were the winners, but we were very, very lucky", stated Franz Beckenbauer. Billy Bremner believed the French referee was "very suspicious". Leeds fans then rioted in Paris and were banned from European football for three years. A year later in Glasgow, Saint-Étienne were defeated by another Roth goal and Bayern became the third club to win the trophy in three consecutive years. The final trophy won by Bayern in this era was the Intercontinental Cup, in which they defeated Brazilian club Cruzeiro over two legs. The rest of the decade was a time of change and saw no further titles for Bayern. In 1977, Franz Beckenbauer left for New York Cosmos and, in 1979, Sepp Maier and Uli Hoeneß retired while Gerd Müller joined the Fort Lauderdale Strikers. "Bayerndusel" was coined during this period as an expression of either contempt or envy about the sometimes narrow and last-minute wins against other teams.The 1980s were a period of off-field turmoil for Bayern, with many changes in personnel and financial problems. On the field, Paul Breitner and Karl-Heinz Rummenigge, termed "FC Breitnigge", led the team to Bundesliga titles in 1980 and 1981. Apart from a DFB-Pokal win in 1982, two relatively unsuccessful seasons followed, after which Breitner retired, and former coach Udo Lattek returned. Bayern won the DFB-Pokal in 1984 and went on to win five Bundesliga championships in six seasons, including a double in 1986. European success, however, was elusive during the decade; Bayern managed to claim the runners-up spot in the European Cup in 1982 and 1987.Jupp Heynckes was hired as coach in 1987, but after two consecutive championships in 1988–89 and 1989–90, Bayern's form dipped. After finishing second in 1990–91, the club finished just five points above the relegation places in 1991–92. In 1993–94, Bayern was eliminated in the UEFA Cup second round to Premier League side Norwich City, who remain the only English club to beat Bayern at the Olympiastadion. Success returned when Franz Beckenbauer took over for the second half of the 1993–94 season, winning the championship again after a four-year gap. Beckenbauer was then appointed club president.His successors as coach, Giovanni Trapattoni and Otto Rehhagel, both finished trophyless after a season, not meeting the club's high expectations. During this time, Bayern's players frequently appeared in the gossip pages of the press rather than the sports pages, resulting in the nickname "FC Hollywood". Franz Beckenbauer briefly returned at the end of the 1995–96 season as caretaker coach and led his team to victory in the UEFA Cup, beating Bordeaux in the final. For the 1996–97 season, Trapattoni returned to win the championship. In the following season, Bayern lost the title to newly promoted 1. FC Kaiserslautern and Trapattoni had to take his leave for the second time.After his success at Borussia Dortmund, Bayern were coached by Ottmar Hitzfeld from 1998 to 2004. In Hitzfeld's first season, Bayern won the Bundesliga and came close to winning the Champions League, losing 2–1 to Manchester United into injury time after leading for most of the match. The following year, in the club's centenary season, Bayern won the third league and cup double in its history. A third consecutive Bundesliga title followed in 2001, won with a stoppage time goal on the final day of the league season. Days later, Bayern won the Champions League for the fourth time after a 25-year gap, defeating Valencia on penalties. The 2001–02 season began with a win in the Intercontinental Cup, but ended trophyless otherwise. In 2002–03, Bayern won their fourth double, leading the league by a record margin of 16 points. Hitzfeld's reign ended in 2004, with Bayern underperforming, including defeat by second division Alemannia Aachen in the DFB-Pokal.Felix Magath took over and led Bayern to two consecutive doubles. Prior to the start of the 2005–06 season, Bayern moved from the Olympiastadion to the new Allianz Arena, which the club shared with 1860 Munich. On the field, their performance in 2006–07 was erratic. Trailing in the league and having lost to Alemannia Aachen in the cup yet again, coach Magath was sacked shortly after the winter break.Hitzfeld returned as a trainer in January 2007, but Bayern finished the 2006–07 season in fourth position, thus failing to qualify for the Champions League for the first time in more than a decade. Additional losses in the DFB-Pokal and the DFB-Ligapokal left the club with no honours for the season.For the 2007–08 season, Bayern made drastic squad changes to help rebuild. They signed a total of eight new players and sold, released or loaned out nine of their players. Among new signings were 2006 World Cup stars such as Franck Ribéry, Miroslav Klose and Luca Toni. Bayern went on to win the Bundesliga in convincing fashion, leading the standings on every single week of play, and the DFB-Pokal against Borussia Dortmund.After the season, Bayern's long-term goalkeeper Oliver Kahn retired, which left the club without a top-tier goalkeeper for several seasons. The club's coach Ottmar Hitzfeld also retired and Jürgen Klinsmann was chosen as his successor. However, Klinsmann was sacked even before the end of his first season as Bayern trailed Wolfsburg in the league, had lost the quarterfinal of the DFB-Pokal to Bayer Leverkusen, and had been made look silly in the quarterfinal of the Champions League when FC Barcelona scored four times in the first half of the first leg and over the course of both legs Bayern never looked like they could keep up. Jupp Heynckes was named caretaker coach and led the club to a second-place finish in the league.For the 2009–10 season, Bayern hired Dutch manager Louis van Gaal, and Dutch forward Arjen Robben joined Bayern. Robben, alongside Ribéry, would go on to shape Bayern's playstyle of attacking over the wings for the next ten years. The press quickly dubbed the duo "Robbery". In addition, David Alaba and Thomas Müller were promoted to the first team. With Müller, van Gaal went so far as to proclaim, "With me, Müller always plays," which has become a much-referenced phrase over the years. On the pitch Bayern had its most successful season since 2001, securing the domestic double and losing only in the final of the Champions League to Inter Milan 0–2. Despite the successful 2009–10 campaign, van Gaal was fired in April 2011 as Bayern was trailing in the league and eliminated in the first knockout round of the Champions League, again by Inter. Van Gaal's second in command, Andries Jonker, took over and finished the season in third place.Jupp Heynckes returned for his second permanent spell in the 2011–12 season. Although the club had signed Manuel Neuer, ending Bayern's quest for an adequate substitute for Kahn, and Jérôme Boateng for the season, Bayern remained without a title for the second consecutive season, coming in second to Borussia Dortmund in the league and the cup. The Champions League final was held at the Allianz and Bayern indeed reached the final in their home stadium but lost the "Finale dahoam" as they had termed it to Chelsea on penalties. For the 2012–13 season, Bayern signed Javi Martínez. After Bayern had finished as runner-up to all titles in 2011–12, Bayern went on to win all titles in 2012–13, setting various Bundesliga records along the way, and becoming the first German team to win the treble. Bayern finished the Bundesliga on 91 points, only 11 points shy of a perfect season, and to date, still, the best season ever played. In what was Bayern's third Champions League final appearance within four years, they beat Borussia Dortmund 2–1. A week later, they completed the treble by winning the DFB-Pokal final over VfB Stuttgart. During the season, in January, Bayern had already announced that they would hire Pep Guardiola as coach for the 2013–14 season. Originally the club presented this as Heynckes retiring on the expiration of his contract, but Uli Hoeneß later admitted that it was not Heynckes's decision to leave Bayern at the end of the season. It was actually forced by the club's desire to appoint Guardiola.Bayern fulfilled Guardiola's wish of signing Thiago Alcântara from FC Barcelona and Guardiola's first season started off well with Bayern extending a streak of undefeated league matches from the last season to 53 matches. The eventual loss to Augsburg came two match days after Bayern had already claimed the league title. During the season, Bayern had also claimed two other titles, the FIFA Club World Cup and the UEFA Super Cup, the latter being the last major trophy the club had not yet won. Bayern also won the cup to complete their tenth domestic double, but lost in the semi-final of the Champions League to Real Madrid. Off the pitch, Bayern's president Uli Hoeneß was convicted of tax evasion on 13 March 2014 and sentenced to three and a half years in prison. Hoeneß resigned the next day. Vice-president Karl Hopfner was elected president on 2 May. Before the 2014–15 season, Bayern picked up Robert Lewandowski after his contract had ended at Borussia Dortmund, and loaned out Xabi Alonso from Real Madrid. Bayern also let Toni Kroos leave for Real. Club icons Bastian Schweinsteiger and Claudio Pizarro left before the 2015–16 season. In these two seasons, Bayern defended their league title, including another double in 2015–16, but failed to advance past the semi-finals in the Champions League. Although the club's leadership tried to convince Guardiola to stay, the coach decided not to extend his three-year contract.Carlo Ancelotti was hired as successor to Guardiola. The key transfer for the 2016–17 campaign was Mats Hummels from Borussia Dortmund. Off the pitch Uli Hoeneß had been released early from prison and reelected as president in November 2016. Under Ancelotti, Bayern claimed their fifth consecutive league title, but did not win the cup or the Champions League. In July 2017, Bayern announced that 1860 Munich would leave the Allianz for good as the club had been relegated to the 4th division. Before the 2017–18 season, Bayern made extensive changes to their squad, signing amongst others young prospects such as Kingsley Coman, Corentin Tolisso, Serge Gnabry and Niklas Süle, and loaning James Rodríguez from Real. Meanwhile, the club's captain, Philipp Lahm, and Xabi Alonso retired, and several other players left the club. As Bayern's performances were perceived to be more and more lackluster, Ancelotti was sacked after a 0–3 loss to Paris St. Germain in the Champions League, early in his second season. Willy Sagnol took over as interim manager for a week before it was announced that Jupp Heynckes would finish the season in his fourth spell at the club. During the season, the club urged Heynckes —even publicly— to extend his contract, but Heynckes, aged 73, stayed firm that he would retire for good after the season. The club began a long and extensive search to find a replacement, and eventually Niko Kovač was presented as Heynckes's successor, signing a three-year contract. Heynckes led the club to another championship. In the cup final, Heynckes's last match as coach, Heynckes met his successor on the pitch. Kovač's Eintracht Frankfurt denied Bayern the title, winning 3–1.Kovač's first season at the club started slowly, with Bayern falling behind Dortmund in the league throughout the first half of the season. In contrast to similar situations with van Gaal and Ancelotti, the club's leadership decided to protect their coach from criticisms. However, after the winter break, Bayern quickly closed the distance and put themselves first-place in the league. In the Champions League, the club was eliminated by Liverpool in the round of 16, the first time since 2011 that Bayern did not reach the quarterfinal. During the season Arjen Robben announced that it would be his last season for the club, while Uli Hoeneß announced that Franck Ribéry would be leaving at the end of the season. In March 2019, Bayern announced that they had signed Lucas Hernandez from Atlético Madrid for a club and Bundesliga record fee of €80 million. On 18 May 2019, Bayern won their seventh straight Bundesliga title as they finished two points above second-place Dortmund with 78 points. This Bundesliga title was Ribéry's ninth and Robben's eighth. A week later, Bayern defeated RB Leipzig 3–0 in the 2019 DFB-Pokal Final. With the win, Bayern won their 19th German Cup and completed their 12th domestic double.Hansi Flick joined Bayern Munich on 1 July 2019 as an assistant coach. Under Kovač, Bayern was off to a slow start in the league and after a 5–1 loss to Frankfurt, Kovač and Bayern parted ways on 3 November 2019 with Flick being promoted to interim manager. After a satisfying spell as interim coach, Bayern announced on 22 December 2019 that Flick would remain in charge until the end of season. Bayern's performances on the pitch picked up noticeably and in April 2020, the club agreed with Flick to a new permanent contract through 2023. Under Flick the club won the league, having played the most successful leg of a Bundesliga season in history, and went on to claim the cup, thus completing the club's 13th domestic double. In the Champions League, Bayern reached their first final since 2013, en route beating FC Barcelona 8–2 in the quarter-finals and Lyon 3–0 in the semi-final. In the final, which was held in Lisbon behind closed doors due to the severity of COVID-19 pandemic, they defeated Paris Saint-Germain 1–0. Former PSG player Kingsley Coman scored the only goal of the match. With the victory, they became the second European club to complete the continental treble in two different seasons, matching the 2014–15 FC Barcelona team.After a short break, Bayern started the new season by winning the UEFA Super Cup for the second time in their history. In a closely contested match, Bayern defeated Sevilla 2–1 after extra time, with Javi Martínez scoring the winning goal. In February 2021, they won the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup (postponed from December 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic) after defeating African champions Al Ahly SC 2–0 by a brace from Robert Lewandowski, and then winning in the final against Mexican team Tigres UANL 1–0 after a goal from Benjamin Pavard and became only the second club to win the sextuple, after Barcelona won it in 2009. Later, Bayern failed to defend its Champions League title after losing to PSG in a quarter-final. However, it managed to win its 9th Bundesliga title in a row. During the season Robert Lewandowski broke Gerd Müller's record for the number of goals scored in a Bundesliga season after scoring 41 times.On 27 April 2021, Bayern announced that Flick would be leaving at the end of the season, at his request, and that RB Leipzig manager Julian Nagelsmann would become the new manager, effective 1 July. According to multiple reports, Bayern paid Leipzig €25m, a world record for a manager, as compensation for Nagelsmann's services. It was later announced that Flick was leaving to take charge of the German national team.In the original club constitution, Bayern's colours were named as white and blue, but the club played in white shirts with black shorts until 1905 when Bayern joined MSC. MSC decreed that the footballers would have to play in red shorts. Also, the younger players were called red shorts, which were meant as an insult. For most of the club's early history, Bayern had primarily worn white and maroon home kits. In 1968–69 season, Bayern changed to red and blue striped shirts, with blue shorts and socks. Between 1969 and 1973, the team wore a home strip of red and white striped shirts with either red or white shorts and red socks. In the 1973–74 season, the team switched to an all-white kit featuring single vertical red and blue stripes on the shirt. From 1974 onwards, Bayern has mostly worn an all-red home kit with white trim. Bayern revived the red and blue striped colour scheme between 1995 and 1997. In 1997, blue was the dominant colour for the first time when Adidas released an all navy blue home kit with a red chest band. In 1999, Bayern returned to a predominantly red kit, which featured blue sleeves, and in 2000 the club released a traditional all red kit with white trim to be worn for Champions League matches. Bayern also wore a "Rotwein" coloured home kits in Bundesliga matches between 2001 and 2003, and during the 2006–07 Champions League campaign, in reference to their first-choice colours prior to the late 1960s.The club's away kit has had a wide range of colours over the years, including white, black, blue, and gold-green. Bayern also features a distinct international kit. During the 2013–14 season, Bayern used an all-red home kit with a Bavarian flag diamond watermark pattern, a "Lederhosen" inspired white and black "Oktoberfest" away kit, and an all navy blue international kit.In the 1980s and 1990s, Bayern used a special away kit when playing at 1. FC Kaiserslautern, representing the Brazilian colours blue and yellow, a superstition borne from the fact that the club found it hard to win there.Bayern's crest has changed several times. Originally it consisted of the stylised letters F, C, B, M, which were woven into one symbol. The original crest was blue. The colours of Bavaria were included for the first time in 1954. The crest from 1906 to 1919 denotes "Bayern FA", whereby "FA" stands for "Fußball-Abteilung", i.e., Football Department; Bayern then was integrated into TSV Jahn Munich and constituted its football department.The modern version of the crest has changed from the 1954 version in several steps. While the crest consisted of a single colour only for most of the time, namely blue or red, the current crest is blue, red, and white. It has the colours of Bavaria in its centre, and FC Bayern München is written in white on a red ring enclosing the Bavarian colours.Bayern played its first training games at the Schyrenplatz in the centre of Munich. The first official games were held on the Theresienwiese. In 1901, Bayern moved to a field of its own, located in Schwabing at the Clemensstraße. After joining the Münchner Sport-Club (MSC) in 1906, Bayern moved in May 1907 to MSC's ground at the Leopoldstraße. As the crowds gathering for Bayern's home games increased at the beginning of the 1920s, Bayern had to switch to various other premises in Munich.From 1925, Bayern shared the Grünwalder Stadion with 1860 Munich. Until World War II, the stadium was owned by 1860 Munich, and is still colloquially known as "Sechz'ger" ("Sixties") Stadium. It was destroyed during the war, and efforts to rebuild it resulted in a patchwork. Bayern's record crowd at the Grünwalder Stadion is reported as more than 50,000 in the home game against 1. FC Nürnberg in the 1961–62 season. In the Bundesliga era the stadium had a maximum capacity of 44,000 which was reached on several occasions, but the capacity has since been reduced to 21,272. As was the case at most of this period's stadiums, the vast majority of the stadium was given over to terracing. Today the second teams of both clubs play in the stadium.For the 1972 Summer Olympics, the city of Munich built the Olympiastadion. The stadium, renowned for its architecture, was inaugurated in the last Bundesliga match of the 1971–72 season. The match drew a capacity crowd of 79,000, a total which was reached again on numerous occasions. In its early days, the stadium was considered one of the foremost stadiums in the world and played host to numerous major finals, such as that of 1974 FIFA World Cup. In the following years the stadium underwent several modifications, such as an increase in seating space from approximately 50 per cent to 66 per cent. Eventually, the stadium had a capacity of 63,000 for national matches and 59,000 for international occasions such as European Cup competitions. Many people, however, began to feel that the stadium was too cold in winter, with half the audience exposed to the weather due to lack of cover. A further complaint was the distance between the spectators and the pitch, betraying the stadium's track and field heritage. Renovation proved impossible, as the architect Günther Behnisch vetoed major modifications of the stadium.After much discussion, the city of Munich, the state of Bavaria, Bayern Munich and 1860 Munich jointly decided at the end of 2000 to build a new stadium. While Bayern had wanted a purpose-built football stadium for several years, the awarding of the 2006 FIFA World Cup to Germany stimulated the discussion as the Olympiastadion no longer met the FIFA criteria to host a World Cup game. Located on the northern outskirts of Munich, the Allianz Arena has been in use since the beginning of the 2005–06 season. Its initial capacity of 66,000 fully covered seats has since been increased for matches on national level to 69,901 by transforming 3,000 seats to terracing in a 2:1 ratio. Since August 2012, 2,000 more seats were added in the last row of the top tier increasing the capacity to 71,000. In January 2015, a proposal to increase the capacity was approved by the city council so now Allianz Arena has a capacity of 75,000 (70,000 in Champions League).The stadium's most prominent feature is the translucent outer layer, which can be illuminated in different colors for impressive effects. Red lighting is used for Bayern home games and white for German national team home games.In May 2012, Bayern opened a museum about its history, FC Bayern Erlebniswelt, inside the Allianz Arena.At the 2018 annual general meeting, the Bayern board reported that the club had 291,000 official members and there are 4,433 officially registered fan clubs with over 390,000 members. This makes the club the largest fan membership club in the world. Bayern have fan clubs and supporters all over Germany. Fan club members from all over Germany and nearby Austria and Switzerland often travel more than to Munich to attend home games at the Allianz Arena. Bayern has an average of 75,000 attendees at the Allianz Arena which is at 100 per cent capacity level. Every Bundesliga game has been sold-out for years. Bayern's away games have been sold out for many years. According to a study by Sport+Markt Bayern is the fifth-most popular football club in Europe with 20.7 million supporters, and the most popular football club in Germany with 10 million supporters.Bayern Munich is also renowned for its well-organised ultra scene. The most prominent groups are the "Schickeria München", the "Inferno Bavaria", the "Red Munichs '89", the "Südkurve '73", the "Munichmaniacs 1996", the "Red Angels", and the "Red Sharks". The ultras scene of Bayern Munch has been recognised for certain groups taking stance against right-wing extremism, racism and homophobia, and in 2014 the group Schickeria München received the Julius Hirsch Award by the DFB for its commitment against antisemitism and discrimination.Stern des Südens is the song which fans sing at FCB home games. In the 1990s they also used to sing "FC Bayern, Forever Number One". Another notable song is "Mia San Mia" (Bavarian for "we are who we are") which is a famous motto of the club as well. A renowned catchphrase for the team is ""Packmas"" which is a Bavarian phrase for the German ""Packen wir es"", which means "let's do it". The team's mascot is called "Berni" since 2004.The club also has quite a number of high-profile supporters, among them Pope Benedict XVI, Boris Becker, Wladimir Klitschko, Horst Seehofer and Edmund Stoiber, former Minister-President of Bavaria, to name just a few.Bayern is one of three professional football clubs in Munich. Bayern's main local rival is 1860 Munich, who was the more successful club in the 1950s and was controversially picked for the initial Bundesliga season in 1963, winning a cup and a championship. In the 1970s and 1980s, 1860 Munich moved between the first and the third division. The Munich derby is still a much-anticipated event, getting much extra attention from supporters of both clubs. 1860 Munich is considered more working-class, and therefore suffers from a diminishing fan base in a city where the manufacturing sector is declining. Bayern is considered the establishment club, which is reflected by many board members being business leaders and including the former Bavarian minister-president, Edmund Stoiber. Despite the rivalry, Bayern has repeatedly supported 1860 in times of financial disarray.Since the 1920s, 1. FC Nürnberg has been Bayern's main and traditional rival in Bavaria. Philipp Lahm said that playing Nürnberg is "always special" and is a "heated atmosphere". Both clubs played in the same league in the mid-1920s, but in the 1920s and 1930s, Nürnberg was far more successful, winning five championships in the 1920s, making the club Germany's record champion. Bayern took over the title more than sixty years later, when they won their tenth championship in 1987, thereby surpassing the number of championships won by Nürnberg. The duel between Bayern and Nürnberg is often referred to as the Bavarian Derby.Bayern also enjoys a strong rivalry with the 1. FC Kaiserslautern, originating in parts from a game in 1973, when Bayern lost 7–4 after leading 4–1, but also from the two clubs competing for German championship honours at various times in the Bundesliga as well as the city of Kaiserslautern together with the surrounding Palatinate having been part of Bavaria until a plebiscite after the end of the Second World War.Since the 1970s, Bayern's main rivals have been the clubs who put up the strongest fight against its national dominance. In the 1970s this was Borussia Mönchengladbach, in the 1980s the category expanded to include Hamburger SV. In the 1990s, Borussia Dortmund, Werder Bremen and Bayer Leverkusen emerged as the most ardent opponents. Recently Borussia Dortmund, Schalke, and Werder Bremen have been the main challengers in the Bundesliga. Recently, Bayern's main Bundesliga challenger has been Borussia Dortmund. Bayern and Dortmund have competed against each other for many Bundesliga titles. They also have played against each other in the DFB-Pokal final in 2008, 2012, 2014, and 2016. The 2–5 loss against Dortmund in the 2012 final was Bayern's worst ever loss in a DFB-Pokal final. Bayern and Dortmund have also played against each other in the DFL-Supercup in 1989, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2016, 2017, 2019, and 2020. The height of the competition between the two clubs was when Bayern defeated Dortmund 2–1 in the final of the 2012–13 UEFA Champions League.Amongst Bayern's chief European rivals are Real Madrid, A.C. Milan, and Manchester United due to many classic wins, draws and losses. Real Madrid versus Bayern is the match that has historically been played most often in the Champions League/European Cup with 24 matches. Due to Bayern being traditionally hard to beat for Madrid, Madrid supporters often refer to Bayern as the ""Bestia negra"" ("Black Beast"). Despite the number of duels, Bayern and Real have never met in the final of a Champions League or European Cup.Bayern is led mostly by former club players. From 2016 to 2019, Uli Hoeneß served as the club's president, following Karl Hopfner who had been in office from 2014; Hoeneß had resigned in 2014 after being convicted of tax fraud. Karl-Heinz Rummenigge is the chairman of the executive board of the AG. The supervisory board of nine consists mostly of managers of big German corporations. Besides the club's president and the board's chairman, they are Herbert Hainer former CEO of (Adidas), Dr. Herbert Diess chairman of (Volkswagen), Dr. Werner Zedelius senior advisor at (Allianz), Timotheus Höttges CEO of (Deutsche Telekom), Prof. Dr. Dieter Mayer, Edmund Stoiber, Theodor Weimer CEO of (Deutsche Börse), and Dr. Michael Diederich speaker of the board at (UniCredit Bank).Professional football at Bayern is run by the spin-off organisation "FC Bayern München AG". "AG" is short for "Aktiengesellschaft", and Bayern is run like a joint stock company, a company whose stock are not listed on the public stock exchange, but is privately owned. 75 per cent of "FC Bayern München AG" is owned by the club, the "FC Bayern München e. V." ("e. V." is short for "Eingetragener Verein", which translates into "Registered Club"). Three German corporations, the sports goods manufacturer Adidas, the automobile company Audi and the financial services group Allianz each hold 8.33 per cent of the shares, 25 per cent in total. Adidas acquired its shares in 2002 for €77 million. The money was designated to help finance the Allianz Arena. In 2009 Audi paid €90 million for their share. The capital was used to repay the loan on the Allianz Arena. And in early 2014, Allianz became the third shareholder of the company acquiring theirs share for €110 million. With the sale, Bayern paid off the remaining debt on the Allianz Arena 16 years ahead of schedule. Bayern's other sports departments are run by the club.Bayern's shirt sponsor is Deutsche Telekom. Deutsche Telekom has been Bayern's shirt sponsor since the start of 2002–03 season. The company extended their sponsorship deal in August 2015 until the end of the 2022–23 season. Bayern's kit sponsor is Adidas. Adidas have been Bayern's kit sponsor since 1974. Adidas extended their sponsorship with Bayern on 29 April 2015. The sponsorship deal runs until the end of the 2029–30 season. The premium partners are Audi, Allianz, HypoVereinsbank, Goodyear, Qatar Airways, Siemens, Paulaner Brewery, SAP, DHL, Hamad International Airport and Tipico. Gold sponsors are Coca-Cola, MAN, Procter & Gamble. Classic sponsors are Apple Music, Bayern 3, Beats Electronics, EA Sports, Gigaset, Hugo Boss, Courtyard by Marriott, Veuve Clicquot, and Adelholzener. In previous years the jersey rights were held by Adidas (1974–78), Magirus Deutz and Iveco (1978–84), Commodore (1984–89) and Opel (1989–2002).Bayern is an exception in professional football, having generated profits for 27 consecutive years. Other clubs often report losses, realising transfers via loans, whereas Bayern always uses current assets. In the 2019 edition of the Deloitte Football Money League, Bayern had the fourth-highest revenue in club football, generating revenue of €629.2 million. Bayern differs from other European top clubs in their income composition. The top 20 European football clubs earned 43 per cent of revenue, on average, from broadcasting rights. Bayern earned the only 28 per cent of their revenue that way. Bayern had the second-highest commercial revenue in the 2019 Deloitte Football Money League, behind only Real Madrid. Bayern's commercial revenue was €348.7 million (55 per cent of total revenue). In contrast, Bayern's Matchday revenue trails other top clubs at €103.8 million (17 per cent of their total revenue).While other European clubs have mainly marketed to international audiences, Bayern had focused on Germany. In recent years Bayern have started to focus their marketing more on Asia and the United States. Bayern made summer tours to the United States in 2014 and 2016. Bayern went to China in the summer of 2015 and returned in the summer of 2017 where they also played games in Singapore. In August 2014 Bayern opened an office in New York City as the club wants to strengthen their brand positioning against other top European clubs in the United States. In March 2017, Bayern was the first foreign football club to open an office in mainland China. Bayern hope to attract new sponsors and to increase their merchandising sales. In 2017, Forbes ranks Bayern as the world's fourth-most valuable football club in their annual list, estimating the club's value at €2.5 billion.As a result of Bayern's appearance in the 2012 UEFA Champions League Final, the club's brand value has reached US$786 million, up 59 per cent from the previous year. Among European teams, this is ahead of Real Madrid's US$600 million and behind first-placed Manchester United, whose brand is valued at US$853 million. In 2013, Bayern overtook Manchester United to take first place in brand valuation.Bayern's financial report for the 2018–19 season reported revenue of €750.4 million and an operating profit of €146.1 million. Post-tax profits were €52.5 million which meant that this was Bayern's 27th consecutive year with a profit.Bayern has been involved with charitable ventures for a long time, helping other football clubs in financial disarray as well as ordinary people in misery. In the wake of the 2004 Tsunami the "FC Bayern – Hilfe e.V." was founded, a foundation that aims to concentrate the social engagements of the club. At its inception this venture was funded with €600,000, raised by officials and players of the club. The money was amongst other things used to build a school in Marathenkerny, Sri Lanka and to rebuild the area of Trincomalee, Sri Lanka. In April 2007 it was decided that the focus of the foundation would shift towards supporting people in need locally.The club has also time and again shown to have a soft spot for clubs in financial disarray. Repeatedly the club has supported its local rival 1860 Munich with gratuitous friendlies, transfers at favourable rates, and direct money transfers. Also when St. Pauli threatened to lose its licence for professional football due to financial problems, Bayern met the club for a friendly game free of any charge, giving all revenues to St. Pauli. More recently when Mark van Bommel's home club Fortuna Sittard was in financial distress Bayern came to a charity game at the Dutch club. Another well known example was the transfer of Alexander Zickler in 1993 from Dynamo Dresden. When Bayern picked up Zickler for 2.3 Million DM many considered the sum to be a subvention for the financially threatened Dresdeners. In 2003, Bayern provided a €2 Million loan without collateral to the nearly bankrupt Borussia Dortmund which has since been repaid. On 14 July 2013, Bayern played a charity game against financially threatened third division Hansa Rostock. The game raised about €1 million, securing Hansa's licence. On 30 August 2017, Bayern played a benefit match against financial troubled Kickers Offenbach. All the revenue from the match went to Kickers Offenbach. Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said, "Kickers Offenbach are a club with a rich tradition, they've always been an important club in Germany, so we'll gladly help them with a benefit match." On 27 May 2019, Bayern played a benefit match against 1. FC Kaiserslautern. The match was played so Kaiserslautern could secure their licence to play in the German third division. All income from the match went to Kaiserslautern. "1. FC Kaiserslautern are one of Germany's biggest traditional clubs," Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said. "For many years there were intense, and in retrospect also legendary, Bayern matches at Kaiserslautern. Football is all about emotions and sporting rivalries, but also about solidarity. That's why we're happy to help and hope 1. FC Kaiserslautern can once again gain promotion back to the Bundesliga in the foreseeable future."In March 2020, Bayern Munich, Borussia Dortmund, RB Leipzig, and Bayer Leverkusen, the four German UEFA Champions League teams for the 2019/20 season, collectively gave €20 million to Bundesliga and 2. Bundesliga teams that were struggling financially during the COVID-19 pandemic.In mid 2013, Bayern was the first club to give financial support to the Magnus Hirschfeld National Foundation. The foundation researches the living environment LGBT people, and developed an education concept to facilitate unbiased dealing with LGBT themes in football.In 2016, FC Bayern received the Nine Values Cup, an award of the international children's social programme Football for Friendship.FC Bayern Munich headquarters and training facility is called Säbener Straße and it is located in the Untergiesing-Harlaching borough of Munich. The first team and the reserve team train at the facility. There are five grass pitches, two of which have undersoil heating, two artificial grass fields, a beach volleyball court and a multi-functional sports hall.The players' quarters opened in 1990 and were reconstructed after the 2007–08 season on suggestions by then new coach, Jürgen Klinsmann, who took inspiration from various major sports clubs. The quarters are now called the performance centre and feature weights and fitness areas, a massage unit, dressing rooms, the coaches' office, and a conference room with screening facilities for video analysis. A café, a library, an e-Learning room, and a family room are also included.Until August 2017, the Youth House was located at the headquarters at Säbener Straße. The Youth House housed up to 14 young talents aged 15 to 18 from outside of Munich. Former residents of the Youth House include Bastian Schweinsteiger, David Alaba, Owen Hargreaves, Michael Rensing, Holger Badstuber and Emre Can.In 2006, Bayern purchased land near the Allianz Arena with the purpose of building a new youth academy. In 2015 the project, estimated to cost €70 million, was started after overcoming internal resistance. The project's main reasons were that the existing facilities were too small and that the club, while very successful at the senior level, lacked competitiveness with other German and European clubs at the youth level. The new facility was scheduled to open in the 2017–18 season. On 21 August 2017 the FC Bayern Campus opened at a cost of €70 million. The campus is located north of Munich at Ingolstädter Straße. The campus is 30 hectare and has 8 football pitches for youth teams from the U-9s to the U-19s and the women's and girls' teams. The campus also has a 2,500-capacity stadium where the U-17s and the U-19s play their matches. The Allianz FC Bayern Akademie is located on the campus site, and the academy has 35 apartments for young talents who don't live in the Greater Munich area. The academy building also has offices for youth coaches and staff.Bayern is historically the most successful team in German football, as they have won the most championships and the most cups. They are also Germany's most successful team in international competitions, having won fourteen trophies. Bayern is one of only five clubs to have won all three major European competitions and was also the last club to have won three consecutive European Cup titles in the old straight knockout tournament format, entitling them to wear a multiple-winner badge during Champions League matches.German Champions/BundesligaDFB-PokalDFB/DFL-SupercupDFL-LigapokalUEFA Champions League / European CupUEFA Europa League / UEFA CupUEFA/European Cup Winners' CupUEFA/European Super CupIntercontinental CupFIFA Club World CupBayern Munich is the only European team to have completed all available Trebles (continental treble, domestic treble and European treble).The football competitions, which consist of a single match involving only two teams (for example, the UEFA Super Cup or DFL Supercup) are generally not counted as part of a treble.At his farewell game, Oliver Kahn was declared honorary captain of Bayern Munich. The players below are part of the FC Bayern Munich Hall of Fame.1930s1970s:1980s:1990s:2000s:2010s:Bayern has had 19 coaches since its promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965. Udo Lattek, Giovanni Trapattoni and Ottmar Hitzfeld served two terms as head coach. Franz Beckenbauer served one term as head coach and one as caretaker, while Jupp Heynckes had four separate spells as coach, including one as caretaker. Lattek was the club's most successful coach, having won six Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the European Cup; following closely is Ottmar Hitzfeld, who won five Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the Champions League. The club's least successful coach was Søren Lerby, who won less than a third of his matches in charge and presided over the club's near-relegation in the 1991–92 campaign.On 3 November 2019, Bayern sacked Niko Kovač after a 5–1 loss to Eintracht Frankfurt and appointed Hansi Flick as a coach. Initially, Flick was installed as caretaker coach only, however on 15 November, after Flick's team had won 4–0 against Borussia Dortmund, Bayern announced that Flick would be in charge at least until Christmas 2019. Later on, Flick signed a new contract until 2023.The reserve team serves mainly as the final stepping stone for promising young players before being promoted to the main team. The second team is coached by Sebastian Hoeneß. The second team play in the 3. Liga for the 2019–20 season. Since the inception of the Regionalliga in 1994, the team played in the Regionalliga Süd, after playing in the Oberliga since 1978. In the 2007–08 season, they qualified for the newly founded 3. Liga, where they lasted until 2011 when they were relegated to the Regionalliga. This ended 33 consecutive years of playing in the highest league that the German Football Association permits the second team of a professional football team to play.The youth academy has produced some of Europe's top football players, including Thomas Hitzlsperger, Owen Hargreaves, Philipp Lahm, Bastian Schweinsteiger and Thomas Müller. On 1 August 2017, the FC Bayern Campus became the new home of the youth teams. It consists of ten teams, with the youngest being under 9. Jochen Sauer is the FC Bayern Campus director and Bayern legend coach Hermann Gerland is the sporting director.The women's football department consists of five teams, including a professional team, a reserve team, and two youth teams. The women's first team, which is led by head coach Thomas Wörle, features several members of the German national youth team. In the 2008–09 season, the team finished second in the women's Bundesliga. The division was founded in 1970 and consisted of four teams with 90 players. Their greatest successes were winning the championships in 1976, 2015, and 2016. In the 2011–12 season on 12 May 2012, FC Bayern Munich dethroned the German Cup title holders 1. FFC Frankfurt with a 2–0 in the 2011–12 final in Cologne and celebrated the biggest success of the club's history since winning the championship in 1976. In 2015 they won the Bundesliga for the first time, without any defeat. They won the 2015–16 Bundesliga for the second consecutive time.The senior football department was founded in 2002, making it the youngest division of the club, and consists of five teams. The division is intended to enable senior athletes to participate in the various senior citizen competitions in Munich.The FC Bayern AllStars were founded in summer 2006, and consists of former Bayern players, including Klaus Augenthaler, Raimond Aumann, Andreas Brehme, Paul Breitner, Hans Pflügler, Stefan Reuter, Paulo Sérgio, and Olaf Thon. The team is coached by Wolfgang Dremmler, and plays matches with other senior teams around the world. For organisational reasons, the team can only play a limited number of games annually.Bayern has other departments for a variety of sports.The basketball department was founded in 1946, and currently contains 26 teams, including four men's teams, three women's teams, sixteen youth teams, and three senior teams. The men's team are three-time German champions, having won in 1954, 1955, and 2014. The team also won the German Basketball Cup in 1968. The team plays its home games at the Rudi-Sedlmayer-Halle, located in the Sendling-Westpark borough of Munich.The bowling department emerged from SKC Real-Isaria in 1983 and currently consists of five teams. Directly next to the well-known club building of the football department, the team plays at the bowling alley of the Münchner Kegler-Verein. The first team plays in the second highest division of the Münchner Spielklasse Bezirksliga.The department was created in 1908, and consists of nine teams, including seven men's teams and two women's teams. The men's team, which currently plays in the Chess Bundesliga following promotion in 2013 from the 2. Bundesliga Ost, was nine-time German Champion from 1983 to 1995. The team also won the European Chess Club Cup in 1992. The women play in the 2. Bundesliga, with their biggest success being the rise to the league in 2002.The handball department was founded in 1945, and consists of thirteen teams, including three men's teams, two women's teams, five boys teams, two girls teams, and a mixed youth team. The first men's team plays in the Bezirksoberliga Oberbayern, while the women's first teams plays in the Bezirksliga Oberbayern.The refereeing department was established in 1919 and is currently the largest football refereeing division in Europe, with 110 referees, with 2 of them women. The referees mainly officiate amateur games in the local Munich leagues.The table tennis department was founded in 1946 and currently has 220 members. The club currently has fourteen teams, including eight men's teams, a women's team, three youth teams, and two children teams. The women's first team is currently playing in the Landesliga Süd/Ost, while the men's first team plays in the 3. Bundesliga Süd. The focus of the department is on youth support.The baseball division existed during the 1960s and 1970s, during which the team won two German championships in 1962 and 1969.From 1966 to 1969, there existed an ice hockey team, which completed two seasons in the Eishockey-Bundesliga.In the summer of 1965, the Münchner Eislauf Verein negotiated with Bayern Munich about joining the club. Although the talks came to nothing, the ice hockey department of Münchner Eislauf Verein decided to join Bayern –mid-season– in January 1966. The team finished the season under the name of Bayern Munich in third place of the second-tier Oberliga. The following season Bayern achieved promotion to the Bundesliga where the club stayed for two seasons. However, in 1969 the club disbanded the department and sold the hockey team to Augsburger EV, citing lack of local support and difficulty in recruiting players as reasons.The gymnastics department was founded in 1974 and was most successful in the 1980s. During this time, the team won four German championships in 1983, 1986, 1987, and 1988. In 2014, the division was dissolved.	[ "Louis van Gaal", "Jupp Heynckes", "Josep Guardiola", "Niko Kovač", "Hansi Flick", "Ottmar Hitzfeld", "Jürgen Klinsmann", "Carlo Ancelotti", "Andries Jonker", "Giovanni Trapattoni" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Bayern Munich in 22/12/2021?	December 22, 2021	{ "text": [ "Julian Nagelsmann" ] }	L2_Q15789_P286_10	Jupp Heynckes is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1987 to Oct, 1991. Niko Kovač is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2018 to Nov, 2019. Giovanni Trapattoni is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1994 to Jun, 1995. Andries Jonker is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Apr, 2011 to Jun, 2011. Julian Nagelsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Jürgen Klinsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Carlo Ancelotti is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Hansi Flick is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Nov, 2019 to Jun, 2021. Ottmar Hitzfeld is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Josep Guardiola is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jun, 2013 to May, 2016. Louis van Gaal is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2009 to Apr, 2011.	FC Bayern MunichFußball-Club Bayern München e. V. (), commonly known as FC Bayern München (), FCB, Bayern Munich, or FC Bayern, is a German professional sports club based in Munich, Bavaria. It is best known for its professional football team, which plays in the Bundesliga, the top tier of the German football league system. Bayern is the most successful club in German football history, having won a record 31 national titles, including nine consecutively since 2013, and 20 national cups, along with numerous European honours.FC Bayern Munich was founded in 1900 by 11 football players, led by Franz John. Although Bayern won its first national championship in 1932, the club was not selected for the Bundesliga at its inception in 1963. The club had its period of greatest success in the mid-1970s when, under the captaincy of Franz Beckenbauer, it won the European Cup three consecutive times (1974–1976). Overall, Bayern has reached eleven European Cup/UEFA Champions League finals, winning their sixth title in the 2020 final as part of a continental treble, after which it became only the second European club to achieve the continental treble twice. Bayern has also won one UEFA Cup, one European Cup Winners' Cup, two UEFA Super Cups, two FIFA Club World Cups and two Intercontinental Cups, making it one of the most successful European clubs internationally and the only German club to have won both international titles. By winning the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup, Bayern Munich became only the second club to win the sextuple. Bayern Munich are one of five clubs to have won all three of UEFA's main club competitions, the only German club to achieve that. As of May 2021, Bayern Munich are ranked first in UEFA club rankings. The club has traditional local rivalries with 1860 Munich and 1. FC Nürnberg, as well as with Borussia Dortmund since the mid-1990s.Since the beginning of the 2005–06 season, Bayern has played its home games at the Allianz Arena. Previously the team had played at Munich's Olympiastadion for 33 years. The team colours are red and white, and the crest shows the white and blue flag of Bavaria. In terms of revenue, Bayern Munich is the largest sports club in Germany and the third highest-earning football club in the world, generating €634.1 million in 2021. In November 2019, Bayern had 293,000 official members and 4,499 officially registered fan clubs with over 350,000 members. The club has other departments for chess, handball, basketball, gymnastics, bowling, table tennis and senior football with more than 1,100 active members.FC Bayern Munich was founded by members of a Munich gymnastics club (MTV 1879). When a congregation of members of MTV 1879 decided on 27 February 1900 that the footballers of the club would not be allowed to join the German Football Association (DFB), 11 members of the football division left the congregation and on the same evening founded Fußball-Club Bayern München. Within a few months, Bayern achieved high-scoring victories against all local rivals, including a 15–0 win against FC Nordstern, and reached the semi-finals of the 1900–01 South German championship. In the following years, the club won some local trophies and in 1910–11 Bayern joined the newly founded "Kreisliga", the first regional Bavarian league. The club won this league in its first year, but did not win it again until the beginning of World War I in 1914, which halted all football activities in Germany. By the end of its first decade of founding, Bayern had attracted its first German national team player, Max "Gaberl" Gablonsky. By 1920, it had over 700 members, making it the largest football club in Munich.In the years after the war, Bayern won several regional competitions before winning its first South German championship in 1926, an achievement repeated two years later. Its first national title was gained in 1932, when coach Richard "Little Dombi" Kohn led the team to the German championship by defeating Eintracht Frankfurt 2–0 in the final.The rise of Adolf Hitler to power put an abrupt end to Bayern's development. Club president Kurt Landauer and the coach, both of whom were Jewish, left the country. Many others in the club were also purged. Bayern was taunted as the "Jew's club" while local rival 1860 Munich gained much support. Josef Sauter, who was inaugurated in 1943, was the only NSDAP member as president. As some Bayern players greeted Landauer, who was watching a Bayern-friendly in Switzerland, lead to continued discrimination. Bayern was also affected by the ruling that football players had to be full amateurs again, which led to the move of the gifted young centre-forward Oskar Rohr to Switzerland. In the following years, Bayern could not sustain its role of contender for the national title, achieving mid-table results in its regional league instead.After the war, Bayern became a member of the Oberliga Süd, the southern conference of the German first division, which was split five ways at that time. Bayern struggled, hiring and firing 13 coaches between 1945 and 1963. Landauer returned from exile in 1947 and was once again appointed club president, the tenure lasted until 1951. He remains as the club's president with the longest accumulated tenure. Landauer has been deemed as inventor of Bayern as a professional club and his memory is being upheld by the Bayern ultras "Schickeria". In 1955, the club was relegated but returned to the "Oberliga" in the following season and won the DFB-Pokal for the first time, beating Fortuna Düsseldorf 1–0 in the final.The club struggled financially, though, verging on bankruptcy at the end of the 1950s. Manufacturer ousted president Reitlinger, who was later convicted for financial irregularities, was ousted in the elections of 1958 by the industrialist Roland Endler. He provided financial stability for the club. Under his reign, Bayern had its best years in the Oberliga. Endler was no longer a candidate in 1962, when Wilhelm Neudecker, who became wealthy in the postwar construction boom, replaced him.In 1963, the Oberligas in Germany were consolidated into one national league, the Bundesliga. Five teams from the Oberliga South were admitted. The key for qualifying for the Bundesliga was the accumulated record of the last twelve years, where Bayern was only the sixth-ranked club. To boot, local rivals TSV 1860 Munich, ranked seventh, were champions of the last Oberliga-Süd season and were given preference on the basis of this achievement. After initial protests of Bayern for alleged mistreatment remained fruitless, president Neudecker rose to the challenge and hired Zlatko Čajkovski, who in 1962 led 1. FC Köln to the national championship. Fielding a team with young talents like Franz Beckenbauer, Gerd Müller and Sepp Maier – who would later be collectively referred to as "the axis", they should achieve promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965.In their first Bundesliga season, Bayern finished third and also won the DFB-Pokal. This qualified them for the following year's European Cup Winners' Cup, which they won in a dramatic final against Scottish club Rangers, when Franz Roth scored the decider in a 1–0 extra time victory. In 1967, Bayern retained the DFB-Pokal, but slow overall progress saw Branko Zebec take over as coach. He replaced Bayern's offensive style of play with a more disciplined approach, and in doing so achieved the first league and cup double in Bundesliga history in 1969. Bayern Munich are one of four German clubs to win the Bundesliga and DFB-Pokal in the same season along with Borussia Dortmund, 1. FC Köln and Werder Bremen. Zebec used only 13 players throughout the season.Udo Lattek took charge in 1970. After winning the DFB-Pokal in his first season, Lattek led Bayern to their third German championship. The deciding match in the 1971–72 season against Schalke 04 was the first match in the new Olympiastadion, and was also the first live televised match in Bundesliga history. Bayern beat Schalke 5–1 and thus claimed the title, also setting several records, including points gained and goals scored. Bayern also won the next two championships, but the zenith was their triumph in the 1974 European Cup Final against Atlético Madrid, which Bayern won 4–0 after a replay. This title – after winning the Cup Winners' trophy 1967 and two semi-finals (1968 and 1972) in that competition – marked the club's breakthrough as a force on the international stage.During the following years, the team was unsuccessful domestically but defended their European title by defeating Leeds United in the 1975 European Cup Final when Roth and Müller secured victory with late goals. "We came back into the game and scored two lucky goals, so in the end, we were the winners, but we were very, very lucky", stated Franz Beckenbauer. Billy Bremner believed the French referee was "very suspicious". Leeds fans then rioted in Paris and were banned from European football for three years. A year later in Glasgow, Saint-Étienne were defeated by another Roth goal and Bayern became the third club to win the trophy in three consecutive years. The final trophy won by Bayern in this era was the Intercontinental Cup, in which they defeated Brazilian club Cruzeiro over two legs. The rest of the decade was a time of change and saw no further titles for Bayern. In 1977, Franz Beckenbauer left for New York Cosmos and, in 1979, Sepp Maier and Uli Hoeneß retired while Gerd Müller joined the Fort Lauderdale Strikers. "Bayerndusel" was coined during this period as an expression of either contempt or envy about the sometimes narrow and last-minute wins against other teams.The 1980s were a period of off-field turmoil for Bayern, with many changes in personnel and financial problems. On the field, Paul Breitner and Karl-Heinz Rummenigge, termed "FC Breitnigge", led the team to Bundesliga titles in 1980 and 1981. Apart from a DFB-Pokal win in 1982, two relatively unsuccessful seasons followed, after which Breitner retired, and former coach Udo Lattek returned. Bayern won the DFB-Pokal in 1984 and went on to win five Bundesliga championships in six seasons, including a double in 1986. European success, however, was elusive during the decade; Bayern managed to claim the runners-up spot in the European Cup in 1982 and 1987.Jupp Heynckes was hired as coach in 1987, but after two consecutive championships in 1988–89 and 1989–90, Bayern's form dipped. After finishing second in 1990–91, the club finished just five points above the relegation places in 1991–92. In 1993–94, Bayern was eliminated in the UEFA Cup second round to Premier League side Norwich City, who remain the only English club to beat Bayern at the Olympiastadion. Success returned when Franz Beckenbauer took over for the second half of the 1993–94 season, winning the championship again after a four-year gap. Beckenbauer was then appointed club president.His successors as coach, Giovanni Trapattoni and Otto Rehhagel, both finished trophyless after a season, not meeting the club's high expectations. During this time, Bayern's players frequently appeared in the gossip pages of the press rather than the sports pages, resulting in the nickname "FC Hollywood". Franz Beckenbauer briefly returned at the end of the 1995–96 season as caretaker coach and led his team to victory in the UEFA Cup, beating Bordeaux in the final. For the 1996–97 season, Trapattoni returned to win the championship. In the following season, Bayern lost the title to newly promoted 1. FC Kaiserslautern and Trapattoni had to take his leave for the second time.After his success at Borussia Dortmund, Bayern were coached by Ottmar Hitzfeld from 1998 to 2004. In Hitzfeld's first season, Bayern won the Bundesliga and came close to winning the Champions League, losing 2–1 to Manchester United into injury time after leading for most of the match. The following year, in the club's centenary season, Bayern won the third league and cup double in its history. A third consecutive Bundesliga title followed in 2001, won with a stoppage time goal on the final day of the league season. Days later, Bayern won the Champions League for the fourth time after a 25-year gap, defeating Valencia on penalties. The 2001–02 season began with a win in the Intercontinental Cup, but ended trophyless otherwise. In 2002–03, Bayern won their fourth double, leading the league by a record margin of 16 points. Hitzfeld's reign ended in 2004, with Bayern underperforming, including defeat by second division Alemannia Aachen in the DFB-Pokal.Felix Magath took over and led Bayern to two consecutive doubles. Prior to the start of the 2005–06 season, Bayern moved from the Olympiastadion to the new Allianz Arena, which the club shared with 1860 Munich. On the field, their performance in 2006–07 was erratic. Trailing in the league and having lost to Alemannia Aachen in the cup yet again, coach Magath was sacked shortly after the winter break.Hitzfeld returned as a trainer in January 2007, but Bayern finished the 2006–07 season in fourth position, thus failing to qualify for the Champions League for the first time in more than a decade. Additional losses in the DFB-Pokal and the DFB-Ligapokal left the club with no honours for the season.For the 2007–08 season, Bayern made drastic squad changes to help rebuild. They signed a total of eight new players and sold, released or loaned out nine of their players. Among new signings were 2006 World Cup stars such as Franck Ribéry, Miroslav Klose and Luca Toni. Bayern went on to win the Bundesliga in convincing fashion, leading the standings on every single week of play, and the DFB-Pokal against Borussia Dortmund.After the season, Bayern's long-term goalkeeper Oliver Kahn retired, which left the club without a top-tier goalkeeper for several seasons. The club's coach Ottmar Hitzfeld also retired and Jürgen Klinsmann was chosen as his successor. However, Klinsmann was sacked even before the end of his first season as Bayern trailed Wolfsburg in the league, had lost the quarterfinal of the DFB-Pokal to Bayer Leverkusen, and had been made look silly in the quarterfinal of the Champions League when FC Barcelona scored four times in the first half of the first leg and over the course of both legs Bayern never looked like they could keep up. Jupp Heynckes was named caretaker coach and led the club to a second-place finish in the league.For the 2009–10 season, Bayern hired Dutch manager Louis van Gaal, and Dutch forward Arjen Robben joined Bayern. Robben, alongside Ribéry, would go on to shape Bayern's playstyle of attacking over the wings for the next ten years. The press quickly dubbed the duo "Robbery". In addition, David Alaba and Thomas Müller were promoted to the first team. With Müller, van Gaal went so far as to proclaim, "With me, Müller always plays," which has become a much-referenced phrase over the years. On the pitch Bayern had its most successful season since 2001, securing the domestic double and losing only in the final of the Champions League to Inter Milan 0–2. Despite the successful 2009–10 campaign, van Gaal was fired in April 2011 as Bayern was trailing in the league and eliminated in the first knockout round of the Champions League, again by Inter. Van Gaal's second in command, Andries Jonker, took over and finished the season in third place.Jupp Heynckes returned for his second permanent spell in the 2011–12 season. Although the club had signed Manuel Neuer, ending Bayern's quest for an adequate substitute for Kahn, and Jérôme Boateng for the season, Bayern remained without a title for the second consecutive season, coming in second to Borussia Dortmund in the league and the cup. The Champions League final was held at the Allianz and Bayern indeed reached the final in their home stadium but lost the "Finale dahoam" as they had termed it to Chelsea on penalties. For the 2012–13 season, Bayern signed Javi Martínez. After Bayern had finished as runner-up to all titles in 2011–12, Bayern went on to win all titles in 2012–13, setting various Bundesliga records along the way, and becoming the first German team to win the treble. Bayern finished the Bundesliga on 91 points, only 11 points shy of a perfect season, and to date, still, the best season ever played. In what was Bayern's third Champions League final appearance within four years, they beat Borussia Dortmund 2–1. A week later, they completed the treble by winning the DFB-Pokal final over VfB Stuttgart. During the season, in January, Bayern had already announced that they would hire Pep Guardiola as coach for the 2013–14 season. Originally the club presented this as Heynckes retiring on the expiration of his contract, but Uli Hoeneß later admitted that it was not Heynckes's decision to leave Bayern at the end of the season. It was actually forced by the club's desire to appoint Guardiola.Bayern fulfilled Guardiola's wish of signing Thiago Alcântara from FC Barcelona and Guardiola's first season started off well with Bayern extending a streak of undefeated league matches from the last season to 53 matches. The eventual loss to Augsburg came two match days after Bayern had already claimed the league title. During the season, Bayern had also claimed two other titles, the FIFA Club World Cup and the UEFA Super Cup, the latter being the last major trophy the club had not yet won. Bayern also won the cup to complete their tenth domestic double, but lost in the semi-final of the Champions League to Real Madrid. Off the pitch, Bayern's president Uli Hoeneß was convicted of tax evasion on 13 March 2014 and sentenced to three and a half years in prison. Hoeneß resigned the next day. Vice-president Karl Hopfner was elected president on 2 May. Before the 2014–15 season, Bayern picked up Robert Lewandowski after his contract had ended at Borussia Dortmund, and loaned out Xabi Alonso from Real Madrid. Bayern also let Toni Kroos leave for Real. Club icons Bastian Schweinsteiger and Claudio Pizarro left before the 2015–16 season. In these two seasons, Bayern defended their league title, including another double in 2015–16, but failed to advance past the semi-finals in the Champions League. Although the club's leadership tried to convince Guardiola to stay, the coach decided not to extend his three-year contract.Carlo Ancelotti was hired as successor to Guardiola. The key transfer for the 2016–17 campaign was Mats Hummels from Borussia Dortmund. Off the pitch Uli Hoeneß had been released early from prison and reelected as president in November 2016. Under Ancelotti, Bayern claimed their fifth consecutive league title, but did not win the cup or the Champions League. In July 2017, Bayern announced that 1860 Munich would leave the Allianz for good as the club had been relegated to the 4th division. Before the 2017–18 season, Bayern made extensive changes to their squad, signing amongst others young prospects such as Kingsley Coman, Corentin Tolisso, Serge Gnabry and Niklas Süle, and loaning James Rodríguez from Real. Meanwhile, the club's captain, Philipp Lahm, and Xabi Alonso retired, and several other players left the club. As Bayern's performances were perceived to be more and more lackluster, Ancelotti was sacked after a 0–3 loss to Paris St. Germain in the Champions League, early in his second season. Willy Sagnol took over as interim manager for a week before it was announced that Jupp Heynckes would finish the season in his fourth spell at the club. During the season, the club urged Heynckes —even publicly— to extend his contract, but Heynckes, aged 73, stayed firm that he would retire for good after the season. The club began a long and extensive search to find a replacement, and eventually Niko Kovač was presented as Heynckes's successor, signing a three-year contract. Heynckes led the club to another championship. In the cup final, Heynckes's last match as coach, Heynckes met his successor on the pitch. Kovač's Eintracht Frankfurt denied Bayern the title, winning 3–1.Kovač's first season at the club started slowly, with Bayern falling behind Dortmund in the league throughout the first half of the season. In contrast to similar situations with van Gaal and Ancelotti, the club's leadership decided to protect their coach from criticisms. However, after the winter break, Bayern quickly closed the distance and put themselves first-place in the league. In the Champions League, the club was eliminated by Liverpool in the round of 16, the first time since 2011 that Bayern did not reach the quarterfinal. During the season Arjen Robben announced that it would be his last season for the club, while Uli Hoeneß announced that Franck Ribéry would be leaving at the end of the season. In March 2019, Bayern announced that they had signed Lucas Hernandez from Atlético Madrid for a club and Bundesliga record fee of €80 million. On 18 May 2019, Bayern won their seventh straight Bundesliga title as they finished two points above second-place Dortmund with 78 points. This Bundesliga title was Ribéry's ninth and Robben's eighth. A week later, Bayern defeated RB Leipzig 3–0 in the 2019 DFB-Pokal Final. With the win, Bayern won their 19th German Cup and completed their 12th domestic double.Hansi Flick joined Bayern Munich on 1 July 2019 as an assistant coach. Under Kovač, Bayern was off to a slow start in the league and after a 5–1 loss to Frankfurt, Kovač and Bayern parted ways on 3 November 2019 with Flick being promoted to interim manager. After a satisfying spell as interim coach, Bayern announced on 22 December 2019 that Flick would remain in charge until the end of season. Bayern's performances on the pitch picked up noticeably and in April 2020, the club agreed with Flick to a new permanent contract through 2023. Under Flick the club won the league, having played the most successful leg of a Bundesliga season in history, and went on to claim the cup, thus completing the club's 13th domestic double. In the Champions League, Bayern reached their first final since 2013, en route beating FC Barcelona 8–2 in the quarter-finals and Lyon 3–0 in the semi-final. In the final, which was held in Lisbon behind closed doors due to the severity of COVID-19 pandemic, they defeated Paris Saint-Germain 1–0. Former PSG player Kingsley Coman scored the only goal of the match. With the victory, they became the second European club to complete the continental treble in two different seasons, matching the 2014–15 FC Barcelona team.After a short break, Bayern started the new season by winning the UEFA Super Cup for the second time in their history. In a closely contested match, Bayern defeated Sevilla 2–1 after extra time, with Javi Martínez scoring the winning goal. In February 2021, they won the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup (postponed from December 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic) after defeating African champions Al Ahly SC 2–0 by a brace from Robert Lewandowski, and then winning in the final against Mexican team Tigres UANL 1–0 after a goal from Benjamin Pavard and became only the second club to win the sextuple, after Barcelona won it in 2009. Later, Bayern failed to defend its Champions League title after losing to PSG in a quarter-final. However, it managed to win its 9th Bundesliga title in a row. During the season Robert Lewandowski broke Gerd Müller's record for the number of goals scored in a Bundesliga season after scoring 41 times.On 27 April 2021, Bayern announced that Flick would be leaving at the end of the season, at his request, and that RB Leipzig manager Julian Nagelsmann would become the new manager, effective 1 July. According to multiple reports, Bayern paid Leipzig €25m, a world record for a manager, as compensation for Nagelsmann's services. It was later announced that Flick was leaving to take charge of the German national team.In the original club constitution, Bayern's colours were named as white and blue, but the club played in white shirts with black shorts until 1905 when Bayern joined MSC. MSC decreed that the footballers would have to play in red shorts. Also, the younger players were called red shorts, which were meant as an insult. For most of the club's early history, Bayern had primarily worn white and maroon home kits. In 1968–69 season, Bayern changed to red and blue striped shirts, with blue shorts and socks. Between 1969 and 1973, the team wore a home strip of red and white striped shirts with either red or white shorts and red socks. In the 1973–74 season, the team switched to an all-white kit featuring single vertical red and blue stripes on the shirt. From 1974 onwards, Bayern has mostly worn an all-red home kit with white trim. Bayern revived the red and blue striped colour scheme between 1995 and 1997. In 1997, blue was the dominant colour for the first time when Adidas released an all navy blue home kit with a red chest band. In 1999, Bayern returned to a predominantly red kit, which featured blue sleeves, and in 2000 the club released a traditional all red kit with white trim to be worn for Champions League matches. Bayern also wore a "Rotwein" coloured home kits in Bundesliga matches between 2001 and 2003, and during the 2006–07 Champions League campaign, in reference to their first-choice colours prior to the late 1960s.The club's away kit has had a wide range of colours over the years, including white, black, blue, and gold-green. Bayern also features a distinct international kit. During the 2013–14 season, Bayern used an all-red home kit with a Bavarian flag diamond watermark pattern, a "Lederhosen" inspired white and black "Oktoberfest" away kit, and an all navy blue international kit.In the 1980s and 1990s, Bayern used a special away kit when playing at 1. FC Kaiserslautern, representing the Brazilian colours blue and yellow, a superstition borne from the fact that the club found it hard to win there.Bayern's crest has changed several times. Originally it consisted of the stylised letters F, C, B, M, which were woven into one symbol. The original crest was blue. The colours of Bavaria were included for the first time in 1954. The crest from 1906 to 1919 denotes "Bayern FA", whereby "FA" stands for "Fußball-Abteilung", i.e., Football Department; Bayern then was integrated into TSV Jahn Munich and constituted its football department.The modern version of the crest has changed from the 1954 version in several steps. While the crest consisted of a single colour only for most of the time, namely blue or red, the current crest is blue, red, and white. It has the colours of Bavaria in its centre, and FC Bayern München is written in white on a red ring enclosing the Bavarian colours.Bayern played its first training games at the Schyrenplatz in the centre of Munich. The first official games were held on the Theresienwiese. In 1901, Bayern moved to a field of its own, located in Schwabing at the Clemensstraße. After joining the Münchner Sport-Club (MSC) in 1906, Bayern moved in May 1907 to MSC's ground at the Leopoldstraße. As the crowds gathering for Bayern's home games increased at the beginning of the 1920s, Bayern had to switch to various other premises in Munich.From 1925, Bayern shared the Grünwalder Stadion with 1860 Munich. Until World War II, the stadium was owned by 1860 Munich, and is still colloquially known as "Sechz'ger" ("Sixties") Stadium. It was destroyed during the war, and efforts to rebuild it resulted in a patchwork. Bayern's record crowd at the Grünwalder Stadion is reported as more than 50,000 in the home game against 1. FC Nürnberg in the 1961–62 season. In the Bundesliga era the stadium had a maximum capacity of 44,000 which was reached on several occasions, but the capacity has since been reduced to 21,272. As was the case at most of this period's stadiums, the vast majority of the stadium was given over to terracing. Today the second teams of both clubs play in the stadium.For the 1972 Summer Olympics, the city of Munich built the Olympiastadion. The stadium, renowned for its architecture, was inaugurated in the last Bundesliga match of the 1971–72 season. The match drew a capacity crowd of 79,000, a total which was reached again on numerous occasions. In its early days, the stadium was considered one of the foremost stadiums in the world and played host to numerous major finals, such as that of 1974 FIFA World Cup. In the following years the stadium underwent several modifications, such as an increase in seating space from approximately 50 per cent to 66 per cent. Eventually, the stadium had a capacity of 63,000 for national matches and 59,000 for international occasions such as European Cup competitions. Many people, however, began to feel that the stadium was too cold in winter, with half the audience exposed to the weather due to lack of cover. A further complaint was the distance between the spectators and the pitch, betraying the stadium's track and field heritage. Renovation proved impossible, as the architect Günther Behnisch vetoed major modifications of the stadium.After much discussion, the city of Munich, the state of Bavaria, Bayern Munich and 1860 Munich jointly decided at the end of 2000 to build a new stadium. While Bayern had wanted a purpose-built football stadium for several years, the awarding of the 2006 FIFA World Cup to Germany stimulated the discussion as the Olympiastadion no longer met the FIFA criteria to host a World Cup game. Located on the northern outskirts of Munich, the Allianz Arena has been in use since the beginning of the 2005–06 season. Its initial capacity of 66,000 fully covered seats has since been increased for matches on national level to 69,901 by transforming 3,000 seats to terracing in a 2:1 ratio. Since August 2012, 2,000 more seats were added in the last row of the top tier increasing the capacity to 71,000. In January 2015, a proposal to increase the capacity was approved by the city council so now Allianz Arena has a capacity of 75,000 (70,000 in Champions League).The stadium's most prominent feature is the translucent outer layer, which can be illuminated in different colors for impressive effects. Red lighting is used for Bayern home games and white for German national team home games.In May 2012, Bayern opened a museum about its history, FC Bayern Erlebniswelt, inside the Allianz Arena.At the 2018 annual general meeting, the Bayern board reported that the club had 291,000 official members and there are 4,433 officially registered fan clubs with over 390,000 members. This makes the club the largest fan membership club in the world. Bayern have fan clubs and supporters all over Germany. Fan club members from all over Germany and nearby Austria and Switzerland often travel more than to Munich to attend home games at the Allianz Arena. Bayern has an average of 75,000 attendees at the Allianz Arena which is at 100 per cent capacity level. Every Bundesliga game has been sold-out for years. Bayern's away games have been sold out for many years. According to a study by Sport+Markt Bayern is the fifth-most popular football club in Europe with 20.7 million supporters, and the most popular football club in Germany with 10 million supporters.Bayern Munich is also renowned for its well-organised ultra scene. The most prominent groups are the "Schickeria München", the "Inferno Bavaria", the "Red Munichs '89", the "Südkurve '73", the "Munichmaniacs 1996", the "Red Angels", and the "Red Sharks". The ultras scene of Bayern Munch has been recognised for certain groups taking stance against right-wing extremism, racism and homophobia, and in 2014 the group Schickeria München received the Julius Hirsch Award by the DFB for its commitment against antisemitism and discrimination.Stern des Südens is the song which fans sing at FCB home games. In the 1990s they also used to sing "FC Bayern, Forever Number One". Another notable song is "Mia San Mia" (Bavarian for "we are who we are") which is a famous motto of the club as well. A renowned catchphrase for the team is ""Packmas"" which is a Bavarian phrase for the German ""Packen wir es"", which means "let's do it". The team's mascot is called "Berni" since 2004.The club also has quite a number of high-profile supporters, among them Pope Benedict XVI, Boris Becker, Wladimir Klitschko, Horst Seehofer and Edmund Stoiber, former Minister-President of Bavaria, to name just a few.Bayern is one of three professional football clubs in Munich. Bayern's main local rival is 1860 Munich, who was the more successful club in the 1950s and was controversially picked for the initial Bundesliga season in 1963, winning a cup and a championship. In the 1970s and 1980s, 1860 Munich moved between the first and the third division. The Munich derby is still a much-anticipated event, getting much extra attention from supporters of both clubs. 1860 Munich is considered more working-class, and therefore suffers from a diminishing fan base in a city where the manufacturing sector is declining. Bayern is considered the establishment club, which is reflected by many board members being business leaders and including the former Bavarian minister-president, Edmund Stoiber. Despite the rivalry, Bayern has repeatedly supported 1860 in times of financial disarray.Since the 1920s, 1. FC Nürnberg has been Bayern's main and traditional rival in Bavaria. Philipp Lahm said that playing Nürnberg is "always special" and is a "heated atmosphere". Both clubs played in the same league in the mid-1920s, but in the 1920s and 1930s, Nürnberg was far more successful, winning five championships in the 1920s, making the club Germany's record champion. Bayern took over the title more than sixty years later, when they won their tenth championship in 1987, thereby surpassing the number of championships won by Nürnberg. The duel between Bayern and Nürnberg is often referred to as the Bavarian Derby.Bayern also enjoys a strong rivalry with the 1. FC Kaiserslautern, originating in parts from a game in 1973, when Bayern lost 7–4 after leading 4–1, but also from the two clubs competing for German championship honours at various times in the Bundesliga as well as the city of Kaiserslautern together with the surrounding Palatinate having been part of Bavaria until a plebiscite after the end of the Second World War.Since the 1970s, Bayern's main rivals have been the clubs who put up the strongest fight against its national dominance. In the 1970s this was Borussia Mönchengladbach, in the 1980s the category expanded to include Hamburger SV. In the 1990s, Borussia Dortmund, Werder Bremen and Bayer Leverkusen emerged as the most ardent opponents. Recently Borussia Dortmund, Schalke, and Werder Bremen have been the main challengers in the Bundesliga. Recently, Bayern's main Bundesliga challenger has been Borussia Dortmund. Bayern and Dortmund have competed against each other for many Bundesliga titles. They also have played against each other in the DFB-Pokal final in 2008, 2012, 2014, and 2016. The 2–5 loss against Dortmund in the 2012 final was Bayern's worst ever loss in a DFB-Pokal final. Bayern and Dortmund have also played against each other in the DFL-Supercup in 1989, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2016, 2017, 2019, and 2020. The height of the competition between the two clubs was when Bayern defeated Dortmund 2–1 in the final of the 2012–13 UEFA Champions League.Amongst Bayern's chief European rivals are Real Madrid, A.C. Milan, and Manchester United due to many classic wins, draws and losses. Real Madrid versus Bayern is the match that has historically been played most often in the Champions League/European Cup with 24 matches. Due to Bayern being traditionally hard to beat for Madrid, Madrid supporters often refer to Bayern as the ""Bestia negra"" ("Black Beast"). Despite the number of duels, Bayern and Real have never met in the final of a Champions League or European Cup.Bayern is led mostly by former club players. From 2016 to 2019, Uli Hoeneß served as the club's president, following Karl Hopfner who had been in office from 2014; Hoeneß had resigned in 2014 after being convicted of tax fraud. Karl-Heinz Rummenigge is the chairman of the executive board of the AG. The supervisory board of nine consists mostly of managers of big German corporations. Besides the club's president and the board's chairman, they are Herbert Hainer former CEO of (Adidas), Dr. Herbert Diess chairman of (Volkswagen), Dr. Werner Zedelius senior advisor at (Allianz), Timotheus Höttges CEO of (Deutsche Telekom), Prof. Dr. Dieter Mayer, Edmund Stoiber, Theodor Weimer CEO of (Deutsche Börse), and Dr. Michael Diederich speaker of the board at (UniCredit Bank).Professional football at Bayern is run by the spin-off organisation "FC Bayern München AG". "AG" is short for "Aktiengesellschaft", and Bayern is run like a joint stock company, a company whose stock are not listed on the public stock exchange, but is privately owned. 75 per cent of "FC Bayern München AG" is owned by the club, the "FC Bayern München e. V." ("e. V." is short for "Eingetragener Verein", which translates into "Registered Club"). Three German corporations, the sports goods manufacturer Adidas, the automobile company Audi and the financial services group Allianz each hold 8.33 per cent of the shares, 25 per cent in total. Adidas acquired its shares in 2002 for €77 million. The money was designated to help finance the Allianz Arena. In 2009 Audi paid €90 million for their share. The capital was used to repay the loan on the Allianz Arena. And in early 2014, Allianz became the third shareholder of the company acquiring theirs share for €110 million. With the sale, Bayern paid off the remaining debt on the Allianz Arena 16 years ahead of schedule. Bayern's other sports departments are run by the club.Bayern's shirt sponsor is Deutsche Telekom. Deutsche Telekom has been Bayern's shirt sponsor since the start of 2002–03 season. The company extended their sponsorship deal in August 2015 until the end of the 2022–23 season. Bayern's kit sponsor is Adidas. Adidas have been Bayern's kit sponsor since 1974. Adidas extended their sponsorship with Bayern on 29 April 2015. The sponsorship deal runs until the end of the 2029–30 season. The premium partners are Audi, Allianz, HypoVereinsbank, Goodyear, Qatar Airways, Siemens, Paulaner Brewery, SAP, DHL, Hamad International Airport and Tipico. Gold sponsors are Coca-Cola, MAN, Procter & Gamble. Classic sponsors are Apple Music, Bayern 3, Beats Electronics, EA Sports, Gigaset, Hugo Boss, Courtyard by Marriott, Veuve Clicquot, and Adelholzener. In previous years the jersey rights were held by Adidas (1974–78), Magirus Deutz and Iveco (1978–84), Commodore (1984–89) and Opel (1989–2002).Bayern is an exception in professional football, having generated profits for 27 consecutive years. Other clubs often report losses, realising transfers via loans, whereas Bayern always uses current assets. In the 2019 edition of the Deloitte Football Money League, Bayern had the fourth-highest revenue in club football, generating revenue of €629.2 million. Bayern differs from other European top clubs in their income composition. The top 20 European football clubs earned 43 per cent of revenue, on average, from broadcasting rights. Bayern earned the only 28 per cent of their revenue that way. Bayern had the second-highest commercial revenue in the 2019 Deloitte Football Money League, behind only Real Madrid. Bayern's commercial revenue was €348.7 million (55 per cent of total revenue). In contrast, Bayern's Matchday revenue trails other top clubs at €103.8 million (17 per cent of their total revenue).While other European clubs have mainly marketed to international audiences, Bayern had focused on Germany. In recent years Bayern have started to focus their marketing more on Asia and the United States. Bayern made summer tours to the United States in 2014 and 2016. Bayern went to China in the summer of 2015 and returned in the summer of 2017 where they also played games in Singapore. In August 2014 Bayern opened an office in New York City as the club wants to strengthen their brand positioning against other top European clubs in the United States. In March 2017, Bayern was the first foreign football club to open an office in mainland China. Bayern hope to attract new sponsors and to increase their merchandising sales. In 2017, Forbes ranks Bayern as the world's fourth-most valuable football club in their annual list, estimating the club's value at €2.5 billion.As a result of Bayern's appearance in the 2012 UEFA Champions League Final, the club's brand value has reached US$786 million, up 59 per cent from the previous year. Among European teams, this is ahead of Real Madrid's US$600 million and behind first-placed Manchester United, whose brand is valued at US$853 million. In 2013, Bayern overtook Manchester United to take first place in brand valuation.Bayern's financial report for the 2018–19 season reported revenue of €750.4 million and an operating profit of €146.1 million. Post-tax profits were €52.5 million which meant that this was Bayern's 27th consecutive year with a profit.Bayern has been involved with charitable ventures for a long time, helping other football clubs in financial disarray as well as ordinary people in misery. In the wake of the 2004 Tsunami the "FC Bayern – Hilfe e.V." was founded, a foundation that aims to concentrate the social engagements of the club. At its inception this venture was funded with €600,000, raised by officials and players of the club. The money was amongst other things used to build a school in Marathenkerny, Sri Lanka and to rebuild the area of Trincomalee, Sri Lanka. In April 2007 it was decided that the focus of the foundation would shift towards supporting people in need locally.The club has also time and again shown to have a soft spot for clubs in financial disarray. Repeatedly the club has supported its local rival 1860 Munich with gratuitous friendlies, transfers at favourable rates, and direct money transfers. Also when St. Pauli threatened to lose its licence for professional football due to financial problems, Bayern met the club for a friendly game free of any charge, giving all revenues to St. Pauli. More recently when Mark van Bommel's home club Fortuna Sittard was in financial distress Bayern came to a charity game at the Dutch club. Another well known example was the transfer of Alexander Zickler in 1993 from Dynamo Dresden. When Bayern picked up Zickler for 2.3 Million DM many considered the sum to be a subvention for the financially threatened Dresdeners. In 2003, Bayern provided a €2 Million loan without collateral to the nearly bankrupt Borussia Dortmund which has since been repaid. On 14 July 2013, Bayern played a charity game against financially threatened third division Hansa Rostock. The game raised about €1 million, securing Hansa's licence. On 30 August 2017, Bayern played a benefit match against financial troubled Kickers Offenbach. All the revenue from the match went to Kickers Offenbach. Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said, "Kickers Offenbach are a club with a rich tradition, they've always been an important club in Germany, so we'll gladly help them with a benefit match." On 27 May 2019, Bayern played a benefit match against 1. FC Kaiserslautern. The match was played so Kaiserslautern could secure their licence to play in the German third division. All income from the match went to Kaiserslautern. "1. FC Kaiserslautern are one of Germany's biggest traditional clubs," Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said. "For many years there were intense, and in retrospect also legendary, Bayern matches at Kaiserslautern. Football is all about emotions and sporting rivalries, but also about solidarity. That's why we're happy to help and hope 1. FC Kaiserslautern can once again gain promotion back to the Bundesliga in the foreseeable future."In March 2020, Bayern Munich, Borussia Dortmund, RB Leipzig, and Bayer Leverkusen, the four German UEFA Champions League teams for the 2019/20 season, collectively gave €20 million to Bundesliga and 2. Bundesliga teams that were struggling financially during the COVID-19 pandemic.In mid 2013, Bayern was the first club to give financial support to the Magnus Hirschfeld National Foundation. The foundation researches the living environment LGBT people, and developed an education concept to facilitate unbiased dealing with LGBT themes in football.In 2016, FC Bayern received the Nine Values Cup, an award of the international children's social programme Football for Friendship.FC Bayern Munich headquarters and training facility is called Säbener Straße and it is located in the Untergiesing-Harlaching borough of Munich. The first team and the reserve team train at the facility. There are five grass pitches, two of which have undersoil heating, two artificial grass fields, a beach volleyball court and a multi-functional sports hall.The players' quarters opened in 1990 and were reconstructed after the 2007–08 season on suggestions by then new coach, Jürgen Klinsmann, who took inspiration from various major sports clubs. The quarters are now called the performance centre and feature weights and fitness areas, a massage unit, dressing rooms, the coaches' office, and a conference room with screening facilities for video analysis. A café, a library, an e-Learning room, and a family room are also included.Until August 2017, the Youth House was located at the headquarters at Säbener Straße. The Youth House housed up to 14 young talents aged 15 to 18 from outside of Munich. Former residents of the Youth House include Bastian Schweinsteiger, David Alaba, Owen Hargreaves, Michael Rensing, Holger Badstuber and Emre Can.In 2006, Bayern purchased land near the Allianz Arena with the purpose of building a new youth academy. In 2015 the project, estimated to cost €70 million, was started after overcoming internal resistance. The project's main reasons were that the existing facilities were too small and that the club, while very successful at the senior level, lacked competitiveness with other German and European clubs at the youth level. The new facility was scheduled to open in the 2017–18 season. On 21 August 2017 the FC Bayern Campus opened at a cost of €70 million. The campus is located north of Munich at Ingolstädter Straße. The campus is 30 hectare and has 8 football pitches for youth teams from the U-9s to the U-19s and the women's and girls' teams. The campus also has a 2,500-capacity stadium where the U-17s and the U-19s play their matches. The Allianz FC Bayern Akademie is located on the campus site, and the academy has 35 apartments for young talents who don't live in the Greater Munich area. The academy building also has offices for youth coaches and staff.Bayern is historically the most successful team in German football, as they have won the most championships and the most cups. They are also Germany's most successful team in international competitions, having won fourteen trophies. Bayern is one of only five clubs to have won all three major European competitions and was also the last club to have won three consecutive European Cup titles in the old straight knockout tournament format, entitling them to wear a multiple-winner badge during Champions League matches.German Champions/BundesligaDFB-PokalDFB/DFL-SupercupDFL-LigapokalUEFA Champions League / European CupUEFA Europa League / UEFA CupUEFA/European Cup Winners' CupUEFA/European Super CupIntercontinental CupFIFA Club World CupBayern Munich is the only European team to have completed all available Trebles (continental treble, domestic treble and European treble).The football competitions, which consist of a single match involving only two teams (for example, the UEFA Super Cup or DFL Supercup) are generally not counted as part of a treble.At his farewell game, Oliver Kahn was declared honorary captain of Bayern Munich. The players below are part of the FC Bayern Munich Hall of Fame.1930s1970s:1980s:1990s:2000s:2010s:Bayern has had 19 coaches since its promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965. Udo Lattek, Giovanni Trapattoni and Ottmar Hitzfeld served two terms as head coach. Franz Beckenbauer served one term as head coach and one as caretaker, while Jupp Heynckes had four separate spells as coach, including one as caretaker. Lattek was the club's most successful coach, having won six Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the European Cup; following closely is Ottmar Hitzfeld, who won five Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the Champions League. The club's least successful coach was Søren Lerby, who won less than a third of his matches in charge and presided over the club's near-relegation in the 1991–92 campaign.On 3 November 2019, Bayern sacked Niko Kovač after a 5–1 loss to Eintracht Frankfurt and appointed Hansi Flick as a coach. Initially, Flick was installed as caretaker coach only, however on 15 November, after Flick's team had won 4–0 against Borussia Dortmund, Bayern announced that Flick would be in charge at least until Christmas 2019. Later on, Flick signed a new contract until 2023.The reserve team serves mainly as the final stepping stone for promising young players before being promoted to the main team. The second team is coached by Sebastian Hoeneß. The second team play in the 3. Liga for the 2019–20 season. Since the inception of the Regionalliga in 1994, the team played in the Regionalliga Süd, after playing in the Oberliga since 1978. In the 2007–08 season, they qualified for the newly founded 3. Liga, where they lasted until 2011 when they were relegated to the Regionalliga. This ended 33 consecutive years of playing in the highest league that the German Football Association permits the second team of a professional football team to play.The youth academy has produced some of Europe's top football players, including Thomas Hitzlsperger, Owen Hargreaves, Philipp Lahm, Bastian Schweinsteiger and Thomas Müller. On 1 August 2017, the FC Bayern Campus became the new home of the youth teams. It consists of ten teams, with the youngest being under 9. Jochen Sauer is the FC Bayern Campus director and Bayern legend coach Hermann Gerland is the sporting director.The women's football department consists of five teams, including a professional team, a reserve team, and two youth teams. The women's first team, which is led by head coach Thomas Wörle, features several members of the German national youth team. In the 2008–09 season, the team finished second in the women's Bundesliga. The division was founded in 1970 and consisted of four teams with 90 players. Their greatest successes were winning the championships in 1976, 2015, and 2016. In the 2011–12 season on 12 May 2012, FC Bayern Munich dethroned the German Cup title holders 1. FFC Frankfurt with a 2–0 in the 2011–12 final in Cologne and celebrated the biggest success of the club's history since winning the championship in 1976. In 2015 they won the Bundesliga for the first time, without any defeat. They won the 2015–16 Bundesliga for the second consecutive time.The senior football department was founded in 2002, making it the youngest division of the club, and consists of five teams. The division is intended to enable senior athletes to participate in the various senior citizen competitions in Munich.The FC Bayern AllStars were founded in summer 2006, and consists of former Bayern players, including Klaus Augenthaler, Raimond Aumann, Andreas Brehme, Paul Breitner, Hans Pflügler, Stefan Reuter, Paulo Sérgio, and Olaf Thon. The team is coached by Wolfgang Dremmler, and plays matches with other senior teams around the world. For organisational reasons, the team can only play a limited number of games annually.Bayern has other departments for a variety of sports.The basketball department was founded in 1946, and currently contains 26 teams, including four men's teams, three women's teams, sixteen youth teams, and three senior teams. The men's team are three-time German champions, having won in 1954, 1955, and 2014. The team also won the German Basketball Cup in 1968. The team plays its home games at the Rudi-Sedlmayer-Halle, located in the Sendling-Westpark borough of Munich.The bowling department emerged from SKC Real-Isaria in 1983 and currently consists of five teams. Directly next to the well-known club building of the football department, the team plays at the bowling alley of the Münchner Kegler-Verein. The first team plays in the second highest division of the Münchner Spielklasse Bezirksliga.The department was created in 1908, and consists of nine teams, including seven men's teams and two women's teams. The men's team, which currently plays in the Chess Bundesliga following promotion in 2013 from the 2. Bundesliga Ost, was nine-time German Champion from 1983 to 1995. The team also won the European Chess Club Cup in 1992. The women play in the 2. Bundesliga, with their biggest success being the rise to the league in 2002.The handball department was founded in 1945, and consists of thirteen teams, including three men's teams, two women's teams, five boys teams, two girls teams, and a mixed youth team. The first men's team plays in the Bezirksoberliga Oberbayern, while the women's first teams plays in the Bezirksliga Oberbayern.The refereeing department was established in 1919 and is currently the largest football refereeing division in Europe, with 110 referees, with 2 of them women. The referees mainly officiate amateur games in the local Munich leagues.The table tennis department was founded in 1946 and currently has 220 members. The club currently has fourteen teams, including eight men's teams, a women's team, three youth teams, and two children teams. The women's first team is currently playing in the Landesliga Süd/Ost, while the men's first team plays in the 3. Bundesliga Süd. The focus of the department is on youth support.The baseball division existed during the 1960s and 1970s, during which the team won two German championships in 1962 and 1969.From 1966 to 1969, there existed an ice hockey team, which completed two seasons in the Eishockey-Bundesliga.In the summer of 1965, the Münchner Eislauf Verein negotiated with Bayern Munich about joining the club. Although the talks came to nothing, the ice hockey department of Münchner Eislauf Verein decided to join Bayern –mid-season– in January 1966. The team finished the season under the name of Bayern Munich in third place of the second-tier Oberliga. The following season Bayern achieved promotion to the Bundesliga where the club stayed for two seasons. However, in 1969 the club disbanded the department and sold the hockey team to Augsburger EV, citing lack of local support and difficulty in recruiting players as reasons.The gymnastics department was founded in 1974 and was most successful in the 1980s. During this time, the team won four German championships in 1983, 1986, 1987, and 1988. In 2014, the division was dissolved.	[ "Louis van Gaal", "Jupp Heynckes", "Josep Guardiola", "Niko Kovač", "Hansi Flick", "Ottmar Hitzfeld", "Jürgen Klinsmann", "Carlo Ancelotti", "Andries Jonker", "Giovanni Trapattoni" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Bayern Munich in Dec 22, 2021?	December 22, 2021	{ "text": [ "Julian Nagelsmann" ] }	L2_Q15789_P286_10	Jupp Heynckes is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1987 to Oct, 1991. Niko Kovač is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2018 to Nov, 2019. Giovanni Trapattoni is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1994 to Jun, 1995. Andries Jonker is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Apr, 2011 to Jun, 2011. Julian Nagelsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Jürgen Klinsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Carlo Ancelotti is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Hansi Flick is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Nov, 2019 to Jun, 2021. Ottmar Hitzfeld is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Josep Guardiola is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jun, 2013 to May, 2016. Louis van Gaal is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2009 to Apr, 2011.	FC Bayern MunichFußball-Club Bayern München e. V. (), commonly known as FC Bayern München (), FCB, Bayern Munich, or FC Bayern, is a German professional sports club based in Munich, Bavaria. It is best known for its professional football team, which plays in the Bundesliga, the top tier of the German football league system. Bayern is the most successful club in German football history, having won a record 31 national titles, including nine consecutively since 2013, and 20 national cups, along with numerous European honours.FC Bayern Munich was founded in 1900 by 11 football players, led by Franz John. Although Bayern won its first national championship in 1932, the club was not selected for the Bundesliga at its inception in 1963. The club had its period of greatest success in the mid-1970s when, under the captaincy of Franz Beckenbauer, it won the European Cup three consecutive times (1974–1976). Overall, Bayern has reached eleven European Cup/UEFA Champions League finals, winning their sixth title in the 2020 final as part of a continental treble, after which it became only the second European club to achieve the continental treble twice. Bayern has also won one UEFA Cup, one European Cup Winners' Cup, two UEFA Super Cups, two FIFA Club World Cups and two Intercontinental Cups, making it one of the most successful European clubs internationally and the only German club to have won both international titles. By winning the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup, Bayern Munich became only the second club to win the sextuple. Bayern Munich are one of five clubs to have won all three of UEFA's main club competitions, the only German club to achieve that. As of May 2021, Bayern Munich are ranked first in UEFA club rankings. The club has traditional local rivalries with 1860 Munich and 1. FC Nürnberg, as well as with Borussia Dortmund since the mid-1990s.Since the beginning of the 2005–06 season, Bayern has played its home games at the Allianz Arena. Previously the team had played at Munich's Olympiastadion for 33 years. The team colours are red and white, and the crest shows the white and blue flag of Bavaria. In terms of revenue, Bayern Munich is the largest sports club in Germany and the third highest-earning football club in the world, generating €634.1 million in 2021. In November 2019, Bayern had 293,000 official members and 4,499 officially registered fan clubs with over 350,000 members. The club has other departments for chess, handball, basketball, gymnastics, bowling, table tennis and senior football with more than 1,100 active members.FC Bayern Munich was founded by members of a Munich gymnastics club (MTV 1879). When a congregation of members of MTV 1879 decided on 27 February 1900 that the footballers of the club would not be allowed to join the German Football Association (DFB), 11 members of the football division left the congregation and on the same evening founded Fußball-Club Bayern München. Within a few months, Bayern achieved high-scoring victories against all local rivals, including a 15–0 win against FC Nordstern, and reached the semi-finals of the 1900–01 South German championship. In the following years, the club won some local trophies and in 1910–11 Bayern joined the newly founded "Kreisliga", the first regional Bavarian league. The club won this league in its first year, but did not win it again until the beginning of World War I in 1914, which halted all football activities in Germany. By the end of its first decade of founding, Bayern had attracted its first German national team player, Max "Gaberl" Gablonsky. By 1920, it had over 700 members, making it the largest football club in Munich.In the years after the war, Bayern won several regional competitions before winning its first South German championship in 1926, an achievement repeated two years later. Its first national title was gained in 1932, when coach Richard "Little Dombi" Kohn led the team to the German championship by defeating Eintracht Frankfurt 2–0 in the final.The rise of Adolf Hitler to power put an abrupt end to Bayern's development. Club president Kurt Landauer and the coach, both of whom were Jewish, left the country. Many others in the club were also purged. Bayern was taunted as the "Jew's club" while local rival 1860 Munich gained much support. Josef Sauter, who was inaugurated in 1943, was the only NSDAP member as president. As some Bayern players greeted Landauer, who was watching a Bayern-friendly in Switzerland, lead to continued discrimination. Bayern was also affected by the ruling that football players had to be full amateurs again, which led to the move of the gifted young centre-forward Oskar Rohr to Switzerland. In the following years, Bayern could not sustain its role of contender for the national title, achieving mid-table results in its regional league instead.After the war, Bayern became a member of the Oberliga Süd, the southern conference of the German first division, which was split five ways at that time. Bayern struggled, hiring and firing 13 coaches between 1945 and 1963. Landauer returned from exile in 1947 and was once again appointed club president, the tenure lasted until 1951. He remains as the club's president with the longest accumulated tenure. Landauer has been deemed as inventor of Bayern as a professional club and his memory is being upheld by the Bayern ultras "Schickeria". In 1955, the club was relegated but returned to the "Oberliga" in the following season and won the DFB-Pokal for the first time, beating Fortuna Düsseldorf 1–0 in the final.The club struggled financially, though, verging on bankruptcy at the end of the 1950s. Manufacturer ousted president Reitlinger, who was later convicted for financial irregularities, was ousted in the elections of 1958 by the industrialist Roland Endler. He provided financial stability for the club. Under his reign, Bayern had its best years in the Oberliga. Endler was no longer a candidate in 1962, when Wilhelm Neudecker, who became wealthy in the postwar construction boom, replaced him.In 1963, the Oberligas in Germany were consolidated into one national league, the Bundesliga. Five teams from the Oberliga South were admitted. The key for qualifying for the Bundesliga was the accumulated record of the last twelve years, where Bayern was only the sixth-ranked club. To boot, local rivals TSV 1860 Munich, ranked seventh, were champions of the last Oberliga-Süd season and were given preference on the basis of this achievement. After initial protests of Bayern for alleged mistreatment remained fruitless, president Neudecker rose to the challenge and hired Zlatko Čajkovski, who in 1962 led 1. FC Köln to the national championship. Fielding a team with young talents like Franz Beckenbauer, Gerd Müller and Sepp Maier – who would later be collectively referred to as "the axis", they should achieve promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965.In their first Bundesliga season, Bayern finished third and also won the DFB-Pokal. This qualified them for the following year's European Cup Winners' Cup, which they won in a dramatic final against Scottish club Rangers, when Franz Roth scored the decider in a 1–0 extra time victory. In 1967, Bayern retained the DFB-Pokal, but slow overall progress saw Branko Zebec take over as coach. He replaced Bayern's offensive style of play with a more disciplined approach, and in doing so achieved the first league and cup double in Bundesliga history in 1969. Bayern Munich are one of four German clubs to win the Bundesliga and DFB-Pokal in the same season along with Borussia Dortmund, 1. FC Köln and Werder Bremen. Zebec used only 13 players throughout the season.Udo Lattek took charge in 1970. After winning the DFB-Pokal in his first season, Lattek led Bayern to their third German championship. The deciding match in the 1971–72 season against Schalke 04 was the first match in the new Olympiastadion, and was also the first live televised match in Bundesliga history. Bayern beat Schalke 5–1 and thus claimed the title, also setting several records, including points gained and goals scored. Bayern also won the next two championships, but the zenith was their triumph in the 1974 European Cup Final against Atlético Madrid, which Bayern won 4–0 after a replay. This title – after winning the Cup Winners' trophy 1967 and two semi-finals (1968 and 1972) in that competition – marked the club's breakthrough as a force on the international stage.During the following years, the team was unsuccessful domestically but defended their European title by defeating Leeds United in the 1975 European Cup Final when Roth and Müller secured victory with late goals. "We came back into the game and scored two lucky goals, so in the end, we were the winners, but we were very, very lucky", stated Franz Beckenbauer. Billy Bremner believed the French referee was "very suspicious". Leeds fans then rioted in Paris and were banned from European football for three years. A year later in Glasgow, Saint-Étienne were defeated by another Roth goal and Bayern became the third club to win the trophy in three consecutive years. The final trophy won by Bayern in this era was the Intercontinental Cup, in which they defeated Brazilian club Cruzeiro over two legs. The rest of the decade was a time of change and saw no further titles for Bayern. In 1977, Franz Beckenbauer left for New York Cosmos and, in 1979, Sepp Maier and Uli Hoeneß retired while Gerd Müller joined the Fort Lauderdale Strikers. "Bayerndusel" was coined during this period as an expression of either contempt or envy about the sometimes narrow and last-minute wins against other teams.The 1980s were a period of off-field turmoil for Bayern, with many changes in personnel and financial problems. On the field, Paul Breitner and Karl-Heinz Rummenigge, termed "FC Breitnigge", led the team to Bundesliga titles in 1980 and 1981. Apart from a DFB-Pokal win in 1982, two relatively unsuccessful seasons followed, after which Breitner retired, and former coach Udo Lattek returned. Bayern won the DFB-Pokal in 1984 and went on to win five Bundesliga championships in six seasons, including a double in 1986. European success, however, was elusive during the decade; Bayern managed to claim the runners-up spot in the European Cup in 1982 and 1987.Jupp Heynckes was hired as coach in 1987, but after two consecutive championships in 1988–89 and 1989–90, Bayern's form dipped. After finishing second in 1990–91, the club finished just five points above the relegation places in 1991–92. In 1993–94, Bayern was eliminated in the UEFA Cup second round to Premier League side Norwich City, who remain the only English club to beat Bayern at the Olympiastadion. Success returned when Franz Beckenbauer took over for the second half of the 1993–94 season, winning the championship again after a four-year gap. Beckenbauer was then appointed club president.His successors as coach, Giovanni Trapattoni and Otto Rehhagel, both finished trophyless after a season, not meeting the club's high expectations. During this time, Bayern's players frequently appeared in the gossip pages of the press rather than the sports pages, resulting in the nickname "FC Hollywood". Franz Beckenbauer briefly returned at the end of the 1995–96 season as caretaker coach and led his team to victory in the UEFA Cup, beating Bordeaux in the final. For the 1996–97 season, Trapattoni returned to win the championship. In the following season, Bayern lost the title to newly promoted 1. FC Kaiserslautern and Trapattoni had to take his leave for the second time.After his success at Borussia Dortmund, Bayern were coached by Ottmar Hitzfeld from 1998 to 2004. In Hitzfeld's first season, Bayern won the Bundesliga and came close to winning the Champions League, losing 2–1 to Manchester United into injury time after leading for most of the match. The following year, in the club's centenary season, Bayern won the third league and cup double in its history. A third consecutive Bundesliga title followed in 2001, won with a stoppage time goal on the final day of the league season. Days later, Bayern won the Champions League for the fourth time after a 25-year gap, defeating Valencia on penalties. The 2001–02 season began with a win in the Intercontinental Cup, but ended trophyless otherwise. In 2002–03, Bayern won their fourth double, leading the league by a record margin of 16 points. Hitzfeld's reign ended in 2004, with Bayern underperforming, including defeat by second division Alemannia Aachen in the DFB-Pokal.Felix Magath took over and led Bayern to two consecutive doubles. Prior to the start of the 2005–06 season, Bayern moved from the Olympiastadion to the new Allianz Arena, which the club shared with 1860 Munich. On the field, their performance in 2006–07 was erratic. Trailing in the league and having lost to Alemannia Aachen in the cup yet again, coach Magath was sacked shortly after the winter break.Hitzfeld returned as a trainer in January 2007, but Bayern finished the 2006–07 season in fourth position, thus failing to qualify for the Champions League for the first time in more than a decade. Additional losses in the DFB-Pokal and the DFB-Ligapokal left the club with no honours for the season.For the 2007–08 season, Bayern made drastic squad changes to help rebuild. They signed a total of eight new players and sold, released or loaned out nine of their players. Among new signings were 2006 World Cup stars such as Franck Ribéry, Miroslav Klose and Luca Toni. Bayern went on to win the Bundesliga in convincing fashion, leading the standings on every single week of play, and the DFB-Pokal against Borussia Dortmund.After the season, Bayern's long-term goalkeeper Oliver Kahn retired, which left the club without a top-tier goalkeeper for several seasons. The club's coach Ottmar Hitzfeld also retired and Jürgen Klinsmann was chosen as his successor. However, Klinsmann was sacked even before the end of his first season as Bayern trailed Wolfsburg in the league, had lost the quarterfinal of the DFB-Pokal to Bayer Leverkusen, and had been made look silly in the quarterfinal of the Champions League when FC Barcelona scored four times in the first half of the first leg and over the course of both legs Bayern never looked like they could keep up. Jupp Heynckes was named caretaker coach and led the club to a second-place finish in the league.For the 2009–10 season, Bayern hired Dutch manager Louis van Gaal, and Dutch forward Arjen Robben joined Bayern. Robben, alongside Ribéry, would go on to shape Bayern's playstyle of attacking over the wings for the next ten years. The press quickly dubbed the duo "Robbery". In addition, David Alaba and Thomas Müller were promoted to the first team. With Müller, van Gaal went so far as to proclaim, "With me, Müller always plays," which has become a much-referenced phrase over the years. On the pitch Bayern had its most successful season since 2001, securing the domestic double and losing only in the final of the Champions League to Inter Milan 0–2. Despite the successful 2009–10 campaign, van Gaal was fired in April 2011 as Bayern was trailing in the league and eliminated in the first knockout round of the Champions League, again by Inter. Van Gaal's second in command, Andries Jonker, took over and finished the season in third place.Jupp Heynckes returned for his second permanent spell in the 2011–12 season. Although the club had signed Manuel Neuer, ending Bayern's quest for an adequate substitute for Kahn, and Jérôme Boateng for the season, Bayern remained without a title for the second consecutive season, coming in second to Borussia Dortmund in the league and the cup. The Champions League final was held at the Allianz and Bayern indeed reached the final in their home stadium but lost the "Finale dahoam" as they had termed it to Chelsea on penalties. For the 2012–13 season, Bayern signed Javi Martínez. After Bayern had finished as runner-up to all titles in 2011–12, Bayern went on to win all titles in 2012–13, setting various Bundesliga records along the way, and becoming the first German team to win the treble. Bayern finished the Bundesliga on 91 points, only 11 points shy of a perfect season, and to date, still, the best season ever played. In what was Bayern's third Champions League final appearance within four years, they beat Borussia Dortmund 2–1. A week later, they completed the treble by winning the DFB-Pokal final over VfB Stuttgart. During the season, in January, Bayern had already announced that they would hire Pep Guardiola as coach for the 2013–14 season. Originally the club presented this as Heynckes retiring on the expiration of his contract, but Uli Hoeneß later admitted that it was not Heynckes's decision to leave Bayern at the end of the season. It was actually forced by the club's desire to appoint Guardiola.Bayern fulfilled Guardiola's wish of signing Thiago Alcântara from FC Barcelona and Guardiola's first season started off well with Bayern extending a streak of undefeated league matches from the last season to 53 matches. The eventual loss to Augsburg came two match days after Bayern had already claimed the league title. During the season, Bayern had also claimed two other titles, the FIFA Club World Cup and the UEFA Super Cup, the latter being the last major trophy the club had not yet won. Bayern also won the cup to complete their tenth domestic double, but lost in the semi-final of the Champions League to Real Madrid. Off the pitch, Bayern's president Uli Hoeneß was convicted of tax evasion on 13 March 2014 and sentenced to three and a half years in prison. Hoeneß resigned the next day. Vice-president Karl Hopfner was elected president on 2 May. Before the 2014–15 season, Bayern picked up Robert Lewandowski after his contract had ended at Borussia Dortmund, and loaned out Xabi Alonso from Real Madrid. Bayern also let Toni Kroos leave for Real. Club icons Bastian Schweinsteiger and Claudio Pizarro left before the 2015–16 season. In these two seasons, Bayern defended their league title, including another double in 2015–16, but failed to advance past the semi-finals in the Champions League. Although the club's leadership tried to convince Guardiola to stay, the coach decided not to extend his three-year contract.Carlo Ancelotti was hired as successor to Guardiola. The key transfer for the 2016–17 campaign was Mats Hummels from Borussia Dortmund. Off the pitch Uli Hoeneß had been released early from prison and reelected as president in November 2016. Under Ancelotti, Bayern claimed their fifth consecutive league title, but did not win the cup or the Champions League. In July 2017, Bayern announced that 1860 Munich would leave the Allianz for good as the club had been relegated to the 4th division. Before the 2017–18 season, Bayern made extensive changes to their squad, signing amongst others young prospects such as Kingsley Coman, Corentin Tolisso, Serge Gnabry and Niklas Süle, and loaning James Rodríguez from Real. Meanwhile, the club's captain, Philipp Lahm, and Xabi Alonso retired, and several other players left the club. As Bayern's performances were perceived to be more and more lackluster, Ancelotti was sacked after a 0–3 loss to Paris St. Germain in the Champions League, early in his second season. Willy Sagnol took over as interim manager for a week before it was announced that Jupp Heynckes would finish the season in his fourth spell at the club. During the season, the club urged Heynckes —even publicly— to extend his contract, but Heynckes, aged 73, stayed firm that he would retire for good after the season. The club began a long and extensive search to find a replacement, and eventually Niko Kovač was presented as Heynckes's successor, signing a three-year contract. Heynckes led the club to another championship. In the cup final, Heynckes's last match as coach, Heynckes met his successor on the pitch. Kovač's Eintracht Frankfurt denied Bayern the title, winning 3–1.Kovač's first season at the club started slowly, with Bayern falling behind Dortmund in the league throughout the first half of the season. In contrast to similar situations with van Gaal and Ancelotti, the club's leadership decided to protect their coach from criticisms. However, after the winter break, Bayern quickly closed the distance and put themselves first-place in the league. In the Champions League, the club was eliminated by Liverpool in the round of 16, the first time since 2011 that Bayern did not reach the quarterfinal. During the season Arjen Robben announced that it would be his last season for the club, while Uli Hoeneß announced that Franck Ribéry would be leaving at the end of the season. In March 2019, Bayern announced that they had signed Lucas Hernandez from Atlético Madrid for a club and Bundesliga record fee of €80 million. On 18 May 2019, Bayern won their seventh straight Bundesliga title as they finished two points above second-place Dortmund with 78 points. This Bundesliga title was Ribéry's ninth and Robben's eighth. A week later, Bayern defeated RB Leipzig 3–0 in the 2019 DFB-Pokal Final. With the win, Bayern won their 19th German Cup and completed their 12th domestic double.Hansi Flick joined Bayern Munich on 1 July 2019 as an assistant coach. Under Kovač, Bayern was off to a slow start in the league and after a 5–1 loss to Frankfurt, Kovač and Bayern parted ways on 3 November 2019 with Flick being promoted to interim manager. After a satisfying spell as interim coach, Bayern announced on 22 December 2019 that Flick would remain in charge until the end of season. Bayern's performances on the pitch picked up noticeably and in April 2020, the club agreed with Flick to a new permanent contract through 2023. Under Flick the club won the league, having played the most successful leg of a Bundesliga season in history, and went on to claim the cup, thus completing the club's 13th domestic double. In the Champions League, Bayern reached their first final since 2013, en route beating FC Barcelona 8–2 in the quarter-finals and Lyon 3–0 in the semi-final. In the final, which was held in Lisbon behind closed doors due to the severity of COVID-19 pandemic, they defeated Paris Saint-Germain 1–0. Former PSG player Kingsley Coman scored the only goal of the match. With the victory, they became the second European club to complete the continental treble in two different seasons, matching the 2014–15 FC Barcelona team.After a short break, Bayern started the new season by winning the UEFA Super Cup for the second time in their history. In a closely contested match, Bayern defeated Sevilla 2–1 after extra time, with Javi Martínez scoring the winning goal. In February 2021, they won the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup (postponed from December 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic) after defeating African champions Al Ahly SC 2–0 by a brace from Robert Lewandowski, and then winning in the final against Mexican team Tigres UANL 1–0 after a goal from Benjamin Pavard and became only the second club to win the sextuple, after Barcelona won it in 2009. Later, Bayern failed to defend its Champions League title after losing to PSG in a quarter-final. However, it managed to win its 9th Bundesliga title in a row. During the season Robert Lewandowski broke Gerd Müller's record for the number of goals scored in a Bundesliga season after scoring 41 times.On 27 April 2021, Bayern announced that Flick would be leaving at the end of the season, at his request, and that RB Leipzig manager Julian Nagelsmann would become the new manager, effective 1 July. According to multiple reports, Bayern paid Leipzig €25m, a world record for a manager, as compensation for Nagelsmann's services. It was later announced that Flick was leaving to take charge of the German national team.In the original club constitution, Bayern's colours were named as white and blue, but the club played in white shirts with black shorts until 1905 when Bayern joined MSC. MSC decreed that the footballers would have to play in red shorts. Also, the younger players were called red shorts, which were meant as an insult. For most of the club's early history, Bayern had primarily worn white and maroon home kits. In 1968–69 season, Bayern changed to red and blue striped shirts, with blue shorts and socks. Between 1969 and 1973, the team wore a home strip of red and white striped shirts with either red or white shorts and red socks. In the 1973–74 season, the team switched to an all-white kit featuring single vertical red and blue stripes on the shirt. From 1974 onwards, Bayern has mostly worn an all-red home kit with white trim. Bayern revived the red and blue striped colour scheme between 1995 and 1997. In 1997, blue was the dominant colour for the first time when Adidas released an all navy blue home kit with a red chest band. In 1999, Bayern returned to a predominantly red kit, which featured blue sleeves, and in 2000 the club released a traditional all red kit with white trim to be worn for Champions League matches. Bayern also wore a "Rotwein" coloured home kits in Bundesliga matches between 2001 and 2003, and during the 2006–07 Champions League campaign, in reference to their first-choice colours prior to the late 1960s.The club's away kit has had a wide range of colours over the years, including white, black, blue, and gold-green. Bayern also features a distinct international kit. During the 2013–14 season, Bayern used an all-red home kit with a Bavarian flag diamond watermark pattern, a "Lederhosen" inspired white and black "Oktoberfest" away kit, and an all navy blue international kit.In the 1980s and 1990s, Bayern used a special away kit when playing at 1. FC Kaiserslautern, representing the Brazilian colours blue and yellow, a superstition borne from the fact that the club found it hard to win there.Bayern's crest has changed several times. Originally it consisted of the stylised letters F, C, B, M, which were woven into one symbol. The original crest was blue. The colours of Bavaria were included for the first time in 1954. The crest from 1906 to 1919 denotes "Bayern FA", whereby "FA" stands for "Fußball-Abteilung", i.e., Football Department; Bayern then was integrated into TSV Jahn Munich and constituted its football department.The modern version of the crest has changed from the 1954 version in several steps. While the crest consisted of a single colour only for most of the time, namely blue or red, the current crest is blue, red, and white. It has the colours of Bavaria in its centre, and FC Bayern München is written in white on a red ring enclosing the Bavarian colours.Bayern played its first training games at the Schyrenplatz in the centre of Munich. The first official games were held on the Theresienwiese. In 1901, Bayern moved to a field of its own, located in Schwabing at the Clemensstraße. After joining the Münchner Sport-Club (MSC) in 1906, Bayern moved in May 1907 to MSC's ground at the Leopoldstraße. As the crowds gathering for Bayern's home games increased at the beginning of the 1920s, Bayern had to switch to various other premises in Munich.From 1925, Bayern shared the Grünwalder Stadion with 1860 Munich. Until World War II, the stadium was owned by 1860 Munich, and is still colloquially known as "Sechz'ger" ("Sixties") Stadium. It was destroyed during the war, and efforts to rebuild it resulted in a patchwork. Bayern's record crowd at the Grünwalder Stadion is reported as more than 50,000 in the home game against 1. FC Nürnberg in the 1961–62 season. In the Bundesliga era the stadium had a maximum capacity of 44,000 which was reached on several occasions, but the capacity has since been reduced to 21,272. As was the case at most of this period's stadiums, the vast majority of the stadium was given over to terracing. Today the second teams of both clubs play in the stadium.For the 1972 Summer Olympics, the city of Munich built the Olympiastadion. The stadium, renowned for its architecture, was inaugurated in the last Bundesliga match of the 1971–72 season. The match drew a capacity crowd of 79,000, a total which was reached again on numerous occasions. In its early days, the stadium was considered one of the foremost stadiums in the world and played host to numerous major finals, such as that of 1974 FIFA World Cup. In the following years the stadium underwent several modifications, such as an increase in seating space from approximately 50 per cent to 66 per cent. Eventually, the stadium had a capacity of 63,000 for national matches and 59,000 for international occasions such as European Cup competitions. Many people, however, began to feel that the stadium was too cold in winter, with half the audience exposed to the weather due to lack of cover. A further complaint was the distance between the spectators and the pitch, betraying the stadium's track and field heritage. Renovation proved impossible, as the architect Günther Behnisch vetoed major modifications of the stadium.After much discussion, the city of Munich, the state of Bavaria, Bayern Munich and 1860 Munich jointly decided at the end of 2000 to build a new stadium. While Bayern had wanted a purpose-built football stadium for several years, the awarding of the 2006 FIFA World Cup to Germany stimulated the discussion as the Olympiastadion no longer met the FIFA criteria to host a World Cup game. Located on the northern outskirts of Munich, the Allianz Arena has been in use since the beginning of the 2005–06 season. Its initial capacity of 66,000 fully covered seats has since been increased for matches on national level to 69,901 by transforming 3,000 seats to terracing in a 2:1 ratio. Since August 2012, 2,000 more seats were added in the last row of the top tier increasing the capacity to 71,000. In January 2015, a proposal to increase the capacity was approved by the city council so now Allianz Arena has a capacity of 75,000 (70,000 in Champions League).The stadium's most prominent feature is the translucent outer layer, which can be illuminated in different colors for impressive effects. Red lighting is used for Bayern home games and white for German national team home games.In May 2012, Bayern opened a museum about its history, FC Bayern Erlebniswelt, inside the Allianz Arena.At the 2018 annual general meeting, the Bayern board reported that the club had 291,000 official members and there are 4,433 officially registered fan clubs with over 390,000 members. This makes the club the largest fan membership club in the world. Bayern have fan clubs and supporters all over Germany. Fan club members from all over Germany and nearby Austria and Switzerland often travel more than to Munich to attend home games at the Allianz Arena. Bayern has an average of 75,000 attendees at the Allianz Arena which is at 100 per cent capacity level. Every Bundesliga game has been sold-out for years. Bayern's away games have been sold out for many years. According to a study by Sport+Markt Bayern is the fifth-most popular football club in Europe with 20.7 million supporters, and the most popular football club in Germany with 10 million supporters.Bayern Munich is also renowned for its well-organised ultra scene. The most prominent groups are the "Schickeria München", the "Inferno Bavaria", the "Red Munichs '89", the "Südkurve '73", the "Munichmaniacs 1996", the "Red Angels", and the "Red Sharks". The ultras scene of Bayern Munch has been recognised for certain groups taking stance against right-wing extremism, racism and homophobia, and in 2014 the group Schickeria München received the Julius Hirsch Award by the DFB for its commitment against antisemitism and discrimination.Stern des Südens is the song which fans sing at FCB home games. In the 1990s they also used to sing "FC Bayern, Forever Number One". Another notable song is "Mia San Mia" (Bavarian for "we are who we are") which is a famous motto of the club as well. A renowned catchphrase for the team is ""Packmas"" which is a Bavarian phrase for the German ""Packen wir es"", which means "let's do it". The team's mascot is called "Berni" since 2004.The club also has quite a number of high-profile supporters, among them Pope Benedict XVI, Boris Becker, Wladimir Klitschko, Horst Seehofer and Edmund Stoiber, former Minister-President of Bavaria, to name just a few.Bayern is one of three professional football clubs in Munich. Bayern's main local rival is 1860 Munich, who was the more successful club in the 1950s and was controversially picked for the initial Bundesliga season in 1963, winning a cup and a championship. In the 1970s and 1980s, 1860 Munich moved between the first and the third division. The Munich derby is still a much-anticipated event, getting much extra attention from supporters of both clubs. 1860 Munich is considered more working-class, and therefore suffers from a diminishing fan base in a city where the manufacturing sector is declining. Bayern is considered the establishment club, which is reflected by many board members being business leaders and including the former Bavarian minister-president, Edmund Stoiber. Despite the rivalry, Bayern has repeatedly supported 1860 in times of financial disarray.Since the 1920s, 1. FC Nürnberg has been Bayern's main and traditional rival in Bavaria. Philipp Lahm said that playing Nürnberg is "always special" and is a "heated atmosphere". Both clubs played in the same league in the mid-1920s, but in the 1920s and 1930s, Nürnberg was far more successful, winning five championships in the 1920s, making the club Germany's record champion. Bayern took over the title more than sixty years later, when they won their tenth championship in 1987, thereby surpassing the number of championships won by Nürnberg. The duel between Bayern and Nürnberg is often referred to as the Bavarian Derby.Bayern also enjoys a strong rivalry with the 1. FC Kaiserslautern, originating in parts from a game in 1973, when Bayern lost 7–4 after leading 4–1, but also from the two clubs competing for German championship honours at various times in the Bundesliga as well as the city of Kaiserslautern together with the surrounding Palatinate having been part of Bavaria until a plebiscite after the end of the Second World War.Since the 1970s, Bayern's main rivals have been the clubs who put up the strongest fight against its national dominance. In the 1970s this was Borussia Mönchengladbach, in the 1980s the category expanded to include Hamburger SV. In the 1990s, Borussia Dortmund, Werder Bremen and Bayer Leverkusen emerged as the most ardent opponents. Recently Borussia Dortmund, Schalke, and Werder Bremen have been the main challengers in the Bundesliga. Recently, Bayern's main Bundesliga challenger has been Borussia Dortmund. Bayern and Dortmund have competed against each other for many Bundesliga titles. They also have played against each other in the DFB-Pokal final in 2008, 2012, 2014, and 2016. The 2–5 loss against Dortmund in the 2012 final was Bayern's worst ever loss in a DFB-Pokal final. Bayern and Dortmund have also played against each other in the DFL-Supercup in 1989, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2016, 2017, 2019, and 2020. The height of the competition between the two clubs was when Bayern defeated Dortmund 2–1 in the final of the 2012–13 UEFA Champions League.Amongst Bayern's chief European rivals are Real Madrid, A.C. Milan, and Manchester United due to many classic wins, draws and losses. Real Madrid versus Bayern is the match that has historically been played most often in the Champions League/European Cup with 24 matches. Due to Bayern being traditionally hard to beat for Madrid, Madrid supporters often refer to Bayern as the ""Bestia negra"" ("Black Beast"). Despite the number of duels, Bayern and Real have never met in the final of a Champions League or European Cup.Bayern is led mostly by former club players. From 2016 to 2019, Uli Hoeneß served as the club's president, following Karl Hopfner who had been in office from 2014; Hoeneß had resigned in 2014 after being convicted of tax fraud. Karl-Heinz Rummenigge is the chairman of the executive board of the AG. The supervisory board of nine consists mostly of managers of big German corporations. Besides the club's president and the board's chairman, they are Herbert Hainer former CEO of (Adidas), Dr. Herbert Diess chairman of (Volkswagen), Dr. Werner Zedelius senior advisor at (Allianz), Timotheus Höttges CEO of (Deutsche Telekom), Prof. Dr. Dieter Mayer, Edmund Stoiber, Theodor Weimer CEO of (Deutsche Börse), and Dr. Michael Diederich speaker of the board at (UniCredit Bank).Professional football at Bayern is run by the spin-off organisation "FC Bayern München AG". "AG" is short for "Aktiengesellschaft", and Bayern is run like a joint stock company, a company whose stock are not listed on the public stock exchange, but is privately owned. 75 per cent of "FC Bayern München AG" is owned by the club, the "FC Bayern München e. V." ("e. V." is short for "Eingetragener Verein", which translates into "Registered Club"). Three German corporations, the sports goods manufacturer Adidas, the automobile company Audi and the financial services group Allianz each hold 8.33 per cent of the shares, 25 per cent in total. Adidas acquired its shares in 2002 for €77 million. The money was designated to help finance the Allianz Arena. In 2009 Audi paid €90 million for their share. The capital was used to repay the loan on the Allianz Arena. And in early 2014, Allianz became the third shareholder of the company acquiring theirs share for €110 million. With the sale, Bayern paid off the remaining debt on the Allianz Arena 16 years ahead of schedule. Bayern's other sports departments are run by the club.Bayern's shirt sponsor is Deutsche Telekom. Deutsche Telekom has been Bayern's shirt sponsor since the start of 2002–03 season. The company extended their sponsorship deal in August 2015 until the end of the 2022–23 season. Bayern's kit sponsor is Adidas. Adidas have been Bayern's kit sponsor since 1974. Adidas extended their sponsorship with Bayern on 29 April 2015. The sponsorship deal runs until the end of the 2029–30 season. The premium partners are Audi, Allianz, HypoVereinsbank, Goodyear, Qatar Airways, Siemens, Paulaner Brewery, SAP, DHL, Hamad International Airport and Tipico. Gold sponsors are Coca-Cola, MAN, Procter & Gamble. Classic sponsors are Apple Music, Bayern 3, Beats Electronics, EA Sports, Gigaset, Hugo Boss, Courtyard by Marriott, Veuve Clicquot, and Adelholzener. In previous years the jersey rights were held by Adidas (1974–78), Magirus Deutz and Iveco (1978–84), Commodore (1984–89) and Opel (1989–2002).Bayern is an exception in professional football, having generated profits for 27 consecutive years. Other clubs often report losses, realising transfers via loans, whereas Bayern always uses current assets. In the 2019 edition of the Deloitte Football Money League, Bayern had the fourth-highest revenue in club football, generating revenue of €629.2 million. Bayern differs from other European top clubs in their income composition. The top 20 European football clubs earned 43 per cent of revenue, on average, from broadcasting rights. Bayern earned the only 28 per cent of their revenue that way. Bayern had the second-highest commercial revenue in the 2019 Deloitte Football Money League, behind only Real Madrid. Bayern's commercial revenue was €348.7 million (55 per cent of total revenue). In contrast, Bayern's Matchday revenue trails other top clubs at €103.8 million (17 per cent of their total revenue).While other European clubs have mainly marketed to international audiences, Bayern had focused on Germany. In recent years Bayern have started to focus their marketing more on Asia and the United States. Bayern made summer tours to the United States in 2014 and 2016. Bayern went to China in the summer of 2015 and returned in the summer of 2017 where they also played games in Singapore. In August 2014 Bayern opened an office in New York City as the club wants to strengthen their brand positioning against other top European clubs in the United States. In March 2017, Bayern was the first foreign football club to open an office in mainland China. Bayern hope to attract new sponsors and to increase their merchandising sales. In 2017, Forbes ranks Bayern as the world's fourth-most valuable football club in their annual list, estimating the club's value at €2.5 billion.As a result of Bayern's appearance in the 2012 UEFA Champions League Final, the club's brand value has reached US$786 million, up 59 per cent from the previous year. Among European teams, this is ahead of Real Madrid's US$600 million and behind first-placed Manchester United, whose brand is valued at US$853 million. In 2013, Bayern overtook Manchester United to take first place in brand valuation.Bayern's financial report for the 2018–19 season reported revenue of €750.4 million and an operating profit of €146.1 million. Post-tax profits were €52.5 million which meant that this was Bayern's 27th consecutive year with a profit.Bayern has been involved with charitable ventures for a long time, helping other football clubs in financial disarray as well as ordinary people in misery. In the wake of the 2004 Tsunami the "FC Bayern – Hilfe e.V." was founded, a foundation that aims to concentrate the social engagements of the club. At its inception this venture was funded with €600,000, raised by officials and players of the club. The money was amongst other things used to build a school in Marathenkerny, Sri Lanka and to rebuild the area of Trincomalee, Sri Lanka. In April 2007 it was decided that the focus of the foundation would shift towards supporting people in need locally.The club has also time and again shown to have a soft spot for clubs in financial disarray. Repeatedly the club has supported its local rival 1860 Munich with gratuitous friendlies, transfers at favourable rates, and direct money transfers. Also when St. Pauli threatened to lose its licence for professional football due to financial problems, Bayern met the club for a friendly game free of any charge, giving all revenues to St. Pauli. More recently when Mark van Bommel's home club Fortuna Sittard was in financial distress Bayern came to a charity game at the Dutch club. Another well known example was the transfer of Alexander Zickler in 1993 from Dynamo Dresden. When Bayern picked up Zickler for 2.3 Million DM many considered the sum to be a subvention for the financially threatened Dresdeners. In 2003, Bayern provided a €2 Million loan without collateral to the nearly bankrupt Borussia Dortmund which has since been repaid. On 14 July 2013, Bayern played a charity game against financially threatened third division Hansa Rostock. The game raised about €1 million, securing Hansa's licence. On 30 August 2017, Bayern played a benefit match against financial troubled Kickers Offenbach. All the revenue from the match went to Kickers Offenbach. Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said, "Kickers Offenbach are a club with a rich tradition, they've always been an important club in Germany, so we'll gladly help them with a benefit match." On 27 May 2019, Bayern played a benefit match against 1. FC Kaiserslautern. The match was played so Kaiserslautern could secure their licence to play in the German third division. All income from the match went to Kaiserslautern. "1. FC Kaiserslautern are one of Germany's biggest traditional clubs," Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said. "For many years there were intense, and in retrospect also legendary, Bayern matches at Kaiserslautern. Football is all about emotions and sporting rivalries, but also about solidarity. That's why we're happy to help and hope 1. FC Kaiserslautern can once again gain promotion back to the Bundesliga in the foreseeable future."In March 2020, Bayern Munich, Borussia Dortmund, RB Leipzig, and Bayer Leverkusen, the four German UEFA Champions League teams for the 2019/20 season, collectively gave €20 million to Bundesliga and 2. Bundesliga teams that were struggling financially during the COVID-19 pandemic.In mid 2013, Bayern was the first club to give financial support to the Magnus Hirschfeld National Foundation. The foundation researches the living environment LGBT people, and developed an education concept to facilitate unbiased dealing with LGBT themes in football.In 2016, FC Bayern received the Nine Values Cup, an award of the international children's social programme Football for Friendship.FC Bayern Munich headquarters and training facility is called Säbener Straße and it is located in the Untergiesing-Harlaching borough of Munich. The first team and the reserve team train at the facility. There are five grass pitches, two of which have undersoil heating, two artificial grass fields, a beach volleyball court and a multi-functional sports hall.The players' quarters opened in 1990 and were reconstructed after the 2007–08 season on suggestions by then new coach, Jürgen Klinsmann, who took inspiration from various major sports clubs. The quarters are now called the performance centre and feature weights and fitness areas, a massage unit, dressing rooms, the coaches' office, and a conference room with screening facilities for video analysis. A café, a library, an e-Learning room, and a family room are also included.Until August 2017, the Youth House was located at the headquarters at Säbener Straße. The Youth House housed up to 14 young talents aged 15 to 18 from outside of Munich. Former residents of the Youth House include Bastian Schweinsteiger, David Alaba, Owen Hargreaves, Michael Rensing, Holger Badstuber and Emre Can.In 2006, Bayern purchased land near the Allianz Arena with the purpose of building a new youth academy. In 2015 the project, estimated to cost €70 million, was started after overcoming internal resistance. The project's main reasons were that the existing facilities were too small and that the club, while very successful at the senior level, lacked competitiveness with other German and European clubs at the youth level. The new facility was scheduled to open in the 2017–18 season. On 21 August 2017 the FC Bayern Campus opened at a cost of €70 million. The campus is located north of Munich at Ingolstädter Straße. The campus is 30 hectare and has 8 football pitches for youth teams from the U-9s to the U-19s and the women's and girls' teams. The campus also has a 2,500-capacity stadium where the U-17s and the U-19s play their matches. The Allianz FC Bayern Akademie is located on the campus site, and the academy has 35 apartments for young talents who don't live in the Greater Munich area. The academy building also has offices for youth coaches and staff.Bayern is historically the most successful team in German football, as they have won the most championships and the most cups. They are also Germany's most successful team in international competitions, having won fourteen trophies. Bayern is one of only five clubs to have won all three major European competitions and was also the last club to have won three consecutive European Cup titles in the old straight knockout tournament format, entitling them to wear a multiple-winner badge during Champions League matches.German Champions/BundesligaDFB-PokalDFB/DFL-SupercupDFL-LigapokalUEFA Champions League / European CupUEFA Europa League / UEFA CupUEFA/European Cup Winners' CupUEFA/European Super CupIntercontinental CupFIFA Club World CupBayern Munich is the only European team to have completed all available Trebles (continental treble, domestic treble and European treble).The football competitions, which consist of a single match involving only two teams (for example, the UEFA Super Cup or DFL Supercup) are generally not counted as part of a treble.At his farewell game, Oliver Kahn was declared honorary captain of Bayern Munich. The players below are part of the FC Bayern Munich Hall of Fame.1930s1970s:1980s:1990s:2000s:2010s:Bayern has had 19 coaches since its promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965. Udo Lattek, Giovanni Trapattoni and Ottmar Hitzfeld served two terms as head coach. Franz Beckenbauer served one term as head coach and one as caretaker, while Jupp Heynckes had four separate spells as coach, including one as caretaker. Lattek was the club's most successful coach, having won six Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the European Cup; following closely is Ottmar Hitzfeld, who won five Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the Champions League. The club's least successful coach was Søren Lerby, who won less than a third of his matches in charge and presided over the club's near-relegation in the 1991–92 campaign.On 3 November 2019, Bayern sacked Niko Kovač after a 5–1 loss to Eintracht Frankfurt and appointed Hansi Flick as a coach. Initially, Flick was installed as caretaker coach only, however on 15 November, after Flick's team had won 4–0 against Borussia Dortmund, Bayern announced that Flick would be in charge at least until Christmas 2019. Later on, Flick signed a new contract until 2023.The reserve team serves mainly as the final stepping stone for promising young players before being promoted to the main team. The second team is coached by Sebastian Hoeneß. The second team play in the 3. Liga for the 2019–20 season. Since the inception of the Regionalliga in 1994, the team played in the Regionalliga Süd, after playing in the Oberliga since 1978. In the 2007–08 season, they qualified for the newly founded 3. Liga, where they lasted until 2011 when they were relegated to the Regionalliga. This ended 33 consecutive years of playing in the highest league that the German Football Association permits the second team of a professional football team to play.The youth academy has produced some of Europe's top football players, including Thomas Hitzlsperger, Owen Hargreaves, Philipp Lahm, Bastian Schweinsteiger and Thomas Müller. On 1 August 2017, the FC Bayern Campus became the new home of the youth teams. It consists of ten teams, with the youngest being under 9. Jochen Sauer is the FC Bayern Campus director and Bayern legend coach Hermann Gerland is the sporting director.The women's football department consists of five teams, including a professional team, a reserve team, and two youth teams. The women's first team, which is led by head coach Thomas Wörle, features several members of the German national youth team. In the 2008–09 season, the team finished second in the women's Bundesliga. The division was founded in 1970 and consisted of four teams with 90 players. Their greatest successes were winning the championships in 1976, 2015, and 2016. In the 2011–12 season on 12 May 2012, FC Bayern Munich dethroned the German Cup title holders 1. FFC Frankfurt with a 2–0 in the 2011–12 final in Cologne and celebrated the biggest success of the club's history since winning the championship in 1976. In 2015 they won the Bundesliga for the first time, without any defeat. They won the 2015–16 Bundesliga for the second consecutive time.The senior football department was founded in 2002, making it the youngest division of the club, and consists of five teams. The division is intended to enable senior athletes to participate in the various senior citizen competitions in Munich.The FC Bayern AllStars were founded in summer 2006, and consists of former Bayern players, including Klaus Augenthaler, Raimond Aumann, Andreas Brehme, Paul Breitner, Hans Pflügler, Stefan Reuter, Paulo Sérgio, and Olaf Thon. The team is coached by Wolfgang Dremmler, and plays matches with other senior teams around the world. For organisational reasons, the team can only play a limited number of games annually.Bayern has other departments for a variety of sports.The basketball department was founded in 1946, and currently contains 26 teams, including four men's teams, three women's teams, sixteen youth teams, and three senior teams. The men's team are three-time German champions, having won in 1954, 1955, and 2014. The team also won the German Basketball Cup in 1968. The team plays its home games at the Rudi-Sedlmayer-Halle, located in the Sendling-Westpark borough of Munich.The bowling department emerged from SKC Real-Isaria in 1983 and currently consists of five teams. Directly next to the well-known club building of the football department, the team plays at the bowling alley of the Münchner Kegler-Verein. The first team plays in the second highest division of the Münchner Spielklasse Bezirksliga.The department was created in 1908, and consists of nine teams, including seven men's teams and two women's teams. The men's team, which currently plays in the Chess Bundesliga following promotion in 2013 from the 2. Bundesliga Ost, was nine-time German Champion from 1983 to 1995. The team also won the European Chess Club Cup in 1992. The women play in the 2. Bundesliga, with their biggest success being the rise to the league in 2002.The handball department was founded in 1945, and consists of thirteen teams, including three men's teams, two women's teams, five boys teams, two girls teams, and a mixed youth team. The first men's team plays in the Bezirksoberliga Oberbayern, while the women's first teams plays in the Bezirksliga Oberbayern.The refereeing department was established in 1919 and is currently the largest football refereeing division in Europe, with 110 referees, with 2 of them women. The referees mainly officiate amateur games in the local Munich leagues.The table tennis department was founded in 1946 and currently has 220 members. The club currently has fourteen teams, including eight men's teams, a women's team, three youth teams, and two children teams. The women's first team is currently playing in the Landesliga Süd/Ost, while the men's first team plays in the 3. Bundesliga Süd. The focus of the department is on youth support.The baseball division existed during the 1960s and 1970s, during which the team won two German championships in 1962 and 1969.From 1966 to 1969, there existed an ice hockey team, which completed two seasons in the Eishockey-Bundesliga.In the summer of 1965, the Münchner Eislauf Verein negotiated with Bayern Munich about joining the club. Although the talks came to nothing, the ice hockey department of Münchner Eislauf Verein decided to join Bayern –mid-season– in January 1966. The team finished the season under the name of Bayern Munich in third place of the second-tier Oberliga. The following season Bayern achieved promotion to the Bundesliga where the club stayed for two seasons. However, in 1969 the club disbanded the department and sold the hockey team to Augsburger EV, citing lack of local support and difficulty in recruiting players as reasons.The gymnastics department was founded in 1974 and was most successful in the 1980s. During this time, the team won four German championships in 1983, 1986, 1987, and 1988. In 2014, the division was dissolved.	[ "Louis van Gaal", "Jupp Heynckes", "Josep Guardiola", "Niko Kovač", "Hansi Flick", "Ottmar Hitzfeld", "Jürgen Klinsmann", "Carlo Ancelotti", "Andries Jonker", "Giovanni Trapattoni" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Bayern Munich in 12/22/2021?	December 22, 2021	{ "text": [ "Julian Nagelsmann" ] }	L2_Q15789_P286_10	Jupp Heynckes is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1987 to Oct, 1991. Niko Kovač is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2018 to Nov, 2019. Giovanni Trapattoni is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1994 to Jun, 1995. Andries Jonker is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Apr, 2011 to Jun, 2011. Julian Nagelsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Jürgen Klinsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Carlo Ancelotti is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Hansi Flick is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Nov, 2019 to Jun, 2021. Ottmar Hitzfeld is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Josep Guardiola is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jun, 2013 to May, 2016. Louis van Gaal is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2009 to Apr, 2011.	FC Bayern MunichFußball-Club Bayern München e. V. (), commonly known as FC Bayern München (), FCB, Bayern Munich, or FC Bayern, is a German professional sports club based in Munich, Bavaria. It is best known for its professional football team, which plays in the Bundesliga, the top tier of the German football league system. Bayern is the most successful club in German football history, having won a record 31 national titles, including nine consecutively since 2013, and 20 national cups, along with numerous European honours.FC Bayern Munich was founded in 1900 by 11 football players, led by Franz John. Although Bayern won its first national championship in 1932, the club was not selected for the Bundesliga at its inception in 1963. The club had its period of greatest success in the mid-1970s when, under the captaincy of Franz Beckenbauer, it won the European Cup three consecutive times (1974–1976). Overall, Bayern has reached eleven European Cup/UEFA Champions League finals, winning their sixth title in the 2020 final as part of a continental treble, after which it became only the second European club to achieve the continental treble twice. Bayern has also won one UEFA Cup, one European Cup Winners' Cup, two UEFA Super Cups, two FIFA Club World Cups and two Intercontinental Cups, making it one of the most successful European clubs internationally and the only German club to have won both international titles. By winning the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup, Bayern Munich became only the second club to win the sextuple. Bayern Munich are one of five clubs to have won all three of UEFA's main club competitions, the only German club to achieve that. As of May 2021, Bayern Munich are ranked first in UEFA club rankings. The club has traditional local rivalries with 1860 Munich and 1. FC Nürnberg, as well as with Borussia Dortmund since the mid-1990s.Since the beginning of the 2005–06 season, Bayern has played its home games at the Allianz Arena. Previously the team had played at Munich's Olympiastadion for 33 years. The team colours are red and white, and the crest shows the white and blue flag of Bavaria. In terms of revenue, Bayern Munich is the largest sports club in Germany and the third highest-earning football club in the world, generating €634.1 million in 2021. In November 2019, Bayern had 293,000 official members and 4,499 officially registered fan clubs with over 350,000 members. The club has other departments for chess, handball, basketball, gymnastics, bowling, table tennis and senior football with more than 1,100 active members.FC Bayern Munich was founded by members of a Munich gymnastics club (MTV 1879). When a congregation of members of MTV 1879 decided on 27 February 1900 that the footballers of the club would not be allowed to join the German Football Association (DFB), 11 members of the football division left the congregation and on the same evening founded Fußball-Club Bayern München. Within a few months, Bayern achieved high-scoring victories against all local rivals, including a 15–0 win against FC Nordstern, and reached the semi-finals of the 1900–01 South German championship. In the following years, the club won some local trophies and in 1910–11 Bayern joined the newly founded "Kreisliga", the first regional Bavarian league. The club won this league in its first year, but did not win it again until the beginning of World War I in 1914, which halted all football activities in Germany. By the end of its first decade of founding, Bayern had attracted its first German national team player, Max "Gaberl" Gablonsky. By 1920, it had over 700 members, making it the largest football club in Munich.In the years after the war, Bayern won several regional competitions before winning its first South German championship in 1926, an achievement repeated two years later. Its first national title was gained in 1932, when coach Richard "Little Dombi" Kohn led the team to the German championship by defeating Eintracht Frankfurt 2–0 in the final.The rise of Adolf Hitler to power put an abrupt end to Bayern's development. Club president Kurt Landauer and the coach, both of whom were Jewish, left the country. Many others in the club were also purged. Bayern was taunted as the "Jew's club" while local rival 1860 Munich gained much support. Josef Sauter, who was inaugurated in 1943, was the only NSDAP member as president. As some Bayern players greeted Landauer, who was watching a Bayern-friendly in Switzerland, lead to continued discrimination. Bayern was also affected by the ruling that football players had to be full amateurs again, which led to the move of the gifted young centre-forward Oskar Rohr to Switzerland. In the following years, Bayern could not sustain its role of contender for the national title, achieving mid-table results in its regional league instead.After the war, Bayern became a member of the Oberliga Süd, the southern conference of the German first division, which was split five ways at that time. Bayern struggled, hiring and firing 13 coaches between 1945 and 1963. Landauer returned from exile in 1947 and was once again appointed club president, the tenure lasted until 1951. He remains as the club's president with the longest accumulated tenure. Landauer has been deemed as inventor of Bayern as a professional club and his memory is being upheld by the Bayern ultras "Schickeria". In 1955, the club was relegated but returned to the "Oberliga" in the following season and won the DFB-Pokal for the first time, beating Fortuna Düsseldorf 1–0 in the final.The club struggled financially, though, verging on bankruptcy at the end of the 1950s. Manufacturer ousted president Reitlinger, who was later convicted for financial irregularities, was ousted in the elections of 1958 by the industrialist Roland Endler. He provided financial stability for the club. Under his reign, Bayern had its best years in the Oberliga. Endler was no longer a candidate in 1962, when Wilhelm Neudecker, who became wealthy in the postwar construction boom, replaced him.In 1963, the Oberligas in Germany were consolidated into one national league, the Bundesliga. Five teams from the Oberliga South were admitted. The key for qualifying for the Bundesliga was the accumulated record of the last twelve years, where Bayern was only the sixth-ranked club. To boot, local rivals TSV 1860 Munich, ranked seventh, were champions of the last Oberliga-Süd season and were given preference on the basis of this achievement. After initial protests of Bayern for alleged mistreatment remained fruitless, president Neudecker rose to the challenge and hired Zlatko Čajkovski, who in 1962 led 1. FC Köln to the national championship. Fielding a team with young talents like Franz Beckenbauer, Gerd Müller and Sepp Maier – who would later be collectively referred to as "the axis", they should achieve promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965.In their first Bundesliga season, Bayern finished third and also won the DFB-Pokal. This qualified them for the following year's European Cup Winners' Cup, which they won in a dramatic final against Scottish club Rangers, when Franz Roth scored the decider in a 1–0 extra time victory. In 1967, Bayern retained the DFB-Pokal, but slow overall progress saw Branko Zebec take over as coach. He replaced Bayern's offensive style of play with a more disciplined approach, and in doing so achieved the first league and cup double in Bundesliga history in 1969. Bayern Munich are one of four German clubs to win the Bundesliga and DFB-Pokal in the same season along with Borussia Dortmund, 1. FC Köln and Werder Bremen. Zebec used only 13 players throughout the season.Udo Lattek took charge in 1970. After winning the DFB-Pokal in his first season, Lattek led Bayern to their third German championship. The deciding match in the 1971–72 season against Schalke 04 was the first match in the new Olympiastadion, and was also the first live televised match in Bundesliga history. Bayern beat Schalke 5–1 and thus claimed the title, also setting several records, including points gained and goals scored. Bayern also won the next two championships, but the zenith was their triumph in the 1974 European Cup Final against Atlético Madrid, which Bayern won 4–0 after a replay. This title – after winning the Cup Winners' trophy 1967 and two semi-finals (1968 and 1972) in that competition – marked the club's breakthrough as a force on the international stage.During the following years, the team was unsuccessful domestically but defended their European title by defeating Leeds United in the 1975 European Cup Final when Roth and Müller secured victory with late goals. "We came back into the game and scored two lucky goals, so in the end, we were the winners, but we were very, very lucky", stated Franz Beckenbauer. Billy Bremner believed the French referee was "very suspicious". Leeds fans then rioted in Paris and were banned from European football for three years. A year later in Glasgow, Saint-Étienne were defeated by another Roth goal and Bayern became the third club to win the trophy in three consecutive years. The final trophy won by Bayern in this era was the Intercontinental Cup, in which they defeated Brazilian club Cruzeiro over two legs. The rest of the decade was a time of change and saw no further titles for Bayern. In 1977, Franz Beckenbauer left for New York Cosmos and, in 1979, Sepp Maier and Uli Hoeneß retired while Gerd Müller joined the Fort Lauderdale Strikers. "Bayerndusel" was coined during this period as an expression of either contempt or envy about the sometimes narrow and last-minute wins against other teams.The 1980s were a period of off-field turmoil for Bayern, with many changes in personnel and financial problems. On the field, Paul Breitner and Karl-Heinz Rummenigge, termed "FC Breitnigge", led the team to Bundesliga titles in 1980 and 1981. Apart from a DFB-Pokal win in 1982, two relatively unsuccessful seasons followed, after which Breitner retired, and former coach Udo Lattek returned. Bayern won the DFB-Pokal in 1984 and went on to win five Bundesliga championships in six seasons, including a double in 1986. European success, however, was elusive during the decade; Bayern managed to claim the runners-up spot in the European Cup in 1982 and 1987.Jupp Heynckes was hired as coach in 1987, but after two consecutive championships in 1988–89 and 1989–90, Bayern's form dipped. After finishing second in 1990–91, the club finished just five points above the relegation places in 1991–92. In 1993–94, Bayern was eliminated in the UEFA Cup second round to Premier League side Norwich City, who remain the only English club to beat Bayern at the Olympiastadion. Success returned when Franz Beckenbauer took over for the second half of the 1993–94 season, winning the championship again after a four-year gap. Beckenbauer was then appointed club president.His successors as coach, Giovanni Trapattoni and Otto Rehhagel, both finished trophyless after a season, not meeting the club's high expectations. During this time, Bayern's players frequently appeared in the gossip pages of the press rather than the sports pages, resulting in the nickname "FC Hollywood". Franz Beckenbauer briefly returned at the end of the 1995–96 season as caretaker coach and led his team to victory in the UEFA Cup, beating Bordeaux in the final. For the 1996–97 season, Trapattoni returned to win the championship. In the following season, Bayern lost the title to newly promoted 1. FC Kaiserslautern and Trapattoni had to take his leave for the second time.After his success at Borussia Dortmund, Bayern were coached by Ottmar Hitzfeld from 1998 to 2004. In Hitzfeld's first season, Bayern won the Bundesliga and came close to winning the Champions League, losing 2–1 to Manchester United into injury time after leading for most of the match. The following year, in the club's centenary season, Bayern won the third league and cup double in its history. A third consecutive Bundesliga title followed in 2001, won with a stoppage time goal on the final day of the league season. Days later, Bayern won the Champions League for the fourth time after a 25-year gap, defeating Valencia on penalties. The 2001–02 season began with a win in the Intercontinental Cup, but ended trophyless otherwise. In 2002–03, Bayern won their fourth double, leading the league by a record margin of 16 points. Hitzfeld's reign ended in 2004, with Bayern underperforming, including defeat by second division Alemannia Aachen in the DFB-Pokal.Felix Magath took over and led Bayern to two consecutive doubles. Prior to the start of the 2005–06 season, Bayern moved from the Olympiastadion to the new Allianz Arena, which the club shared with 1860 Munich. On the field, their performance in 2006–07 was erratic. Trailing in the league and having lost to Alemannia Aachen in the cup yet again, coach Magath was sacked shortly after the winter break.Hitzfeld returned as a trainer in January 2007, but Bayern finished the 2006–07 season in fourth position, thus failing to qualify for the Champions League for the first time in more than a decade. Additional losses in the DFB-Pokal and the DFB-Ligapokal left the club with no honours for the season.For the 2007–08 season, Bayern made drastic squad changes to help rebuild. They signed a total of eight new players and sold, released or loaned out nine of their players. Among new signings were 2006 World Cup stars such as Franck Ribéry, Miroslav Klose and Luca Toni. Bayern went on to win the Bundesliga in convincing fashion, leading the standings on every single week of play, and the DFB-Pokal against Borussia Dortmund.After the season, Bayern's long-term goalkeeper Oliver Kahn retired, which left the club without a top-tier goalkeeper for several seasons. The club's coach Ottmar Hitzfeld also retired and Jürgen Klinsmann was chosen as his successor. However, Klinsmann was sacked even before the end of his first season as Bayern trailed Wolfsburg in the league, had lost the quarterfinal of the DFB-Pokal to Bayer Leverkusen, and had been made look silly in the quarterfinal of the Champions League when FC Barcelona scored four times in the first half of the first leg and over the course of both legs Bayern never looked like they could keep up. Jupp Heynckes was named caretaker coach and led the club to a second-place finish in the league.For the 2009–10 season, Bayern hired Dutch manager Louis van Gaal, and Dutch forward Arjen Robben joined Bayern. Robben, alongside Ribéry, would go on to shape Bayern's playstyle of attacking over the wings for the next ten years. The press quickly dubbed the duo "Robbery". In addition, David Alaba and Thomas Müller were promoted to the first team. With Müller, van Gaal went so far as to proclaim, "With me, Müller always plays," which has become a much-referenced phrase over the years. On the pitch Bayern had its most successful season since 2001, securing the domestic double and losing only in the final of the Champions League to Inter Milan 0–2. Despite the successful 2009–10 campaign, van Gaal was fired in April 2011 as Bayern was trailing in the league and eliminated in the first knockout round of the Champions League, again by Inter. Van Gaal's second in command, Andries Jonker, took over and finished the season in third place.Jupp Heynckes returned for his second permanent spell in the 2011–12 season. Although the club had signed Manuel Neuer, ending Bayern's quest for an adequate substitute for Kahn, and Jérôme Boateng for the season, Bayern remained without a title for the second consecutive season, coming in second to Borussia Dortmund in the league and the cup. The Champions League final was held at the Allianz and Bayern indeed reached the final in their home stadium but lost the "Finale dahoam" as they had termed it to Chelsea on penalties. For the 2012–13 season, Bayern signed Javi Martínez. After Bayern had finished as runner-up to all titles in 2011–12, Bayern went on to win all titles in 2012–13, setting various Bundesliga records along the way, and becoming the first German team to win the treble. Bayern finished the Bundesliga on 91 points, only 11 points shy of a perfect season, and to date, still, the best season ever played. In what was Bayern's third Champions League final appearance within four years, they beat Borussia Dortmund 2–1. A week later, they completed the treble by winning the DFB-Pokal final over VfB Stuttgart. During the season, in January, Bayern had already announced that they would hire Pep Guardiola as coach for the 2013–14 season. Originally the club presented this as Heynckes retiring on the expiration of his contract, but Uli Hoeneß later admitted that it was not Heynckes's decision to leave Bayern at the end of the season. It was actually forced by the club's desire to appoint Guardiola.Bayern fulfilled Guardiola's wish of signing Thiago Alcântara from FC Barcelona and Guardiola's first season started off well with Bayern extending a streak of undefeated league matches from the last season to 53 matches. The eventual loss to Augsburg came two match days after Bayern had already claimed the league title. During the season, Bayern had also claimed two other titles, the FIFA Club World Cup and the UEFA Super Cup, the latter being the last major trophy the club had not yet won. Bayern also won the cup to complete their tenth domestic double, but lost in the semi-final of the Champions League to Real Madrid. Off the pitch, Bayern's president Uli Hoeneß was convicted of tax evasion on 13 March 2014 and sentenced to three and a half years in prison. Hoeneß resigned the next day. Vice-president Karl Hopfner was elected president on 2 May. Before the 2014–15 season, Bayern picked up Robert Lewandowski after his contract had ended at Borussia Dortmund, and loaned out Xabi Alonso from Real Madrid. Bayern also let Toni Kroos leave for Real. Club icons Bastian Schweinsteiger and Claudio Pizarro left before the 2015–16 season. In these two seasons, Bayern defended their league title, including another double in 2015–16, but failed to advance past the semi-finals in the Champions League. Although the club's leadership tried to convince Guardiola to stay, the coach decided not to extend his three-year contract.Carlo Ancelotti was hired as successor to Guardiola. The key transfer for the 2016–17 campaign was Mats Hummels from Borussia Dortmund. Off the pitch Uli Hoeneß had been released early from prison and reelected as president in November 2016. Under Ancelotti, Bayern claimed their fifth consecutive league title, but did not win the cup or the Champions League. In July 2017, Bayern announced that 1860 Munich would leave the Allianz for good as the club had been relegated to the 4th division. Before the 2017–18 season, Bayern made extensive changes to their squad, signing amongst others young prospects such as Kingsley Coman, Corentin Tolisso, Serge Gnabry and Niklas Süle, and loaning James Rodríguez from Real. Meanwhile, the club's captain, Philipp Lahm, and Xabi Alonso retired, and several other players left the club. As Bayern's performances were perceived to be more and more lackluster, Ancelotti was sacked after a 0–3 loss to Paris St. Germain in the Champions League, early in his second season. Willy Sagnol took over as interim manager for a week before it was announced that Jupp Heynckes would finish the season in his fourth spell at the club. During the season, the club urged Heynckes —even publicly— to extend his contract, but Heynckes, aged 73, stayed firm that he would retire for good after the season. The club began a long and extensive search to find a replacement, and eventually Niko Kovač was presented as Heynckes's successor, signing a three-year contract. Heynckes led the club to another championship. In the cup final, Heynckes's last match as coach, Heynckes met his successor on the pitch. Kovač's Eintracht Frankfurt denied Bayern the title, winning 3–1.Kovač's first season at the club started slowly, with Bayern falling behind Dortmund in the league throughout the first half of the season. In contrast to similar situations with van Gaal and Ancelotti, the club's leadership decided to protect their coach from criticisms. However, after the winter break, Bayern quickly closed the distance and put themselves first-place in the league. In the Champions League, the club was eliminated by Liverpool in the round of 16, the first time since 2011 that Bayern did not reach the quarterfinal. During the season Arjen Robben announced that it would be his last season for the club, while Uli Hoeneß announced that Franck Ribéry would be leaving at the end of the season. In March 2019, Bayern announced that they had signed Lucas Hernandez from Atlético Madrid for a club and Bundesliga record fee of €80 million. On 18 May 2019, Bayern won their seventh straight Bundesliga title as they finished two points above second-place Dortmund with 78 points. This Bundesliga title was Ribéry's ninth and Robben's eighth. A week later, Bayern defeated RB Leipzig 3–0 in the 2019 DFB-Pokal Final. With the win, Bayern won their 19th German Cup and completed their 12th domestic double.Hansi Flick joined Bayern Munich on 1 July 2019 as an assistant coach. Under Kovač, Bayern was off to a slow start in the league and after a 5–1 loss to Frankfurt, Kovač and Bayern parted ways on 3 November 2019 with Flick being promoted to interim manager. After a satisfying spell as interim coach, Bayern announced on 22 December 2019 that Flick would remain in charge until the end of season. Bayern's performances on the pitch picked up noticeably and in April 2020, the club agreed with Flick to a new permanent contract through 2023. Under Flick the club won the league, having played the most successful leg of a Bundesliga season in history, and went on to claim the cup, thus completing the club's 13th domestic double. In the Champions League, Bayern reached their first final since 2013, en route beating FC Barcelona 8–2 in the quarter-finals and Lyon 3–0 in the semi-final. In the final, which was held in Lisbon behind closed doors due to the severity of COVID-19 pandemic, they defeated Paris Saint-Germain 1–0. Former PSG player Kingsley Coman scored the only goal of the match. With the victory, they became the second European club to complete the continental treble in two different seasons, matching the 2014–15 FC Barcelona team.After a short break, Bayern started the new season by winning the UEFA Super Cup for the second time in their history. In a closely contested match, Bayern defeated Sevilla 2–1 after extra time, with Javi Martínez scoring the winning goal. In February 2021, they won the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup (postponed from December 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic) after defeating African champions Al Ahly SC 2–0 by a brace from Robert Lewandowski, and then winning in the final against Mexican team Tigres UANL 1–0 after a goal from Benjamin Pavard and became only the second club to win the sextuple, after Barcelona won it in 2009. Later, Bayern failed to defend its Champions League title after losing to PSG in a quarter-final. However, it managed to win its 9th Bundesliga title in a row. During the season Robert Lewandowski broke Gerd Müller's record for the number of goals scored in a Bundesliga season after scoring 41 times.On 27 April 2021, Bayern announced that Flick would be leaving at the end of the season, at his request, and that RB Leipzig manager Julian Nagelsmann would become the new manager, effective 1 July. According to multiple reports, Bayern paid Leipzig €25m, a world record for a manager, as compensation for Nagelsmann's services. It was later announced that Flick was leaving to take charge of the German national team.In the original club constitution, Bayern's colours were named as white and blue, but the club played in white shirts with black shorts until 1905 when Bayern joined MSC. MSC decreed that the footballers would have to play in red shorts. Also, the younger players were called red shorts, which were meant as an insult. For most of the club's early history, Bayern had primarily worn white and maroon home kits. In 1968–69 season, Bayern changed to red and blue striped shirts, with blue shorts and socks. Between 1969 and 1973, the team wore a home strip of red and white striped shirts with either red or white shorts and red socks. In the 1973–74 season, the team switched to an all-white kit featuring single vertical red and blue stripes on the shirt. From 1974 onwards, Bayern has mostly worn an all-red home kit with white trim. Bayern revived the red and blue striped colour scheme between 1995 and 1997. In 1997, blue was the dominant colour for the first time when Adidas released an all navy blue home kit with a red chest band. In 1999, Bayern returned to a predominantly red kit, which featured blue sleeves, and in 2000 the club released a traditional all red kit with white trim to be worn for Champions League matches. Bayern also wore a "Rotwein" coloured home kits in Bundesliga matches between 2001 and 2003, and during the 2006–07 Champions League campaign, in reference to their first-choice colours prior to the late 1960s.The club's away kit has had a wide range of colours over the years, including white, black, blue, and gold-green. Bayern also features a distinct international kit. During the 2013–14 season, Bayern used an all-red home kit with a Bavarian flag diamond watermark pattern, a "Lederhosen" inspired white and black "Oktoberfest" away kit, and an all navy blue international kit.In the 1980s and 1990s, Bayern used a special away kit when playing at 1. FC Kaiserslautern, representing the Brazilian colours blue and yellow, a superstition borne from the fact that the club found it hard to win there.Bayern's crest has changed several times. Originally it consisted of the stylised letters F, C, B, M, which were woven into one symbol. The original crest was blue. The colours of Bavaria were included for the first time in 1954. The crest from 1906 to 1919 denotes "Bayern FA", whereby "FA" stands for "Fußball-Abteilung", i.e., Football Department; Bayern then was integrated into TSV Jahn Munich and constituted its football department.The modern version of the crest has changed from the 1954 version in several steps. While the crest consisted of a single colour only for most of the time, namely blue or red, the current crest is blue, red, and white. It has the colours of Bavaria in its centre, and FC Bayern München is written in white on a red ring enclosing the Bavarian colours.Bayern played its first training games at the Schyrenplatz in the centre of Munich. The first official games were held on the Theresienwiese. In 1901, Bayern moved to a field of its own, located in Schwabing at the Clemensstraße. After joining the Münchner Sport-Club (MSC) in 1906, Bayern moved in May 1907 to MSC's ground at the Leopoldstraße. As the crowds gathering for Bayern's home games increased at the beginning of the 1920s, Bayern had to switch to various other premises in Munich.From 1925, Bayern shared the Grünwalder Stadion with 1860 Munich. Until World War II, the stadium was owned by 1860 Munich, and is still colloquially known as "Sechz'ger" ("Sixties") Stadium. It was destroyed during the war, and efforts to rebuild it resulted in a patchwork. Bayern's record crowd at the Grünwalder Stadion is reported as more than 50,000 in the home game against 1. FC Nürnberg in the 1961–62 season. In the Bundesliga era the stadium had a maximum capacity of 44,000 which was reached on several occasions, but the capacity has since been reduced to 21,272. As was the case at most of this period's stadiums, the vast majority of the stadium was given over to terracing. Today the second teams of both clubs play in the stadium.For the 1972 Summer Olympics, the city of Munich built the Olympiastadion. The stadium, renowned for its architecture, was inaugurated in the last Bundesliga match of the 1971–72 season. The match drew a capacity crowd of 79,000, a total which was reached again on numerous occasions. In its early days, the stadium was considered one of the foremost stadiums in the world and played host to numerous major finals, such as that of 1974 FIFA World Cup. In the following years the stadium underwent several modifications, such as an increase in seating space from approximately 50 per cent to 66 per cent. Eventually, the stadium had a capacity of 63,000 for national matches and 59,000 for international occasions such as European Cup competitions. Many people, however, began to feel that the stadium was too cold in winter, with half the audience exposed to the weather due to lack of cover. A further complaint was the distance between the spectators and the pitch, betraying the stadium's track and field heritage. Renovation proved impossible, as the architect Günther Behnisch vetoed major modifications of the stadium.After much discussion, the city of Munich, the state of Bavaria, Bayern Munich and 1860 Munich jointly decided at the end of 2000 to build a new stadium. While Bayern had wanted a purpose-built football stadium for several years, the awarding of the 2006 FIFA World Cup to Germany stimulated the discussion as the Olympiastadion no longer met the FIFA criteria to host a World Cup game. Located on the northern outskirts of Munich, the Allianz Arena has been in use since the beginning of the 2005–06 season. Its initial capacity of 66,000 fully covered seats has since been increased for matches on national level to 69,901 by transforming 3,000 seats to terracing in a 2:1 ratio. Since August 2012, 2,000 more seats were added in the last row of the top tier increasing the capacity to 71,000. In January 2015, a proposal to increase the capacity was approved by the city council so now Allianz Arena has a capacity of 75,000 (70,000 in Champions League).The stadium's most prominent feature is the translucent outer layer, which can be illuminated in different colors for impressive effects. Red lighting is used for Bayern home games and white for German national team home games.In May 2012, Bayern opened a museum about its history, FC Bayern Erlebniswelt, inside the Allianz Arena.At the 2018 annual general meeting, the Bayern board reported that the club had 291,000 official members and there are 4,433 officially registered fan clubs with over 390,000 members. This makes the club the largest fan membership club in the world. Bayern have fan clubs and supporters all over Germany. Fan club members from all over Germany and nearby Austria and Switzerland often travel more than to Munich to attend home games at the Allianz Arena. Bayern has an average of 75,000 attendees at the Allianz Arena which is at 100 per cent capacity level. Every Bundesliga game has been sold-out for years. Bayern's away games have been sold out for many years. According to a study by Sport+Markt Bayern is the fifth-most popular football club in Europe with 20.7 million supporters, and the most popular football club in Germany with 10 million supporters.Bayern Munich is also renowned for its well-organised ultra scene. The most prominent groups are the "Schickeria München", the "Inferno Bavaria", the "Red Munichs '89", the "Südkurve '73", the "Munichmaniacs 1996", the "Red Angels", and the "Red Sharks". The ultras scene of Bayern Munch has been recognised for certain groups taking stance against right-wing extremism, racism and homophobia, and in 2014 the group Schickeria München received the Julius Hirsch Award by the DFB for its commitment against antisemitism and discrimination.Stern des Südens is the song which fans sing at FCB home games. In the 1990s they also used to sing "FC Bayern, Forever Number One". Another notable song is "Mia San Mia" (Bavarian for "we are who we are") which is a famous motto of the club as well. A renowned catchphrase for the team is ""Packmas"" which is a Bavarian phrase for the German ""Packen wir es"", which means "let's do it". The team's mascot is called "Berni" since 2004.The club also has quite a number of high-profile supporters, among them Pope Benedict XVI, Boris Becker, Wladimir Klitschko, Horst Seehofer and Edmund Stoiber, former Minister-President of Bavaria, to name just a few.Bayern is one of three professional football clubs in Munich. Bayern's main local rival is 1860 Munich, who was the more successful club in the 1950s and was controversially picked for the initial Bundesliga season in 1963, winning a cup and a championship. In the 1970s and 1980s, 1860 Munich moved between the first and the third division. The Munich derby is still a much-anticipated event, getting much extra attention from supporters of both clubs. 1860 Munich is considered more working-class, and therefore suffers from a diminishing fan base in a city where the manufacturing sector is declining. Bayern is considered the establishment club, which is reflected by many board members being business leaders and including the former Bavarian minister-president, Edmund Stoiber. Despite the rivalry, Bayern has repeatedly supported 1860 in times of financial disarray.Since the 1920s, 1. FC Nürnberg has been Bayern's main and traditional rival in Bavaria. Philipp Lahm said that playing Nürnberg is "always special" and is a "heated atmosphere". Both clubs played in the same league in the mid-1920s, but in the 1920s and 1930s, Nürnberg was far more successful, winning five championships in the 1920s, making the club Germany's record champion. Bayern took over the title more than sixty years later, when they won their tenth championship in 1987, thereby surpassing the number of championships won by Nürnberg. The duel between Bayern and Nürnberg is often referred to as the Bavarian Derby.Bayern also enjoys a strong rivalry with the 1. FC Kaiserslautern, originating in parts from a game in 1973, when Bayern lost 7–4 after leading 4–1, but also from the two clubs competing for German championship honours at various times in the Bundesliga as well as the city of Kaiserslautern together with the surrounding Palatinate having been part of Bavaria until a plebiscite after the end of the Second World War.Since the 1970s, Bayern's main rivals have been the clubs who put up the strongest fight against its national dominance. In the 1970s this was Borussia Mönchengladbach, in the 1980s the category expanded to include Hamburger SV. In the 1990s, Borussia Dortmund, Werder Bremen and Bayer Leverkusen emerged as the most ardent opponents. Recently Borussia Dortmund, Schalke, and Werder Bremen have been the main challengers in the Bundesliga. Recently, Bayern's main Bundesliga challenger has been Borussia Dortmund. Bayern and Dortmund have competed against each other for many Bundesliga titles. They also have played against each other in the DFB-Pokal final in 2008, 2012, 2014, and 2016. The 2–5 loss against Dortmund in the 2012 final was Bayern's worst ever loss in a DFB-Pokal final. Bayern and Dortmund have also played against each other in the DFL-Supercup in 1989, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2016, 2017, 2019, and 2020. The height of the competition between the two clubs was when Bayern defeated Dortmund 2–1 in the final of the 2012–13 UEFA Champions League.Amongst Bayern's chief European rivals are Real Madrid, A.C. Milan, and Manchester United due to many classic wins, draws and losses. Real Madrid versus Bayern is the match that has historically been played most often in the Champions League/European Cup with 24 matches. Due to Bayern being traditionally hard to beat for Madrid, Madrid supporters often refer to Bayern as the ""Bestia negra"" ("Black Beast"). Despite the number of duels, Bayern and Real have never met in the final of a Champions League or European Cup.Bayern is led mostly by former club players. From 2016 to 2019, Uli Hoeneß served as the club's president, following Karl Hopfner who had been in office from 2014; Hoeneß had resigned in 2014 after being convicted of tax fraud. Karl-Heinz Rummenigge is the chairman of the executive board of the AG. The supervisory board of nine consists mostly of managers of big German corporations. Besides the club's president and the board's chairman, they are Herbert Hainer former CEO of (Adidas), Dr. Herbert Diess chairman of (Volkswagen), Dr. Werner Zedelius senior advisor at (Allianz), Timotheus Höttges CEO of (Deutsche Telekom), Prof. Dr. Dieter Mayer, Edmund Stoiber, Theodor Weimer CEO of (Deutsche Börse), and Dr. Michael Diederich speaker of the board at (UniCredit Bank).Professional football at Bayern is run by the spin-off organisation "FC Bayern München AG". "AG" is short for "Aktiengesellschaft", and Bayern is run like a joint stock company, a company whose stock are not listed on the public stock exchange, but is privately owned. 75 per cent of "FC Bayern München AG" is owned by the club, the "FC Bayern München e. V." ("e. V." is short for "Eingetragener Verein", which translates into "Registered Club"). Three German corporations, the sports goods manufacturer Adidas, the automobile company Audi and the financial services group Allianz each hold 8.33 per cent of the shares, 25 per cent in total. Adidas acquired its shares in 2002 for €77 million. The money was designated to help finance the Allianz Arena. In 2009 Audi paid €90 million for their share. The capital was used to repay the loan on the Allianz Arena. And in early 2014, Allianz became the third shareholder of the company acquiring theirs share for €110 million. With the sale, Bayern paid off the remaining debt on the Allianz Arena 16 years ahead of schedule. Bayern's other sports departments are run by the club.Bayern's shirt sponsor is Deutsche Telekom. Deutsche Telekom has been Bayern's shirt sponsor since the start of 2002–03 season. The company extended their sponsorship deal in August 2015 until the end of the 2022–23 season. Bayern's kit sponsor is Adidas. Adidas have been Bayern's kit sponsor since 1974. Adidas extended their sponsorship with Bayern on 29 April 2015. The sponsorship deal runs until the end of the 2029–30 season. The premium partners are Audi, Allianz, HypoVereinsbank, Goodyear, Qatar Airways, Siemens, Paulaner Brewery, SAP, DHL, Hamad International Airport and Tipico. Gold sponsors are Coca-Cola, MAN, Procter & Gamble. Classic sponsors are Apple Music, Bayern 3, Beats Electronics, EA Sports, Gigaset, Hugo Boss, Courtyard by Marriott, Veuve Clicquot, and Adelholzener. In previous years the jersey rights were held by Adidas (1974–78), Magirus Deutz and Iveco (1978–84), Commodore (1984–89) and Opel (1989–2002).Bayern is an exception in professional football, having generated profits for 27 consecutive years. Other clubs often report losses, realising transfers via loans, whereas Bayern always uses current assets. In the 2019 edition of the Deloitte Football Money League, Bayern had the fourth-highest revenue in club football, generating revenue of €629.2 million. Bayern differs from other European top clubs in their income composition. The top 20 European football clubs earned 43 per cent of revenue, on average, from broadcasting rights. Bayern earned the only 28 per cent of their revenue that way. Bayern had the second-highest commercial revenue in the 2019 Deloitte Football Money League, behind only Real Madrid. Bayern's commercial revenue was €348.7 million (55 per cent of total revenue). In contrast, Bayern's Matchday revenue trails other top clubs at €103.8 million (17 per cent of their total revenue).While other European clubs have mainly marketed to international audiences, Bayern had focused on Germany. In recent years Bayern have started to focus their marketing more on Asia and the United States. Bayern made summer tours to the United States in 2014 and 2016. Bayern went to China in the summer of 2015 and returned in the summer of 2017 where they also played games in Singapore. In August 2014 Bayern opened an office in New York City as the club wants to strengthen their brand positioning against other top European clubs in the United States. In March 2017, Bayern was the first foreign football club to open an office in mainland China. Bayern hope to attract new sponsors and to increase their merchandising sales. In 2017, Forbes ranks Bayern as the world's fourth-most valuable football club in their annual list, estimating the club's value at €2.5 billion.As a result of Bayern's appearance in the 2012 UEFA Champions League Final, the club's brand value has reached US$786 million, up 59 per cent from the previous year. Among European teams, this is ahead of Real Madrid's US$600 million and behind first-placed Manchester United, whose brand is valued at US$853 million. In 2013, Bayern overtook Manchester United to take first place in brand valuation.Bayern's financial report for the 2018–19 season reported revenue of €750.4 million and an operating profit of €146.1 million. Post-tax profits were €52.5 million which meant that this was Bayern's 27th consecutive year with a profit.Bayern has been involved with charitable ventures for a long time, helping other football clubs in financial disarray as well as ordinary people in misery. In the wake of the 2004 Tsunami the "FC Bayern – Hilfe e.V." was founded, a foundation that aims to concentrate the social engagements of the club. At its inception this venture was funded with €600,000, raised by officials and players of the club. The money was amongst other things used to build a school in Marathenkerny, Sri Lanka and to rebuild the area of Trincomalee, Sri Lanka. In April 2007 it was decided that the focus of the foundation would shift towards supporting people in need locally.The club has also time and again shown to have a soft spot for clubs in financial disarray. Repeatedly the club has supported its local rival 1860 Munich with gratuitous friendlies, transfers at favourable rates, and direct money transfers. Also when St. Pauli threatened to lose its licence for professional football due to financial problems, Bayern met the club for a friendly game free of any charge, giving all revenues to St. Pauli. More recently when Mark van Bommel's home club Fortuna Sittard was in financial distress Bayern came to a charity game at the Dutch club. Another well known example was the transfer of Alexander Zickler in 1993 from Dynamo Dresden. When Bayern picked up Zickler for 2.3 Million DM many considered the sum to be a subvention for the financially threatened Dresdeners. In 2003, Bayern provided a €2 Million loan without collateral to the nearly bankrupt Borussia Dortmund which has since been repaid. On 14 July 2013, Bayern played a charity game against financially threatened third division Hansa Rostock. The game raised about €1 million, securing Hansa's licence. On 30 August 2017, Bayern played a benefit match against financial troubled Kickers Offenbach. All the revenue from the match went to Kickers Offenbach. Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said, "Kickers Offenbach are a club with a rich tradition, they've always been an important club in Germany, so we'll gladly help them with a benefit match." On 27 May 2019, Bayern played a benefit match against 1. FC Kaiserslautern. The match was played so Kaiserslautern could secure their licence to play in the German third division. All income from the match went to Kaiserslautern. "1. FC Kaiserslautern are one of Germany's biggest traditional clubs," Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said. "For many years there were intense, and in retrospect also legendary, Bayern matches at Kaiserslautern. Football is all about emotions and sporting rivalries, but also about solidarity. That's why we're happy to help and hope 1. FC Kaiserslautern can once again gain promotion back to the Bundesliga in the foreseeable future."In March 2020, Bayern Munich, Borussia Dortmund, RB Leipzig, and Bayer Leverkusen, the four German UEFA Champions League teams for the 2019/20 season, collectively gave €20 million to Bundesliga and 2. Bundesliga teams that were struggling financially during the COVID-19 pandemic.In mid 2013, Bayern was the first club to give financial support to the Magnus Hirschfeld National Foundation. The foundation researches the living environment LGBT people, and developed an education concept to facilitate unbiased dealing with LGBT themes in football.In 2016, FC Bayern received the Nine Values Cup, an award of the international children's social programme Football for Friendship.FC Bayern Munich headquarters and training facility is called Säbener Straße and it is located in the Untergiesing-Harlaching borough of Munich. The first team and the reserve team train at the facility. There are five grass pitches, two of which have undersoil heating, two artificial grass fields, a beach volleyball court and a multi-functional sports hall.The players' quarters opened in 1990 and were reconstructed after the 2007–08 season on suggestions by then new coach, Jürgen Klinsmann, who took inspiration from various major sports clubs. The quarters are now called the performance centre and feature weights and fitness areas, a massage unit, dressing rooms, the coaches' office, and a conference room with screening facilities for video analysis. A café, a library, an e-Learning room, and a family room are also included.Until August 2017, the Youth House was located at the headquarters at Säbener Straße. The Youth House housed up to 14 young talents aged 15 to 18 from outside of Munich. Former residents of the Youth House include Bastian Schweinsteiger, David Alaba, Owen Hargreaves, Michael Rensing, Holger Badstuber and Emre Can.In 2006, Bayern purchased land near the Allianz Arena with the purpose of building a new youth academy. In 2015 the project, estimated to cost €70 million, was started after overcoming internal resistance. The project's main reasons were that the existing facilities were too small and that the club, while very successful at the senior level, lacked competitiveness with other German and European clubs at the youth level. The new facility was scheduled to open in the 2017–18 season. On 21 August 2017 the FC Bayern Campus opened at a cost of €70 million. The campus is located north of Munich at Ingolstädter Straße. The campus is 30 hectare and has 8 football pitches for youth teams from the U-9s to the U-19s and the women's and girls' teams. The campus also has a 2,500-capacity stadium where the U-17s and the U-19s play their matches. The Allianz FC Bayern Akademie is located on the campus site, and the academy has 35 apartments for young talents who don't live in the Greater Munich area. The academy building also has offices for youth coaches and staff.Bayern is historically the most successful team in German football, as they have won the most championships and the most cups. They are also Germany's most successful team in international competitions, having won fourteen trophies. Bayern is one of only five clubs to have won all three major European competitions and was also the last club to have won three consecutive European Cup titles in the old straight knockout tournament format, entitling them to wear a multiple-winner badge during Champions League matches.German Champions/BundesligaDFB-PokalDFB/DFL-SupercupDFL-LigapokalUEFA Champions League / European CupUEFA Europa League / UEFA CupUEFA/European Cup Winners' CupUEFA/European Super CupIntercontinental CupFIFA Club World CupBayern Munich is the only European team to have completed all available Trebles (continental treble, domestic treble and European treble).The football competitions, which consist of a single match involving only two teams (for example, the UEFA Super Cup or DFL Supercup) are generally not counted as part of a treble.At his farewell game, Oliver Kahn was declared honorary captain of Bayern Munich. The players below are part of the FC Bayern Munich Hall of Fame.1930s1970s:1980s:1990s:2000s:2010s:Bayern has had 19 coaches since its promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965. Udo Lattek, Giovanni Trapattoni and Ottmar Hitzfeld served two terms as head coach. Franz Beckenbauer served one term as head coach and one as caretaker, while Jupp Heynckes had four separate spells as coach, including one as caretaker. Lattek was the club's most successful coach, having won six Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the European Cup; following closely is Ottmar Hitzfeld, who won five Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the Champions League. The club's least successful coach was Søren Lerby, who won less than a third of his matches in charge and presided over the club's near-relegation in the 1991–92 campaign.On 3 November 2019, Bayern sacked Niko Kovač after a 5–1 loss to Eintracht Frankfurt and appointed Hansi Flick as a coach. Initially, Flick was installed as caretaker coach only, however on 15 November, after Flick's team had won 4–0 against Borussia Dortmund, Bayern announced that Flick would be in charge at least until Christmas 2019. Later on, Flick signed a new contract until 2023.The reserve team serves mainly as the final stepping stone for promising young players before being promoted to the main team. The second team is coached by Sebastian Hoeneß. The second team play in the 3. Liga for the 2019–20 season. Since the inception of the Regionalliga in 1994, the team played in the Regionalliga Süd, after playing in the Oberliga since 1978. In the 2007–08 season, they qualified for the newly founded 3. Liga, where they lasted until 2011 when they were relegated to the Regionalliga. This ended 33 consecutive years of playing in the highest league that the German Football Association permits the second team of a professional football team to play.The youth academy has produced some of Europe's top football players, including Thomas Hitzlsperger, Owen Hargreaves, Philipp Lahm, Bastian Schweinsteiger and Thomas Müller. On 1 August 2017, the FC Bayern Campus became the new home of the youth teams. It consists of ten teams, with the youngest being under 9. Jochen Sauer is the FC Bayern Campus director and Bayern legend coach Hermann Gerland is the sporting director.The women's football department consists of five teams, including a professional team, a reserve team, and two youth teams. The women's first team, which is led by head coach Thomas Wörle, features several members of the German national youth team. In the 2008–09 season, the team finished second in the women's Bundesliga. The division was founded in 1970 and consisted of four teams with 90 players. Their greatest successes were winning the championships in 1976, 2015, and 2016. In the 2011–12 season on 12 May 2012, FC Bayern Munich dethroned the German Cup title holders 1. FFC Frankfurt with a 2–0 in the 2011–12 final in Cologne and celebrated the biggest success of the club's history since winning the championship in 1976. In 2015 they won the Bundesliga for the first time, without any defeat. They won the 2015–16 Bundesliga for the second consecutive time.The senior football department was founded in 2002, making it the youngest division of the club, and consists of five teams. The division is intended to enable senior athletes to participate in the various senior citizen competitions in Munich.The FC Bayern AllStars were founded in summer 2006, and consists of former Bayern players, including Klaus Augenthaler, Raimond Aumann, Andreas Brehme, Paul Breitner, Hans Pflügler, Stefan Reuter, Paulo Sérgio, and Olaf Thon. The team is coached by Wolfgang Dremmler, and plays matches with other senior teams around the world. For organisational reasons, the team can only play a limited number of games annually.Bayern has other departments for a variety of sports.The basketball department was founded in 1946, and currently contains 26 teams, including four men's teams, three women's teams, sixteen youth teams, and three senior teams. The men's team are three-time German champions, having won in 1954, 1955, and 2014. The team also won the German Basketball Cup in 1968. The team plays its home games at the Rudi-Sedlmayer-Halle, located in the Sendling-Westpark borough of Munich.The bowling department emerged from SKC Real-Isaria in 1983 and currently consists of five teams. Directly next to the well-known club building of the football department, the team plays at the bowling alley of the Münchner Kegler-Verein. The first team plays in the second highest division of the Münchner Spielklasse Bezirksliga.The department was created in 1908, and consists of nine teams, including seven men's teams and two women's teams. The men's team, which currently plays in the Chess Bundesliga following promotion in 2013 from the 2. Bundesliga Ost, was nine-time German Champion from 1983 to 1995. The team also won the European Chess Club Cup in 1992. The women play in the 2. Bundesliga, with their biggest success being the rise to the league in 2002.The handball department was founded in 1945, and consists of thirteen teams, including three men's teams, two women's teams, five boys teams, two girls teams, and a mixed youth team. The first men's team plays in the Bezirksoberliga Oberbayern, while the women's first teams plays in the Bezirksliga Oberbayern.The refereeing department was established in 1919 and is currently the largest football refereeing division in Europe, with 110 referees, with 2 of them women. The referees mainly officiate amateur games in the local Munich leagues.The table tennis department was founded in 1946 and currently has 220 members. The club currently has fourteen teams, including eight men's teams, a women's team, three youth teams, and two children teams. The women's first team is currently playing in the Landesliga Süd/Ost, while the men's first team plays in the 3. Bundesliga Süd. The focus of the department is on youth support.The baseball division existed during the 1960s and 1970s, during which the team won two German championships in 1962 and 1969.From 1966 to 1969, there existed an ice hockey team, which completed two seasons in the Eishockey-Bundesliga.In the summer of 1965, the Münchner Eislauf Verein negotiated with Bayern Munich about joining the club. Although the talks came to nothing, the ice hockey department of Münchner Eislauf Verein decided to join Bayern –mid-season– in January 1966. The team finished the season under the name of Bayern Munich in third place of the second-tier Oberliga. The following season Bayern achieved promotion to the Bundesliga where the club stayed for two seasons. However, in 1969 the club disbanded the department and sold the hockey team to Augsburger EV, citing lack of local support and difficulty in recruiting players as reasons.The gymnastics department was founded in 1974 and was most successful in the 1980s. During this time, the team won four German championships in 1983, 1986, 1987, and 1988. In 2014, the division was dissolved.	[ "Louis van Gaal", "Jupp Heynckes", "Josep Guardiola", "Niko Kovač", "Hansi Flick", "Ottmar Hitzfeld", "Jürgen Klinsmann", "Carlo Ancelotti", "Andries Jonker", "Giovanni Trapattoni" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Bayern Munich in 22-Dec-202122-December-2021?	December 22, 2021	{ "text": [ "Julian Nagelsmann" ] }	L2_Q15789_P286_10	Jupp Heynckes is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1987 to Oct, 1991. Niko Kovač is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2018 to Nov, 2019. Giovanni Trapattoni is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 1994 to Jun, 1995. Andries Jonker is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Apr, 2011 to Jun, 2011. Julian Nagelsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Jürgen Klinsmann is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Carlo Ancelotti is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Hansi Flick is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Nov, 2019 to Jun, 2021. Ottmar Hitzfeld is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Josep Guardiola is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jun, 2013 to May, 2016. Louis van Gaal is the head coach of FC Bayern Munich from Jul, 2009 to Apr, 2011.	FC Bayern MunichFußball-Club Bayern München e. V. (), commonly known as FC Bayern München (), FCB, Bayern Munich, or FC Bayern, is a German professional sports club based in Munich, Bavaria. It is best known for its professional football team, which plays in the Bundesliga, the top tier of the German football league system. Bayern is the most successful club in German football history, having won a record 31 national titles, including nine consecutively since 2013, and 20 national cups, along with numerous European honours.FC Bayern Munich was founded in 1900 by 11 football players, led by Franz John. Although Bayern won its first national championship in 1932, the club was not selected for the Bundesliga at its inception in 1963. The club had its period of greatest success in the mid-1970s when, under the captaincy of Franz Beckenbauer, it won the European Cup three consecutive times (1974–1976). Overall, Bayern has reached eleven European Cup/UEFA Champions League finals, winning their sixth title in the 2020 final as part of a continental treble, after which it became only the second European club to achieve the continental treble twice. Bayern has also won one UEFA Cup, one European Cup Winners' Cup, two UEFA Super Cups, two FIFA Club World Cups and two Intercontinental Cups, making it one of the most successful European clubs internationally and the only German club to have won both international titles. By winning the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup, Bayern Munich became only the second club to win the sextuple. Bayern Munich are one of five clubs to have won all three of UEFA's main club competitions, the only German club to achieve that. As of May 2021, Bayern Munich are ranked first in UEFA club rankings. The club has traditional local rivalries with 1860 Munich and 1. FC Nürnberg, as well as with Borussia Dortmund since the mid-1990s.Since the beginning of the 2005–06 season, Bayern has played its home games at the Allianz Arena. Previously the team had played at Munich's Olympiastadion for 33 years. The team colours are red and white, and the crest shows the white and blue flag of Bavaria. In terms of revenue, Bayern Munich is the largest sports club in Germany and the third highest-earning football club in the world, generating €634.1 million in 2021. In November 2019, Bayern had 293,000 official members and 4,499 officially registered fan clubs with over 350,000 members. The club has other departments for chess, handball, basketball, gymnastics, bowling, table tennis and senior football with more than 1,100 active members.FC Bayern Munich was founded by members of a Munich gymnastics club (MTV 1879). When a congregation of members of MTV 1879 decided on 27 February 1900 that the footballers of the club would not be allowed to join the German Football Association (DFB), 11 members of the football division left the congregation and on the same evening founded Fußball-Club Bayern München. Within a few months, Bayern achieved high-scoring victories against all local rivals, including a 15–0 win against FC Nordstern, and reached the semi-finals of the 1900–01 South German championship. In the following years, the club won some local trophies and in 1910–11 Bayern joined the newly founded "Kreisliga", the first regional Bavarian league. The club won this league in its first year, but did not win it again until the beginning of World War I in 1914, which halted all football activities in Germany. By the end of its first decade of founding, Bayern had attracted its first German national team player, Max "Gaberl" Gablonsky. By 1920, it had over 700 members, making it the largest football club in Munich.In the years after the war, Bayern won several regional competitions before winning its first South German championship in 1926, an achievement repeated two years later. Its first national title was gained in 1932, when coach Richard "Little Dombi" Kohn led the team to the German championship by defeating Eintracht Frankfurt 2–0 in the final.The rise of Adolf Hitler to power put an abrupt end to Bayern's development. Club president Kurt Landauer and the coach, both of whom were Jewish, left the country. Many others in the club were also purged. Bayern was taunted as the "Jew's club" while local rival 1860 Munich gained much support. Josef Sauter, who was inaugurated in 1943, was the only NSDAP member as president. As some Bayern players greeted Landauer, who was watching a Bayern-friendly in Switzerland, lead to continued discrimination. Bayern was also affected by the ruling that football players had to be full amateurs again, which led to the move of the gifted young centre-forward Oskar Rohr to Switzerland. In the following years, Bayern could not sustain its role of contender for the national title, achieving mid-table results in its regional league instead.After the war, Bayern became a member of the Oberliga Süd, the southern conference of the German first division, which was split five ways at that time. Bayern struggled, hiring and firing 13 coaches between 1945 and 1963. Landauer returned from exile in 1947 and was once again appointed club president, the tenure lasted until 1951. He remains as the club's president with the longest accumulated tenure. Landauer has been deemed as inventor of Bayern as a professional club and his memory is being upheld by the Bayern ultras "Schickeria". In 1955, the club was relegated but returned to the "Oberliga" in the following season and won the DFB-Pokal for the first time, beating Fortuna Düsseldorf 1–0 in the final.The club struggled financially, though, verging on bankruptcy at the end of the 1950s. Manufacturer ousted president Reitlinger, who was later convicted for financial irregularities, was ousted in the elections of 1958 by the industrialist Roland Endler. He provided financial stability for the club. Under his reign, Bayern had its best years in the Oberliga. Endler was no longer a candidate in 1962, when Wilhelm Neudecker, who became wealthy in the postwar construction boom, replaced him.In 1963, the Oberligas in Germany were consolidated into one national league, the Bundesliga. Five teams from the Oberliga South were admitted. The key for qualifying for the Bundesliga was the accumulated record of the last twelve years, where Bayern was only the sixth-ranked club. To boot, local rivals TSV 1860 Munich, ranked seventh, were champions of the last Oberliga-Süd season and were given preference on the basis of this achievement. After initial protests of Bayern for alleged mistreatment remained fruitless, president Neudecker rose to the challenge and hired Zlatko Čajkovski, who in 1962 led 1. FC Köln to the national championship. Fielding a team with young talents like Franz Beckenbauer, Gerd Müller and Sepp Maier – who would later be collectively referred to as "the axis", they should achieve promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965.In their first Bundesliga season, Bayern finished third and also won the DFB-Pokal. This qualified them for the following year's European Cup Winners' Cup, which they won in a dramatic final against Scottish club Rangers, when Franz Roth scored the decider in a 1–0 extra time victory. In 1967, Bayern retained the DFB-Pokal, but slow overall progress saw Branko Zebec take over as coach. He replaced Bayern's offensive style of play with a more disciplined approach, and in doing so achieved the first league and cup double in Bundesliga history in 1969. Bayern Munich are one of four German clubs to win the Bundesliga and DFB-Pokal in the same season along with Borussia Dortmund, 1. FC Köln and Werder Bremen. Zebec used only 13 players throughout the season.Udo Lattek took charge in 1970. After winning the DFB-Pokal in his first season, Lattek led Bayern to their third German championship. The deciding match in the 1971–72 season against Schalke 04 was the first match in the new Olympiastadion, and was also the first live televised match in Bundesliga history. Bayern beat Schalke 5–1 and thus claimed the title, also setting several records, including points gained and goals scored. Bayern also won the next two championships, but the zenith was their triumph in the 1974 European Cup Final against Atlético Madrid, which Bayern won 4–0 after a replay. This title – after winning the Cup Winners' trophy 1967 and two semi-finals (1968 and 1972) in that competition – marked the club's breakthrough as a force on the international stage.During the following years, the team was unsuccessful domestically but defended their European title by defeating Leeds United in the 1975 European Cup Final when Roth and Müller secured victory with late goals. "We came back into the game and scored two lucky goals, so in the end, we were the winners, but we were very, very lucky", stated Franz Beckenbauer. Billy Bremner believed the French referee was "very suspicious". Leeds fans then rioted in Paris and were banned from European football for three years. A year later in Glasgow, Saint-Étienne were defeated by another Roth goal and Bayern became the third club to win the trophy in three consecutive years. The final trophy won by Bayern in this era was the Intercontinental Cup, in which they defeated Brazilian club Cruzeiro over two legs. The rest of the decade was a time of change and saw no further titles for Bayern. In 1977, Franz Beckenbauer left for New York Cosmos and, in 1979, Sepp Maier and Uli Hoeneß retired while Gerd Müller joined the Fort Lauderdale Strikers. "Bayerndusel" was coined during this period as an expression of either contempt or envy about the sometimes narrow and last-minute wins against other teams.The 1980s were a period of off-field turmoil for Bayern, with many changes in personnel and financial problems. On the field, Paul Breitner and Karl-Heinz Rummenigge, termed "FC Breitnigge", led the team to Bundesliga titles in 1980 and 1981. Apart from a DFB-Pokal win in 1982, two relatively unsuccessful seasons followed, after which Breitner retired, and former coach Udo Lattek returned. Bayern won the DFB-Pokal in 1984 and went on to win five Bundesliga championships in six seasons, including a double in 1986. European success, however, was elusive during the decade; Bayern managed to claim the runners-up spot in the European Cup in 1982 and 1987.Jupp Heynckes was hired as coach in 1987, but after two consecutive championships in 1988–89 and 1989–90, Bayern's form dipped. After finishing second in 1990–91, the club finished just five points above the relegation places in 1991–92. In 1993–94, Bayern was eliminated in the UEFA Cup second round to Premier League side Norwich City, who remain the only English club to beat Bayern at the Olympiastadion. Success returned when Franz Beckenbauer took over for the second half of the 1993–94 season, winning the championship again after a four-year gap. Beckenbauer was then appointed club president.His successors as coach, Giovanni Trapattoni and Otto Rehhagel, both finished trophyless after a season, not meeting the club's high expectations. During this time, Bayern's players frequently appeared in the gossip pages of the press rather than the sports pages, resulting in the nickname "FC Hollywood". Franz Beckenbauer briefly returned at the end of the 1995–96 season as caretaker coach and led his team to victory in the UEFA Cup, beating Bordeaux in the final. For the 1996–97 season, Trapattoni returned to win the championship. In the following season, Bayern lost the title to newly promoted 1. FC Kaiserslautern and Trapattoni had to take his leave for the second time.After his success at Borussia Dortmund, Bayern were coached by Ottmar Hitzfeld from 1998 to 2004. In Hitzfeld's first season, Bayern won the Bundesliga and came close to winning the Champions League, losing 2–1 to Manchester United into injury time after leading for most of the match. The following year, in the club's centenary season, Bayern won the third league and cup double in its history. A third consecutive Bundesliga title followed in 2001, won with a stoppage time goal on the final day of the league season. Days later, Bayern won the Champions League for the fourth time after a 25-year gap, defeating Valencia on penalties. The 2001–02 season began with a win in the Intercontinental Cup, but ended trophyless otherwise. In 2002–03, Bayern won their fourth double, leading the league by a record margin of 16 points. Hitzfeld's reign ended in 2004, with Bayern underperforming, including defeat by second division Alemannia Aachen in the DFB-Pokal.Felix Magath took over and led Bayern to two consecutive doubles. Prior to the start of the 2005–06 season, Bayern moved from the Olympiastadion to the new Allianz Arena, which the club shared with 1860 Munich. On the field, their performance in 2006–07 was erratic. Trailing in the league and having lost to Alemannia Aachen in the cup yet again, coach Magath was sacked shortly after the winter break.Hitzfeld returned as a trainer in January 2007, but Bayern finished the 2006–07 season in fourth position, thus failing to qualify for the Champions League for the first time in more than a decade. Additional losses in the DFB-Pokal and the DFB-Ligapokal left the club with no honours for the season.For the 2007–08 season, Bayern made drastic squad changes to help rebuild. They signed a total of eight new players and sold, released or loaned out nine of their players. Among new signings were 2006 World Cup stars such as Franck Ribéry, Miroslav Klose and Luca Toni. Bayern went on to win the Bundesliga in convincing fashion, leading the standings on every single week of play, and the DFB-Pokal against Borussia Dortmund.After the season, Bayern's long-term goalkeeper Oliver Kahn retired, which left the club without a top-tier goalkeeper for several seasons. The club's coach Ottmar Hitzfeld also retired and Jürgen Klinsmann was chosen as his successor. However, Klinsmann was sacked even before the end of his first season as Bayern trailed Wolfsburg in the league, had lost the quarterfinal of the DFB-Pokal to Bayer Leverkusen, and had been made look silly in the quarterfinal of the Champions League when FC Barcelona scored four times in the first half of the first leg and over the course of both legs Bayern never looked like they could keep up. Jupp Heynckes was named caretaker coach and led the club to a second-place finish in the league.For the 2009–10 season, Bayern hired Dutch manager Louis van Gaal, and Dutch forward Arjen Robben joined Bayern. Robben, alongside Ribéry, would go on to shape Bayern's playstyle of attacking over the wings for the next ten years. The press quickly dubbed the duo "Robbery". In addition, David Alaba and Thomas Müller were promoted to the first team. With Müller, van Gaal went so far as to proclaim, "With me, Müller always plays," which has become a much-referenced phrase over the years. On the pitch Bayern had its most successful season since 2001, securing the domestic double and losing only in the final of the Champions League to Inter Milan 0–2. Despite the successful 2009–10 campaign, van Gaal was fired in April 2011 as Bayern was trailing in the league and eliminated in the first knockout round of the Champions League, again by Inter. Van Gaal's second in command, Andries Jonker, took over and finished the season in third place.Jupp Heynckes returned for his second permanent spell in the 2011–12 season. Although the club had signed Manuel Neuer, ending Bayern's quest for an adequate substitute for Kahn, and Jérôme Boateng for the season, Bayern remained without a title for the second consecutive season, coming in second to Borussia Dortmund in the league and the cup. The Champions League final was held at the Allianz and Bayern indeed reached the final in their home stadium but lost the "Finale dahoam" as they had termed it to Chelsea on penalties. For the 2012–13 season, Bayern signed Javi Martínez. After Bayern had finished as runner-up to all titles in 2011–12, Bayern went on to win all titles in 2012–13, setting various Bundesliga records along the way, and becoming the first German team to win the treble. Bayern finished the Bundesliga on 91 points, only 11 points shy of a perfect season, and to date, still, the best season ever played. In what was Bayern's third Champions League final appearance within four years, they beat Borussia Dortmund 2–1. A week later, they completed the treble by winning the DFB-Pokal final over VfB Stuttgart. During the season, in January, Bayern had already announced that they would hire Pep Guardiola as coach for the 2013–14 season. Originally the club presented this as Heynckes retiring on the expiration of his contract, but Uli Hoeneß later admitted that it was not Heynckes's decision to leave Bayern at the end of the season. It was actually forced by the club's desire to appoint Guardiola.Bayern fulfilled Guardiola's wish of signing Thiago Alcântara from FC Barcelona and Guardiola's first season started off well with Bayern extending a streak of undefeated league matches from the last season to 53 matches. The eventual loss to Augsburg came two match days after Bayern had already claimed the league title. During the season, Bayern had also claimed two other titles, the FIFA Club World Cup and the UEFA Super Cup, the latter being the last major trophy the club had not yet won. Bayern also won the cup to complete their tenth domestic double, but lost in the semi-final of the Champions League to Real Madrid. Off the pitch, Bayern's president Uli Hoeneß was convicted of tax evasion on 13 March 2014 and sentenced to three and a half years in prison. Hoeneß resigned the next day. Vice-president Karl Hopfner was elected president on 2 May. Before the 2014–15 season, Bayern picked up Robert Lewandowski after his contract had ended at Borussia Dortmund, and loaned out Xabi Alonso from Real Madrid. Bayern also let Toni Kroos leave for Real. Club icons Bastian Schweinsteiger and Claudio Pizarro left before the 2015–16 season. In these two seasons, Bayern defended their league title, including another double in 2015–16, but failed to advance past the semi-finals in the Champions League. Although the club's leadership tried to convince Guardiola to stay, the coach decided not to extend his three-year contract.Carlo Ancelotti was hired as successor to Guardiola. The key transfer for the 2016–17 campaign was Mats Hummels from Borussia Dortmund. Off the pitch Uli Hoeneß had been released early from prison and reelected as president in November 2016. Under Ancelotti, Bayern claimed their fifth consecutive league title, but did not win the cup or the Champions League. In July 2017, Bayern announced that 1860 Munich would leave the Allianz for good as the club had been relegated to the 4th division. Before the 2017–18 season, Bayern made extensive changes to their squad, signing amongst others young prospects such as Kingsley Coman, Corentin Tolisso, Serge Gnabry and Niklas Süle, and loaning James Rodríguez from Real. Meanwhile, the club's captain, Philipp Lahm, and Xabi Alonso retired, and several other players left the club. As Bayern's performances were perceived to be more and more lackluster, Ancelotti was sacked after a 0–3 loss to Paris St. Germain in the Champions League, early in his second season. Willy Sagnol took over as interim manager for a week before it was announced that Jupp Heynckes would finish the season in his fourth spell at the club. During the season, the club urged Heynckes —even publicly— to extend his contract, but Heynckes, aged 73, stayed firm that he would retire for good after the season. The club began a long and extensive search to find a replacement, and eventually Niko Kovač was presented as Heynckes's successor, signing a three-year contract. Heynckes led the club to another championship. In the cup final, Heynckes's last match as coach, Heynckes met his successor on the pitch. Kovač's Eintracht Frankfurt denied Bayern the title, winning 3–1.Kovač's first season at the club started slowly, with Bayern falling behind Dortmund in the league throughout the first half of the season. In contrast to similar situations with van Gaal and Ancelotti, the club's leadership decided to protect their coach from criticisms. However, after the winter break, Bayern quickly closed the distance and put themselves first-place in the league. In the Champions League, the club was eliminated by Liverpool in the round of 16, the first time since 2011 that Bayern did not reach the quarterfinal. During the season Arjen Robben announced that it would be his last season for the club, while Uli Hoeneß announced that Franck Ribéry would be leaving at the end of the season. In March 2019, Bayern announced that they had signed Lucas Hernandez from Atlético Madrid for a club and Bundesliga record fee of €80 million. On 18 May 2019, Bayern won their seventh straight Bundesliga title as they finished two points above second-place Dortmund with 78 points. This Bundesliga title was Ribéry's ninth and Robben's eighth. A week later, Bayern defeated RB Leipzig 3–0 in the 2019 DFB-Pokal Final. With the win, Bayern won their 19th German Cup and completed their 12th domestic double.Hansi Flick joined Bayern Munich on 1 July 2019 as an assistant coach. Under Kovač, Bayern was off to a slow start in the league and after a 5–1 loss to Frankfurt, Kovač and Bayern parted ways on 3 November 2019 with Flick being promoted to interim manager. After a satisfying spell as interim coach, Bayern announced on 22 December 2019 that Flick would remain in charge until the end of season. Bayern's performances on the pitch picked up noticeably and in April 2020, the club agreed with Flick to a new permanent contract through 2023. Under Flick the club won the league, having played the most successful leg of a Bundesliga season in history, and went on to claim the cup, thus completing the club's 13th domestic double. In the Champions League, Bayern reached their first final since 2013, en route beating FC Barcelona 8–2 in the quarter-finals and Lyon 3–0 in the semi-final. In the final, which was held in Lisbon behind closed doors due to the severity of COVID-19 pandemic, they defeated Paris Saint-Germain 1–0. Former PSG player Kingsley Coman scored the only goal of the match. With the victory, they became the second European club to complete the continental treble in two different seasons, matching the 2014–15 FC Barcelona team.After a short break, Bayern started the new season by winning the UEFA Super Cup for the second time in their history. In a closely contested match, Bayern defeated Sevilla 2–1 after extra time, with Javi Martínez scoring the winning goal. In February 2021, they won the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup (postponed from December 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic) after defeating African champions Al Ahly SC 2–0 by a brace from Robert Lewandowski, and then winning in the final against Mexican team Tigres UANL 1–0 after a goal from Benjamin Pavard and became only the second club to win the sextuple, after Barcelona won it in 2009. Later, Bayern failed to defend its Champions League title after losing to PSG in a quarter-final. However, it managed to win its 9th Bundesliga title in a row. During the season Robert Lewandowski broke Gerd Müller's record for the number of goals scored in a Bundesliga season after scoring 41 times.On 27 April 2021, Bayern announced that Flick would be leaving at the end of the season, at his request, and that RB Leipzig manager Julian Nagelsmann would become the new manager, effective 1 July. According to multiple reports, Bayern paid Leipzig €25m, a world record for a manager, as compensation for Nagelsmann's services. It was later announced that Flick was leaving to take charge of the German national team.In the original club constitution, Bayern's colours were named as white and blue, but the club played in white shirts with black shorts until 1905 when Bayern joined MSC. MSC decreed that the footballers would have to play in red shorts. Also, the younger players were called red shorts, which were meant as an insult. For most of the club's early history, Bayern had primarily worn white and maroon home kits. In 1968–69 season, Bayern changed to red and blue striped shirts, with blue shorts and socks. Between 1969 and 1973, the team wore a home strip of red and white striped shirts with either red or white shorts and red socks. In the 1973–74 season, the team switched to an all-white kit featuring single vertical red and blue stripes on the shirt. From 1974 onwards, Bayern has mostly worn an all-red home kit with white trim. Bayern revived the red and blue striped colour scheme between 1995 and 1997. In 1997, blue was the dominant colour for the first time when Adidas released an all navy blue home kit with a red chest band. In 1999, Bayern returned to a predominantly red kit, which featured blue sleeves, and in 2000 the club released a traditional all red kit with white trim to be worn for Champions League matches. Bayern also wore a "Rotwein" coloured home kits in Bundesliga matches between 2001 and 2003, and during the 2006–07 Champions League campaign, in reference to their first-choice colours prior to the late 1960s.The club's away kit has had a wide range of colours over the years, including white, black, blue, and gold-green. Bayern also features a distinct international kit. During the 2013–14 season, Bayern used an all-red home kit with a Bavarian flag diamond watermark pattern, a "Lederhosen" inspired white and black "Oktoberfest" away kit, and an all navy blue international kit.In the 1980s and 1990s, Bayern used a special away kit when playing at 1. FC Kaiserslautern, representing the Brazilian colours blue and yellow, a superstition borne from the fact that the club found it hard to win there.Bayern's crest has changed several times. Originally it consisted of the stylised letters F, C, B, M, which were woven into one symbol. The original crest was blue. The colours of Bavaria were included for the first time in 1954. The crest from 1906 to 1919 denotes "Bayern FA", whereby "FA" stands for "Fußball-Abteilung", i.e., Football Department; Bayern then was integrated into TSV Jahn Munich and constituted its football department.The modern version of the crest has changed from the 1954 version in several steps. While the crest consisted of a single colour only for most of the time, namely blue or red, the current crest is blue, red, and white. It has the colours of Bavaria in its centre, and FC Bayern München is written in white on a red ring enclosing the Bavarian colours.Bayern played its first training games at the Schyrenplatz in the centre of Munich. The first official games were held on the Theresienwiese. In 1901, Bayern moved to a field of its own, located in Schwabing at the Clemensstraße. After joining the Münchner Sport-Club (MSC) in 1906, Bayern moved in May 1907 to MSC's ground at the Leopoldstraße. As the crowds gathering for Bayern's home games increased at the beginning of the 1920s, Bayern had to switch to various other premises in Munich.From 1925, Bayern shared the Grünwalder Stadion with 1860 Munich. Until World War II, the stadium was owned by 1860 Munich, and is still colloquially known as "Sechz'ger" ("Sixties") Stadium. It was destroyed during the war, and efforts to rebuild it resulted in a patchwork. Bayern's record crowd at the Grünwalder Stadion is reported as more than 50,000 in the home game against 1. FC Nürnberg in the 1961–62 season. In the Bundesliga era the stadium had a maximum capacity of 44,000 which was reached on several occasions, but the capacity has since been reduced to 21,272. As was the case at most of this period's stadiums, the vast majority of the stadium was given over to terracing. Today the second teams of both clubs play in the stadium.For the 1972 Summer Olympics, the city of Munich built the Olympiastadion. The stadium, renowned for its architecture, was inaugurated in the last Bundesliga match of the 1971–72 season. The match drew a capacity crowd of 79,000, a total which was reached again on numerous occasions. In its early days, the stadium was considered one of the foremost stadiums in the world and played host to numerous major finals, such as that of 1974 FIFA World Cup. In the following years the stadium underwent several modifications, such as an increase in seating space from approximately 50 per cent to 66 per cent. Eventually, the stadium had a capacity of 63,000 for national matches and 59,000 for international occasions such as European Cup competitions. Many people, however, began to feel that the stadium was too cold in winter, with half the audience exposed to the weather due to lack of cover. A further complaint was the distance between the spectators and the pitch, betraying the stadium's track and field heritage. Renovation proved impossible, as the architect Günther Behnisch vetoed major modifications of the stadium.After much discussion, the city of Munich, the state of Bavaria, Bayern Munich and 1860 Munich jointly decided at the end of 2000 to build a new stadium. While Bayern had wanted a purpose-built football stadium for several years, the awarding of the 2006 FIFA World Cup to Germany stimulated the discussion as the Olympiastadion no longer met the FIFA criteria to host a World Cup game. Located on the northern outskirts of Munich, the Allianz Arena has been in use since the beginning of the 2005–06 season. Its initial capacity of 66,000 fully covered seats has since been increased for matches on national level to 69,901 by transforming 3,000 seats to terracing in a 2:1 ratio. Since August 2012, 2,000 more seats were added in the last row of the top tier increasing the capacity to 71,000. In January 2015, a proposal to increase the capacity was approved by the city council so now Allianz Arena has a capacity of 75,000 (70,000 in Champions League).The stadium's most prominent feature is the translucent outer layer, which can be illuminated in different colors for impressive effects. Red lighting is used for Bayern home games and white for German national team home games.In May 2012, Bayern opened a museum about its history, FC Bayern Erlebniswelt, inside the Allianz Arena.At the 2018 annual general meeting, the Bayern board reported that the club had 291,000 official members and there are 4,433 officially registered fan clubs with over 390,000 members. This makes the club the largest fan membership club in the world. Bayern have fan clubs and supporters all over Germany. Fan club members from all over Germany and nearby Austria and Switzerland often travel more than to Munich to attend home games at the Allianz Arena. Bayern has an average of 75,000 attendees at the Allianz Arena which is at 100 per cent capacity level. Every Bundesliga game has been sold-out for years. Bayern's away games have been sold out for many years. According to a study by Sport+Markt Bayern is the fifth-most popular football club in Europe with 20.7 million supporters, and the most popular football club in Germany with 10 million supporters.Bayern Munich is also renowned for its well-organised ultra scene. The most prominent groups are the "Schickeria München", the "Inferno Bavaria", the "Red Munichs '89", the "Südkurve '73", the "Munichmaniacs 1996", the "Red Angels", and the "Red Sharks". The ultras scene of Bayern Munch has been recognised for certain groups taking stance against right-wing extremism, racism and homophobia, and in 2014 the group Schickeria München received the Julius Hirsch Award by the DFB for its commitment against antisemitism and discrimination.Stern des Südens is the song which fans sing at FCB home games. In the 1990s they also used to sing "FC Bayern, Forever Number One". Another notable song is "Mia San Mia" (Bavarian for "we are who we are") which is a famous motto of the club as well. A renowned catchphrase for the team is ""Packmas"" which is a Bavarian phrase for the German ""Packen wir es"", which means "let's do it". The team's mascot is called "Berni" since 2004.The club also has quite a number of high-profile supporters, among them Pope Benedict XVI, Boris Becker, Wladimir Klitschko, Horst Seehofer and Edmund Stoiber, former Minister-President of Bavaria, to name just a few.Bayern is one of three professional football clubs in Munich. Bayern's main local rival is 1860 Munich, who was the more successful club in the 1950s and was controversially picked for the initial Bundesliga season in 1963, winning a cup and a championship. In the 1970s and 1980s, 1860 Munich moved between the first and the third division. The Munich derby is still a much-anticipated event, getting much extra attention from supporters of both clubs. 1860 Munich is considered more working-class, and therefore suffers from a diminishing fan base in a city where the manufacturing sector is declining. Bayern is considered the establishment club, which is reflected by many board members being business leaders and including the former Bavarian minister-president, Edmund Stoiber. Despite the rivalry, Bayern has repeatedly supported 1860 in times of financial disarray.Since the 1920s, 1. FC Nürnberg has been Bayern's main and traditional rival in Bavaria. Philipp Lahm said that playing Nürnberg is "always special" and is a "heated atmosphere". Both clubs played in the same league in the mid-1920s, but in the 1920s and 1930s, Nürnberg was far more successful, winning five championships in the 1920s, making the club Germany's record champion. Bayern took over the title more than sixty years later, when they won their tenth championship in 1987, thereby surpassing the number of championships won by Nürnberg. The duel between Bayern and Nürnberg is often referred to as the Bavarian Derby.Bayern also enjoys a strong rivalry with the 1. FC Kaiserslautern, originating in parts from a game in 1973, when Bayern lost 7–4 after leading 4–1, but also from the two clubs competing for German championship honours at various times in the Bundesliga as well as the city of Kaiserslautern together with the surrounding Palatinate having been part of Bavaria until a plebiscite after the end of the Second World War.Since the 1970s, Bayern's main rivals have been the clubs who put up the strongest fight against its national dominance. In the 1970s this was Borussia Mönchengladbach, in the 1980s the category expanded to include Hamburger SV. In the 1990s, Borussia Dortmund, Werder Bremen and Bayer Leverkusen emerged as the most ardent opponents. Recently Borussia Dortmund, Schalke, and Werder Bremen have been the main challengers in the Bundesliga. Recently, Bayern's main Bundesliga challenger has been Borussia Dortmund. Bayern and Dortmund have competed against each other for many Bundesliga titles. They also have played against each other in the DFB-Pokal final in 2008, 2012, 2014, and 2016. The 2–5 loss against Dortmund in the 2012 final was Bayern's worst ever loss in a DFB-Pokal final. Bayern and Dortmund have also played against each other in the DFL-Supercup in 1989, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2016, 2017, 2019, and 2020. The height of the competition between the two clubs was when Bayern defeated Dortmund 2–1 in the final of the 2012–13 UEFA Champions League.Amongst Bayern's chief European rivals are Real Madrid, A.C. Milan, and Manchester United due to many classic wins, draws and losses. Real Madrid versus Bayern is the match that has historically been played most often in the Champions League/European Cup with 24 matches. Due to Bayern being traditionally hard to beat for Madrid, Madrid supporters often refer to Bayern as the ""Bestia negra"" ("Black Beast"). Despite the number of duels, Bayern and Real have never met in the final of a Champions League or European Cup.Bayern is led mostly by former club players. From 2016 to 2019, Uli Hoeneß served as the club's president, following Karl Hopfner who had been in office from 2014; Hoeneß had resigned in 2014 after being convicted of tax fraud. Karl-Heinz Rummenigge is the chairman of the executive board of the AG. The supervisory board of nine consists mostly of managers of big German corporations. Besides the club's president and the board's chairman, they are Herbert Hainer former CEO of (Adidas), Dr. Herbert Diess chairman of (Volkswagen), Dr. Werner Zedelius senior advisor at (Allianz), Timotheus Höttges CEO of (Deutsche Telekom), Prof. Dr. Dieter Mayer, Edmund Stoiber, Theodor Weimer CEO of (Deutsche Börse), and Dr. Michael Diederich speaker of the board at (UniCredit Bank).Professional football at Bayern is run by the spin-off organisation "FC Bayern München AG". "AG" is short for "Aktiengesellschaft", and Bayern is run like a joint stock company, a company whose stock are not listed on the public stock exchange, but is privately owned. 75 per cent of "FC Bayern München AG" is owned by the club, the "FC Bayern München e. V." ("e. V." is short for "Eingetragener Verein", which translates into "Registered Club"). Three German corporations, the sports goods manufacturer Adidas, the automobile company Audi and the financial services group Allianz each hold 8.33 per cent of the shares, 25 per cent in total. Adidas acquired its shares in 2002 for €77 million. The money was designated to help finance the Allianz Arena. In 2009 Audi paid €90 million for their share. The capital was used to repay the loan on the Allianz Arena. And in early 2014, Allianz became the third shareholder of the company acquiring theirs share for €110 million. With the sale, Bayern paid off the remaining debt on the Allianz Arena 16 years ahead of schedule. Bayern's other sports departments are run by the club.Bayern's shirt sponsor is Deutsche Telekom. Deutsche Telekom has been Bayern's shirt sponsor since the start of 2002–03 season. The company extended their sponsorship deal in August 2015 until the end of the 2022–23 season. Bayern's kit sponsor is Adidas. Adidas have been Bayern's kit sponsor since 1974. Adidas extended their sponsorship with Bayern on 29 April 2015. The sponsorship deal runs until the end of the 2029–30 season. The premium partners are Audi, Allianz, HypoVereinsbank, Goodyear, Qatar Airways, Siemens, Paulaner Brewery, SAP, DHL, Hamad International Airport and Tipico. Gold sponsors are Coca-Cola, MAN, Procter & Gamble. Classic sponsors are Apple Music, Bayern 3, Beats Electronics, EA Sports, Gigaset, Hugo Boss, Courtyard by Marriott, Veuve Clicquot, and Adelholzener. In previous years the jersey rights were held by Adidas (1974–78), Magirus Deutz and Iveco (1978–84), Commodore (1984–89) and Opel (1989–2002).Bayern is an exception in professional football, having generated profits for 27 consecutive years. Other clubs often report losses, realising transfers via loans, whereas Bayern always uses current assets. In the 2019 edition of the Deloitte Football Money League, Bayern had the fourth-highest revenue in club football, generating revenue of €629.2 million. Bayern differs from other European top clubs in their income composition. The top 20 European football clubs earned 43 per cent of revenue, on average, from broadcasting rights. Bayern earned the only 28 per cent of their revenue that way. Bayern had the second-highest commercial revenue in the 2019 Deloitte Football Money League, behind only Real Madrid. Bayern's commercial revenue was €348.7 million (55 per cent of total revenue). In contrast, Bayern's Matchday revenue trails other top clubs at €103.8 million (17 per cent of their total revenue).While other European clubs have mainly marketed to international audiences, Bayern had focused on Germany. In recent years Bayern have started to focus their marketing more on Asia and the United States. Bayern made summer tours to the United States in 2014 and 2016. Bayern went to China in the summer of 2015 and returned in the summer of 2017 where they also played games in Singapore. In August 2014 Bayern opened an office in New York City as the club wants to strengthen their brand positioning against other top European clubs in the United States. In March 2017, Bayern was the first foreign football club to open an office in mainland China. Bayern hope to attract new sponsors and to increase their merchandising sales. In 2017, Forbes ranks Bayern as the world's fourth-most valuable football club in their annual list, estimating the club's value at €2.5 billion.As a result of Bayern's appearance in the 2012 UEFA Champions League Final, the club's brand value has reached US$786 million, up 59 per cent from the previous year. Among European teams, this is ahead of Real Madrid's US$600 million and behind first-placed Manchester United, whose brand is valued at US$853 million. In 2013, Bayern overtook Manchester United to take first place in brand valuation.Bayern's financial report for the 2018–19 season reported revenue of €750.4 million and an operating profit of €146.1 million. Post-tax profits were €52.5 million which meant that this was Bayern's 27th consecutive year with a profit.Bayern has been involved with charitable ventures for a long time, helping other football clubs in financial disarray as well as ordinary people in misery. In the wake of the 2004 Tsunami the "FC Bayern – Hilfe e.V." was founded, a foundation that aims to concentrate the social engagements of the club. At its inception this venture was funded with €600,000, raised by officials and players of the club. The money was amongst other things used to build a school in Marathenkerny, Sri Lanka and to rebuild the area of Trincomalee, Sri Lanka. In April 2007 it was decided that the focus of the foundation would shift towards supporting people in need locally.The club has also time and again shown to have a soft spot for clubs in financial disarray. Repeatedly the club has supported its local rival 1860 Munich with gratuitous friendlies, transfers at favourable rates, and direct money transfers. Also when St. Pauli threatened to lose its licence for professional football due to financial problems, Bayern met the club for a friendly game free of any charge, giving all revenues to St. Pauli. More recently when Mark van Bommel's home club Fortuna Sittard was in financial distress Bayern came to a charity game at the Dutch club. Another well known example was the transfer of Alexander Zickler in 1993 from Dynamo Dresden. When Bayern picked up Zickler for 2.3 Million DM many considered the sum to be a subvention for the financially threatened Dresdeners. In 2003, Bayern provided a €2 Million loan without collateral to the nearly bankrupt Borussia Dortmund which has since been repaid. On 14 July 2013, Bayern played a charity game against financially threatened third division Hansa Rostock. The game raised about €1 million, securing Hansa's licence. On 30 August 2017, Bayern played a benefit match against financial troubled Kickers Offenbach. All the revenue from the match went to Kickers Offenbach. Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said, "Kickers Offenbach are a club with a rich tradition, they've always been an important club in Germany, so we'll gladly help them with a benefit match." On 27 May 2019, Bayern played a benefit match against 1. FC Kaiserslautern. The match was played so Kaiserslautern could secure their licence to play in the German third division. All income from the match went to Kaiserslautern. "1. FC Kaiserslautern are one of Germany's biggest traditional clubs," Bayern's chairman, Karl-Heinz Rummenigge said. "For many years there were intense, and in retrospect also legendary, Bayern matches at Kaiserslautern. Football is all about emotions and sporting rivalries, but also about solidarity. That's why we're happy to help and hope 1. FC Kaiserslautern can once again gain promotion back to the Bundesliga in the foreseeable future."In March 2020, Bayern Munich, Borussia Dortmund, RB Leipzig, and Bayer Leverkusen, the four German UEFA Champions League teams for the 2019/20 season, collectively gave €20 million to Bundesliga and 2. Bundesliga teams that were struggling financially during the COVID-19 pandemic.In mid 2013, Bayern was the first club to give financial support to the Magnus Hirschfeld National Foundation. The foundation researches the living environment LGBT people, and developed an education concept to facilitate unbiased dealing with LGBT themes in football.In 2016, FC Bayern received the Nine Values Cup, an award of the international children's social programme Football for Friendship.FC Bayern Munich headquarters and training facility is called Säbener Straße and it is located in the Untergiesing-Harlaching borough of Munich. The first team and the reserve team train at the facility. There are five grass pitches, two of which have undersoil heating, two artificial grass fields, a beach volleyball court and a multi-functional sports hall.The players' quarters opened in 1990 and were reconstructed after the 2007–08 season on suggestions by then new coach, Jürgen Klinsmann, who took inspiration from various major sports clubs. The quarters are now called the performance centre and feature weights and fitness areas, a massage unit, dressing rooms, the coaches' office, and a conference room with screening facilities for video analysis. A café, a library, an e-Learning room, and a family room are also included.Until August 2017, the Youth House was located at the headquarters at Säbener Straße. The Youth House housed up to 14 young talents aged 15 to 18 from outside of Munich. Former residents of the Youth House include Bastian Schweinsteiger, David Alaba, Owen Hargreaves, Michael Rensing, Holger Badstuber and Emre Can.In 2006, Bayern purchased land near the Allianz Arena with the purpose of building a new youth academy. In 2015 the project, estimated to cost €70 million, was started after overcoming internal resistance. The project's main reasons were that the existing facilities were too small and that the club, while very successful at the senior level, lacked competitiveness with other German and European clubs at the youth level. The new facility was scheduled to open in the 2017–18 season. On 21 August 2017 the FC Bayern Campus opened at a cost of €70 million. The campus is located north of Munich at Ingolstädter Straße. The campus is 30 hectare and has 8 football pitches for youth teams from the U-9s to the U-19s and the women's and girls' teams. The campus also has a 2,500-capacity stadium where the U-17s and the U-19s play their matches. The Allianz FC Bayern Akademie is located on the campus site, and the academy has 35 apartments for young talents who don't live in the Greater Munich area. The academy building also has offices for youth coaches and staff.Bayern is historically the most successful team in German football, as they have won the most championships and the most cups. They are also Germany's most successful team in international competitions, having won fourteen trophies. Bayern is one of only five clubs to have won all three major European competitions and was also the last club to have won three consecutive European Cup titles in the old straight knockout tournament format, entitling them to wear a multiple-winner badge during Champions League matches.German Champions/BundesligaDFB-PokalDFB/DFL-SupercupDFL-LigapokalUEFA Champions League / European CupUEFA Europa League / UEFA CupUEFA/European Cup Winners' CupUEFA/European Super CupIntercontinental CupFIFA Club World CupBayern Munich is the only European team to have completed all available Trebles (continental treble, domestic treble and European treble).The football competitions, which consist of a single match involving only two teams (for example, the UEFA Super Cup or DFL Supercup) are generally not counted as part of a treble.At his farewell game, Oliver Kahn was declared honorary captain of Bayern Munich. The players below are part of the FC Bayern Munich Hall of Fame.1930s1970s:1980s:1990s:2000s:2010s:Bayern has had 19 coaches since its promotion to the Bundesliga in 1965. Udo Lattek, Giovanni Trapattoni and Ottmar Hitzfeld served two terms as head coach. Franz Beckenbauer served one term as head coach and one as caretaker, while Jupp Heynckes had four separate spells as coach, including one as caretaker. Lattek was the club's most successful coach, having won six Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the European Cup; following closely is Ottmar Hitzfeld, who won five Bundesliga titles, two DFB Cups and the Champions League. The club's least successful coach was Søren Lerby, who won less than a third of his matches in charge and presided over the club's near-relegation in the 1991–92 campaign.On 3 November 2019, Bayern sacked Niko Kovač after a 5–1 loss to Eintracht Frankfurt and appointed Hansi Flick as a coach. Initially, Flick was installed as caretaker coach only, however on 15 November, after Flick's team had won 4–0 against Borussia Dortmund, Bayern announced that Flick would be in charge at least until Christmas 2019. Later on, Flick signed a new contract until 2023.The reserve team serves mainly as the final stepping stone for promising young players before being promoted to the main team. The second team is coached by Sebastian Hoeneß. The second team play in the 3. Liga for the 2019–20 season. Since the inception of the Regionalliga in 1994, the team played in the Regionalliga Süd, after playing in the Oberliga since 1978. In the 2007–08 season, they qualified for the newly founded 3. Liga, where they lasted until 2011 when they were relegated to the Regionalliga. This ended 33 consecutive years of playing in the highest league that the German Football Association permits the second team of a professional football team to play.The youth academy has produced some of Europe's top football players, including Thomas Hitzlsperger, Owen Hargreaves, Philipp Lahm, Bastian Schweinsteiger and Thomas Müller. On 1 August 2017, the FC Bayern Campus became the new home of the youth teams. It consists of ten teams, with the youngest being under 9. Jochen Sauer is the FC Bayern Campus director and Bayern legend coach Hermann Gerland is the sporting director.The women's football department consists of five teams, including a professional team, a reserve team, and two youth teams. The women's first team, which is led by head coach Thomas Wörle, features several members of the German national youth team. In the 2008–09 season, the team finished second in the women's Bundesliga. The division was founded in 1970 and consisted of four teams with 90 players. Their greatest successes were winning the championships in 1976, 2015, and 2016. In the 2011–12 season on 12 May 2012, FC Bayern Munich dethroned the German Cup title holders 1. FFC Frankfurt with a 2–0 in the 2011–12 final in Cologne and celebrated the biggest success of the club's history since winning the championship in 1976. In 2015 they won the Bundesliga for the first time, without any defeat. They won the 2015–16 Bundesliga for the second consecutive time.The senior football department was founded in 2002, making it the youngest division of the club, and consists of five teams. The division is intended to enable senior athletes to participate in the various senior citizen competitions in Munich.The FC Bayern AllStars were founded in summer 2006, and consists of former Bayern players, including Klaus Augenthaler, Raimond Aumann, Andreas Brehme, Paul Breitner, Hans Pflügler, Stefan Reuter, Paulo Sérgio, and Olaf Thon. The team is coached by Wolfgang Dremmler, and plays matches with other senior teams around the world. For organisational reasons, the team can only play a limited number of games annually.Bayern has other departments for a variety of sports.The basketball department was founded in 1946, and currently contains 26 teams, including four men's teams, three women's teams, sixteen youth teams, and three senior teams. The men's team are three-time German champions, having won in 1954, 1955, and 2014. The team also won the German Basketball Cup in 1968. The team plays its home games at the Rudi-Sedlmayer-Halle, located in the Sendling-Westpark borough of Munich.The bowling department emerged from SKC Real-Isaria in 1983 and currently consists of five teams. Directly next to the well-known club building of the football department, the team plays at the bowling alley of the Münchner Kegler-Verein. The first team plays in the second highest division of the Münchner Spielklasse Bezirksliga.The department was created in 1908, and consists of nine teams, including seven men's teams and two women's teams. The men's team, which currently plays in the Chess Bundesliga following promotion in 2013 from the 2. Bundesliga Ost, was nine-time German Champion from 1983 to 1995. The team also won the European Chess Club Cup in 1992. The women play in the 2. Bundesliga, with their biggest success being the rise to the league in 2002.The handball department was founded in 1945, and consists of thirteen teams, including three men's teams, two women's teams, five boys teams, two girls teams, and a mixed youth team. The first men's team plays in the Bezirksoberliga Oberbayern, while the women's first teams plays in the Bezirksliga Oberbayern.The refereeing department was established in 1919 and is currently the largest football refereeing division in Europe, with 110 referees, with 2 of them women. The referees mainly officiate amateur games in the local Munich leagues.The table tennis department was founded in 1946 and currently has 220 members. The club currently has fourteen teams, including eight men's teams, a women's team, three youth teams, and two children teams. The women's first team is currently playing in the Landesliga Süd/Ost, while the men's first team plays in the 3. Bundesliga Süd. The focus of the department is on youth support.The baseball division existed during the 1960s and 1970s, during which the team won two German championships in 1962 and 1969.From 1966 to 1969, there existed an ice hockey team, which completed two seasons in the Eishockey-Bundesliga.In the summer of 1965, the Münchner Eislauf Verein negotiated with Bayern Munich about joining the club. Although the talks came to nothing, the ice hockey department of Münchner Eislauf Verein decided to join Bayern –mid-season– in January 1966. The team finished the season under the name of Bayern Munich in third place of the second-tier Oberliga. The following season Bayern achieved promotion to the Bundesliga where the club stayed for two seasons. However, in 1969 the club disbanded the department and sold the hockey team to Augsburger EV, citing lack of local support and difficulty in recruiting players as reasons.The gymnastics department was founded in 1974 and was most successful in the 1980s. During this time, the team won four German championships in 1983, 1986, 1987, and 1988. In 2014, the division was dissolved.	[ "Louis van Gaal", "Jupp Heynckes", "Josep Guardiola", "Niko Kovač", "Hansi Flick", "Ottmar Hitzfeld", "Jürgen Klinsmann", "Carlo Ancelotti", "Andries Jonker", "Giovanni Trapattoni" ]
Which employer did Richard C. Bradt work for in Jan, 1983?	January 20, 1983	{ "text": [ "University of Washington", "Pennsylvania State University" ] }	L2_Q60607633_P108_1	Richard C. Bradt works for Pennsylvania State University from Jan, 1967 to Jan, 1983. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Alabama at Birmingham from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2009. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Washington from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1989. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Nevada, Reno from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.	Richard C. BradtRichard Carl Bradt (17 November 1938 – 3 January 2019) was an American materials engineer.Bradt was born in St. Louis, Missouri, and raised in Mascoutah, Illinois. He graduated from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1960 with a bachelor's degree in metallurgy and began working for Fansteel Metallurgical Corporation. After four years with Fansteel, Bradt enrolled at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute for graduate study in materials engineering. He earned a master's degree in 1965 and a doctorate in 1967. Bradt joined the Pennsylvania State University faculty upon earning his Ph.D. He taught at Penn State until 1983, when he became a member of the University of Washington faculty. While in Seattle, Beadt was appointed to the Kyocera Professorship. In 1989, Bradt began teaching at the Mackay School of Mines within the University of Nevada, Reno. He was a professor at the University of Alabama between 1994 and 2009. Five years prior to retirement, Bradt was named Alton N. Scott Professor of Engineering. He died at UAB Hospital, in Birmingham, Alabama, on 3 January 2019, aged 80.	[ "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham", "Pennsylvania State University", "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham" ]
Which employer did Richard C. Bradt work for in 1983-01-20?	January 20, 1983	{ "text": [ "University of Washington", "Pennsylvania State University" ] }	L2_Q60607633_P108_1	Richard C. Bradt works for Pennsylvania State University from Jan, 1967 to Jan, 1983. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Alabama at Birmingham from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2009. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Washington from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1989. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Nevada, Reno from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.	Richard C. BradtRichard Carl Bradt (17 November 1938 – 3 January 2019) was an American materials engineer.Bradt was born in St. Louis, Missouri, and raised in Mascoutah, Illinois. He graduated from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1960 with a bachelor's degree in metallurgy and began working for Fansteel Metallurgical Corporation. After four years with Fansteel, Bradt enrolled at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute for graduate study in materials engineering. He earned a master's degree in 1965 and a doctorate in 1967. Bradt joined the Pennsylvania State University faculty upon earning his Ph.D. He taught at Penn State until 1983, when he became a member of the University of Washington faculty. While in Seattle, Beadt was appointed to the Kyocera Professorship. In 1989, Bradt began teaching at the Mackay School of Mines within the University of Nevada, Reno. He was a professor at the University of Alabama between 1994 and 2009. Five years prior to retirement, Bradt was named Alton N. Scott Professor of Engineering. He died at UAB Hospital, in Birmingham, Alabama, on 3 January 2019, aged 80.	[ "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham", "Pennsylvania State University", "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham" ]
Which employer did Richard C. Bradt work for in 20/01/1983?	January 20, 1983	{ "text": [ "University of Washington", "Pennsylvania State University" ] }	L2_Q60607633_P108_1	Richard C. Bradt works for Pennsylvania State University from Jan, 1967 to Jan, 1983. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Alabama at Birmingham from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2009. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Washington from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1989. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Nevada, Reno from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.	Richard C. BradtRichard Carl Bradt (17 November 1938 – 3 January 2019) was an American materials engineer.Bradt was born in St. Louis, Missouri, and raised in Mascoutah, Illinois. He graduated from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1960 with a bachelor's degree in metallurgy and began working for Fansteel Metallurgical Corporation. After four years with Fansteel, Bradt enrolled at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute for graduate study in materials engineering. He earned a master's degree in 1965 and a doctorate in 1967. Bradt joined the Pennsylvania State University faculty upon earning his Ph.D. He taught at Penn State until 1983, when he became a member of the University of Washington faculty. While in Seattle, Beadt was appointed to the Kyocera Professorship. In 1989, Bradt began teaching at the Mackay School of Mines within the University of Nevada, Reno. He was a professor at the University of Alabama between 1994 and 2009. Five years prior to retirement, Bradt was named Alton N. Scott Professor of Engineering. He died at UAB Hospital, in Birmingham, Alabama, on 3 January 2019, aged 80.	[ "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham", "Pennsylvania State University", "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham" ]
Which employer did Richard C. Bradt work for in Jan 20, 1983?	January 20, 1983	{ "text": [ "University of Washington", "Pennsylvania State University" ] }	L2_Q60607633_P108_1	Richard C. Bradt works for Pennsylvania State University from Jan, 1967 to Jan, 1983. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Alabama at Birmingham from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2009. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Washington from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1989. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Nevada, Reno from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.	Richard C. BradtRichard Carl Bradt (17 November 1938 – 3 January 2019) was an American materials engineer.Bradt was born in St. Louis, Missouri, and raised in Mascoutah, Illinois. He graduated from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1960 with a bachelor's degree in metallurgy and began working for Fansteel Metallurgical Corporation. After four years with Fansteel, Bradt enrolled at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute for graduate study in materials engineering. He earned a master's degree in 1965 and a doctorate in 1967. Bradt joined the Pennsylvania State University faculty upon earning his Ph.D. He taught at Penn State until 1983, when he became a member of the University of Washington faculty. While in Seattle, Beadt was appointed to the Kyocera Professorship. In 1989, Bradt began teaching at the Mackay School of Mines within the University of Nevada, Reno. He was a professor at the University of Alabama between 1994 and 2009. Five years prior to retirement, Bradt was named Alton N. Scott Professor of Engineering. He died at UAB Hospital, in Birmingham, Alabama, on 3 January 2019, aged 80.	[ "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham", "Pennsylvania State University", "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham" ]
Which employer did Richard C. Bradt work for in 01/20/1983?	January 20, 1983	{ "text": [ "University of Washington", "Pennsylvania State University" ] }	L2_Q60607633_P108_1	Richard C. Bradt works for Pennsylvania State University from Jan, 1967 to Jan, 1983. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Alabama at Birmingham from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2009. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Washington from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1989. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Nevada, Reno from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.	Richard C. BradtRichard Carl Bradt (17 November 1938 – 3 January 2019) was an American materials engineer.Bradt was born in St. Louis, Missouri, and raised in Mascoutah, Illinois. He graduated from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1960 with a bachelor's degree in metallurgy and began working for Fansteel Metallurgical Corporation. After four years with Fansteel, Bradt enrolled at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute for graduate study in materials engineering. He earned a master's degree in 1965 and a doctorate in 1967. Bradt joined the Pennsylvania State University faculty upon earning his Ph.D. He taught at Penn State until 1983, when he became a member of the University of Washington faculty. While in Seattle, Beadt was appointed to the Kyocera Professorship. In 1989, Bradt began teaching at the Mackay School of Mines within the University of Nevada, Reno. He was a professor at the University of Alabama between 1994 and 2009. Five years prior to retirement, Bradt was named Alton N. Scott Professor of Engineering. He died at UAB Hospital, in Birmingham, Alabama, on 3 January 2019, aged 80.	[ "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham", "Pennsylvania State University", "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham" ]
Which employer did Richard C. Bradt work for in 20-Jan-198320-January-1983?	January 20, 1983	{ "text": [ "University of Washington", "Pennsylvania State University" ] }	L2_Q60607633_P108_1	Richard C. Bradt works for Pennsylvania State University from Jan, 1967 to Jan, 1983. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Alabama at Birmingham from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2009. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Washington from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1989. Richard C. Bradt works for University of Nevada, Reno from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1996.	Richard C. BradtRichard Carl Bradt (17 November 1938 – 3 January 2019) was an American materials engineer.Bradt was born in St. Louis, Missouri, and raised in Mascoutah, Illinois. He graduated from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1960 with a bachelor's degree in metallurgy and began working for Fansteel Metallurgical Corporation. After four years with Fansteel, Bradt enrolled at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute for graduate study in materials engineering. He earned a master's degree in 1965 and a doctorate in 1967. Bradt joined the Pennsylvania State University faculty upon earning his Ph.D. He taught at Penn State until 1983, when he became a member of the University of Washington faculty. While in Seattle, Beadt was appointed to the Kyocera Professorship. In 1989, Bradt began teaching at the Mackay School of Mines within the University of Nevada, Reno. He was a professor at the University of Alabama between 1994 and 2009. Five years prior to retirement, Bradt was named Alton N. Scott Professor of Engineering. He died at UAB Hospital, in Birmingham, Alabama, on 3 January 2019, aged 80.	[ "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham", "Pennsylvania State University", "University of Nevada, Reno", "University of Alabama at Birmingham" ]
Which position did Vernon Coaker hold in Jan, 2022?	January 20, 2022	{ "text": [ "Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "Member of the House of Lords" ] }	L2_Q285975_P39_10	Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2015 to May, 2017. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2010 to Mar, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from Oct, 2013 to Sep, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Feb, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2016. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2001 to Apr, 2005. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2005 to Apr, 2010. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2017 to Nov, 2019. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Minister for Security from Oct, 2008 to Jun, 2009. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1997 to May, 2001.	Vernon CoakerVernon Rodney Coaker, Baron Coaker of Gedling (born 17 June 1953) is a British Labour politician who served as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Gedling from 1997 to 2019. He also served as Minister of State for Policing, Crime and Security from 2008 to 2009, then Minister of State for Schools from 2009 to 2010, Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from 2013 to 2015 and Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from October 2011 to October 2013, and again from September 2015 until his resignation in June 2016 from the Shadow Cabinet. He lost his seat at the 2019 general election.In December 2020, it was announced he would be conferred a life peerage after a nomination by Labour Party Leader Keir Starmer.Born in Westminster, London, Coaker attended Drayton Manor Grammar School in London. He studied for an Economics and Politics BA (Hons) degree at the University of Warwick, then obtained a PGCE at Trent Polytechnic (Clifton College of Education).Coaker worked as a teacher, becoming a History teacher at Manvers Pierrepont School (now the Carlton Road Centre of Castle College Nottingham) from 1976 to 1982, then Head of Department at Arnold Hill School from 1982 to 1988. From 1989 to 1995, he was a senior teacher at Bramcote Park School and thence until 1997 he was Deputy Headmaster at Big Wood School in Bestwood, Nottingham. He is a member of the NUT.Coaker served as a district councillor for the Cotgrave Ward in Rushcliffe, Nottinghamshire from 1983 to 1997 and was leader of the Labour group on the council between 1987 and 1997. He stood for the Rushcliffe constituency seat in 1983. He contested Gedling in 1987 and 1992, before defeating Andrew Mitchell at the 1997 election, becoming the first Labour MP to win the Gedling seat.After a number of Parliamentary Private Secretary roles, Coaker became a government whip in May 2005, having been an assistant whip since June 2003. He served as a Minister of State at the Home Office between 2008 and 2009 before being moved to take up the role of Minister of State for Schools and Learning between 2009 and 2010. Following the Labour defeat at the 2010 General Election, Coaker was appointed as Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in October 2011. Coaker joined dozens of shadow ministers in resigning from his position on 26 June 2016 in Labour's parliamentary disquiet over the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn. He supported Owen Smith in the failed attempt to replace Jeremy Corbyn in the 2016 Labour Party (UK) leadership election. He lost his seat in the 2019 general election.Coaker was found to have claimed large sums every month in cash for his second home without submitting any receipts. Over the course of four years, he claimed £3,425 for cleaning, £6,320 for services and maintenance and £5,205 for repairs. This was initially for his semi-detached home in Cotgrave, and then for his one-bedroom flat in Kennington in London.A spokesman for Coaker subsequently stated that expenses were claimed in accordance with the rules administered by Commons fees office at the time.Coaker supports the modernisation of the UK Trident missile system, and Britain's membership of NATO. He supports the multilateral disarmament of nuclear weapons. Coaker belongs to the Labour Friends of Israel lobby group.Shortly after being appointed Minister for Drugs and Crime Reduction in the May 2006 reshuffle, he revealed to the "Coventry Evening Telegraph" that he had had "one or two puffs" of cannabis as a student but did not enjoy it. His admission was made during a nationwide tour to evaluate the effectiveness of the government's drugs strategy.He also supports people taking part in shooting sports and angling.In January 2010, Coaker apologised for remarks that misled MPs. He had earlier told MPs that 70 police officers were hurt as a result of a global warming protest at Kingsnorth power station. In fact there were only 12 injuries that were legally reportable with just four of those involving contact with another person. The remaining eight injuries included "wasp sting", an injury while "sitting in a car", and an officer succumbing "to sun and heat". There were 68 injuries in total with the rest being treated by first-aiders at the scene. The whole operation had involved more than 1,000 officers.In December 2020, he was nominated for a peerage by Keir Starmer. On 22 March 2021, he was introduced to the House of Lords as Baron Coaker of Gedling in the County of Nottinghamshire. He made his maiden speech on 17 May 2021 during the Queen's Speech debate.He married Jacqueline Heaton on 23 December 1978 in Basford; the couple have a daughter and a son. He supports Tottenham Hotspur. His wife, who is a teacher, was a town councillor in Cotgrave, where they live in the district of Rushcliffe.	[ "Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Defence", "Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland", "Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Minister for Security", "Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Vernon Coaker hold in 2022-01-20?	January 20, 2022	{ "text": [ "Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "Member of the House of Lords" ] }	L2_Q285975_P39_10	Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2015 to May, 2017. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2010 to Mar, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from Oct, 2013 to Sep, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Feb, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2016. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2001 to Apr, 2005. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2005 to Apr, 2010. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2017 to Nov, 2019. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Minister for Security from Oct, 2008 to Jun, 2009. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1997 to May, 2001.	Vernon CoakerVernon Rodney Coaker, Baron Coaker of Gedling (born 17 June 1953) is a British Labour politician who served as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Gedling from 1997 to 2019. He also served as Minister of State for Policing, Crime and Security from 2008 to 2009, then Minister of State for Schools from 2009 to 2010, Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from 2013 to 2015 and Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from October 2011 to October 2013, and again from September 2015 until his resignation in June 2016 from the Shadow Cabinet. He lost his seat at the 2019 general election.In December 2020, it was announced he would be conferred a life peerage after a nomination by Labour Party Leader Keir Starmer.Born in Westminster, London, Coaker attended Drayton Manor Grammar School in London. He studied for an Economics and Politics BA (Hons) degree at the University of Warwick, then obtained a PGCE at Trent Polytechnic (Clifton College of Education).Coaker worked as a teacher, becoming a History teacher at Manvers Pierrepont School (now the Carlton Road Centre of Castle College Nottingham) from 1976 to 1982, then Head of Department at Arnold Hill School from 1982 to 1988. From 1989 to 1995, he was a senior teacher at Bramcote Park School and thence until 1997 he was Deputy Headmaster at Big Wood School in Bestwood, Nottingham. He is a member of the NUT.Coaker served as a district councillor for the Cotgrave Ward in Rushcliffe, Nottinghamshire from 1983 to 1997 and was leader of the Labour group on the council between 1987 and 1997. He stood for the Rushcliffe constituency seat in 1983. He contested Gedling in 1987 and 1992, before defeating Andrew Mitchell at the 1997 election, becoming the first Labour MP to win the Gedling seat.After a number of Parliamentary Private Secretary roles, Coaker became a government whip in May 2005, having been an assistant whip since June 2003. He served as a Minister of State at the Home Office between 2008 and 2009 before being moved to take up the role of Minister of State for Schools and Learning between 2009 and 2010. Following the Labour defeat at the 2010 General Election, Coaker was appointed as Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in October 2011. Coaker joined dozens of shadow ministers in resigning from his position on 26 June 2016 in Labour's parliamentary disquiet over the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn. He supported Owen Smith in the failed attempt to replace Jeremy Corbyn in the 2016 Labour Party (UK) leadership election. He lost his seat in the 2019 general election.Coaker was found to have claimed large sums every month in cash for his second home without submitting any receipts. Over the course of four years, he claimed £3,425 for cleaning, £6,320 for services and maintenance and £5,205 for repairs. This was initially for his semi-detached home in Cotgrave, and then for his one-bedroom flat in Kennington in London.A spokesman for Coaker subsequently stated that expenses were claimed in accordance with the rules administered by Commons fees office at the time.Coaker supports the modernisation of the UK Trident missile system, and Britain's membership of NATO. He supports the multilateral disarmament of nuclear weapons. Coaker belongs to the Labour Friends of Israel lobby group.Shortly after being appointed Minister for Drugs and Crime Reduction in the May 2006 reshuffle, he revealed to the "Coventry Evening Telegraph" that he had had "one or two puffs" of cannabis as a student but did not enjoy it. His admission was made during a nationwide tour to evaluate the effectiveness of the government's drugs strategy.He also supports people taking part in shooting sports and angling.In January 2010, Coaker apologised for remarks that misled MPs. He had earlier told MPs that 70 police officers were hurt as a result of a global warming protest at Kingsnorth power station. In fact there were only 12 injuries that were legally reportable with just four of those involving contact with another person. The remaining eight injuries included "wasp sting", an injury while "sitting in a car", and an officer succumbing "to sun and heat". There were 68 injuries in total with the rest being treated by first-aiders at the scene. The whole operation had involved more than 1,000 officers.In December 2020, he was nominated for a peerage by Keir Starmer. On 22 March 2021, he was introduced to the House of Lords as Baron Coaker of Gedling in the County of Nottinghamshire. He made his maiden speech on 17 May 2021 during the Queen's Speech debate.He married Jacqueline Heaton on 23 December 1978 in Basford; the couple have a daughter and a son. He supports Tottenham Hotspur. His wife, who is a teacher, was a town councillor in Cotgrave, where they live in the district of Rushcliffe.	[ "Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Defence", "Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland", "Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Minister for Security", "Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Vernon Coaker hold in 20/01/2022?	January 20, 2022	{ "text": [ "Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "Member of the House of Lords" ] }	L2_Q285975_P39_10	Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2015 to May, 2017. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2010 to Mar, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from Oct, 2013 to Sep, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Feb, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2016. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2001 to Apr, 2005. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2005 to Apr, 2010. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2017 to Nov, 2019. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Minister for Security from Oct, 2008 to Jun, 2009. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1997 to May, 2001.	Vernon CoakerVernon Rodney Coaker, Baron Coaker of Gedling (born 17 June 1953) is a British Labour politician who served as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Gedling from 1997 to 2019. He also served as Minister of State for Policing, Crime and Security from 2008 to 2009, then Minister of State for Schools from 2009 to 2010, Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from 2013 to 2015 and Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from October 2011 to October 2013, and again from September 2015 until his resignation in June 2016 from the Shadow Cabinet. He lost his seat at the 2019 general election.In December 2020, it was announced he would be conferred a life peerage after a nomination by Labour Party Leader Keir Starmer.Born in Westminster, London, Coaker attended Drayton Manor Grammar School in London. He studied for an Economics and Politics BA (Hons) degree at the University of Warwick, then obtained a PGCE at Trent Polytechnic (Clifton College of Education).Coaker worked as a teacher, becoming a History teacher at Manvers Pierrepont School (now the Carlton Road Centre of Castle College Nottingham) from 1976 to 1982, then Head of Department at Arnold Hill School from 1982 to 1988. From 1989 to 1995, he was a senior teacher at Bramcote Park School and thence until 1997 he was Deputy Headmaster at Big Wood School in Bestwood, Nottingham. He is a member of the NUT.Coaker served as a district councillor for the Cotgrave Ward in Rushcliffe, Nottinghamshire from 1983 to 1997 and was leader of the Labour group on the council between 1987 and 1997. He stood for the Rushcliffe constituency seat in 1983. He contested Gedling in 1987 and 1992, before defeating Andrew Mitchell at the 1997 election, becoming the first Labour MP to win the Gedling seat.After a number of Parliamentary Private Secretary roles, Coaker became a government whip in May 2005, having been an assistant whip since June 2003. He served as a Minister of State at the Home Office between 2008 and 2009 before being moved to take up the role of Minister of State for Schools and Learning between 2009 and 2010. Following the Labour defeat at the 2010 General Election, Coaker was appointed as Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in October 2011. Coaker joined dozens of shadow ministers in resigning from his position on 26 June 2016 in Labour's parliamentary disquiet over the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn. He supported Owen Smith in the failed attempt to replace Jeremy Corbyn in the 2016 Labour Party (UK) leadership election. He lost his seat in the 2019 general election.Coaker was found to have claimed large sums every month in cash for his second home without submitting any receipts. Over the course of four years, he claimed £3,425 for cleaning, £6,320 for services and maintenance and £5,205 for repairs. This was initially for his semi-detached home in Cotgrave, and then for his one-bedroom flat in Kennington in London.A spokesman for Coaker subsequently stated that expenses were claimed in accordance with the rules administered by Commons fees office at the time.Coaker supports the modernisation of the UK Trident missile system, and Britain's membership of NATO. He supports the multilateral disarmament of nuclear weapons. Coaker belongs to the Labour Friends of Israel lobby group.Shortly after being appointed Minister for Drugs and Crime Reduction in the May 2006 reshuffle, he revealed to the "Coventry Evening Telegraph" that he had had "one or two puffs" of cannabis as a student but did not enjoy it. His admission was made during a nationwide tour to evaluate the effectiveness of the government's drugs strategy.He also supports people taking part in shooting sports and angling.In January 2010, Coaker apologised for remarks that misled MPs. He had earlier told MPs that 70 police officers were hurt as a result of a global warming protest at Kingsnorth power station. In fact there were only 12 injuries that were legally reportable with just four of those involving contact with another person. The remaining eight injuries included "wasp sting", an injury while "sitting in a car", and an officer succumbing "to sun and heat". There were 68 injuries in total with the rest being treated by first-aiders at the scene. The whole operation had involved more than 1,000 officers.In December 2020, he was nominated for a peerage by Keir Starmer. On 22 March 2021, he was introduced to the House of Lords as Baron Coaker of Gedling in the County of Nottinghamshire. He made his maiden speech on 17 May 2021 during the Queen's Speech debate.He married Jacqueline Heaton on 23 December 1978 in Basford; the couple have a daughter and a son. He supports Tottenham Hotspur. His wife, who is a teacher, was a town councillor in Cotgrave, where they live in the district of Rushcliffe.	[ "Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Defence", "Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland", "Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Minister for Security", "Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Vernon Coaker hold in Jan 20, 2022?	January 20, 2022	{ "text": [ "Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "Member of the House of Lords" ] }	L2_Q285975_P39_10	Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2015 to May, 2017. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2010 to Mar, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from Oct, 2013 to Sep, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Feb, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2016. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2001 to Apr, 2005. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2005 to Apr, 2010. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2017 to Nov, 2019. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Minister for Security from Oct, 2008 to Jun, 2009. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1997 to May, 2001.	Vernon CoakerVernon Rodney Coaker, Baron Coaker of Gedling (born 17 June 1953) is a British Labour politician who served as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Gedling from 1997 to 2019. He also served as Minister of State for Policing, Crime and Security from 2008 to 2009, then Minister of State for Schools from 2009 to 2010, Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from 2013 to 2015 and Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from October 2011 to October 2013, and again from September 2015 until his resignation in June 2016 from the Shadow Cabinet. He lost his seat at the 2019 general election.In December 2020, it was announced he would be conferred a life peerage after a nomination by Labour Party Leader Keir Starmer.Born in Westminster, London, Coaker attended Drayton Manor Grammar School in London. He studied for an Economics and Politics BA (Hons) degree at the University of Warwick, then obtained a PGCE at Trent Polytechnic (Clifton College of Education).Coaker worked as a teacher, becoming a History teacher at Manvers Pierrepont School (now the Carlton Road Centre of Castle College Nottingham) from 1976 to 1982, then Head of Department at Arnold Hill School from 1982 to 1988. From 1989 to 1995, he was a senior teacher at Bramcote Park School and thence until 1997 he was Deputy Headmaster at Big Wood School in Bestwood, Nottingham. He is a member of the NUT.Coaker served as a district councillor for the Cotgrave Ward in Rushcliffe, Nottinghamshire from 1983 to 1997 and was leader of the Labour group on the council between 1987 and 1997. He stood for the Rushcliffe constituency seat in 1983. He contested Gedling in 1987 and 1992, before defeating Andrew Mitchell at the 1997 election, becoming the first Labour MP to win the Gedling seat.After a number of Parliamentary Private Secretary roles, Coaker became a government whip in May 2005, having been an assistant whip since June 2003. He served as a Minister of State at the Home Office between 2008 and 2009 before being moved to take up the role of Minister of State for Schools and Learning between 2009 and 2010. Following the Labour defeat at the 2010 General Election, Coaker was appointed as Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in October 2011. Coaker joined dozens of shadow ministers in resigning from his position on 26 June 2016 in Labour's parliamentary disquiet over the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn. He supported Owen Smith in the failed attempt to replace Jeremy Corbyn in the 2016 Labour Party (UK) leadership election. He lost his seat in the 2019 general election.Coaker was found to have claimed large sums every month in cash for his second home without submitting any receipts. Over the course of four years, he claimed £3,425 for cleaning, £6,320 for services and maintenance and £5,205 for repairs. This was initially for his semi-detached home in Cotgrave, and then for his one-bedroom flat in Kennington in London.A spokesman for Coaker subsequently stated that expenses were claimed in accordance with the rules administered by Commons fees office at the time.Coaker supports the modernisation of the UK Trident missile system, and Britain's membership of NATO. He supports the multilateral disarmament of nuclear weapons. Coaker belongs to the Labour Friends of Israel lobby group.Shortly after being appointed Minister for Drugs and Crime Reduction in the May 2006 reshuffle, he revealed to the "Coventry Evening Telegraph" that he had had "one or two puffs" of cannabis as a student but did not enjoy it. His admission was made during a nationwide tour to evaluate the effectiveness of the government's drugs strategy.He also supports people taking part in shooting sports and angling.In January 2010, Coaker apologised for remarks that misled MPs. He had earlier told MPs that 70 police officers were hurt as a result of a global warming protest at Kingsnorth power station. In fact there were only 12 injuries that were legally reportable with just four of those involving contact with another person. The remaining eight injuries included "wasp sting", an injury while "sitting in a car", and an officer succumbing "to sun and heat". There were 68 injuries in total with the rest being treated by first-aiders at the scene. The whole operation had involved more than 1,000 officers.In December 2020, he was nominated for a peerage by Keir Starmer. On 22 March 2021, he was introduced to the House of Lords as Baron Coaker of Gedling in the County of Nottinghamshire. He made his maiden speech on 17 May 2021 during the Queen's Speech debate.He married Jacqueline Heaton on 23 December 1978 in Basford; the couple have a daughter and a son. He supports Tottenham Hotspur. His wife, who is a teacher, was a town councillor in Cotgrave, where they live in the district of Rushcliffe.	[ "Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Defence", "Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland", "Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Minister for Security", "Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Vernon Coaker hold in 01/20/2022?	January 20, 2022	{ "text": [ "Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "Member of the House of Lords" ] }	L2_Q285975_P39_10	Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2015 to May, 2017. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2010 to Mar, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from Oct, 2013 to Sep, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Feb, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2016. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2001 to Apr, 2005. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2005 to Apr, 2010. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2017 to Nov, 2019. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Minister for Security from Oct, 2008 to Jun, 2009. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1997 to May, 2001.	Vernon CoakerVernon Rodney Coaker, Baron Coaker of Gedling (born 17 June 1953) is a British Labour politician who served as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Gedling from 1997 to 2019. He also served as Minister of State for Policing, Crime and Security from 2008 to 2009, then Minister of State for Schools from 2009 to 2010, Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from 2013 to 2015 and Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from October 2011 to October 2013, and again from September 2015 until his resignation in June 2016 from the Shadow Cabinet. He lost his seat at the 2019 general election.In December 2020, it was announced he would be conferred a life peerage after a nomination by Labour Party Leader Keir Starmer.Born in Westminster, London, Coaker attended Drayton Manor Grammar School in London. He studied for an Economics and Politics BA (Hons) degree at the University of Warwick, then obtained a PGCE at Trent Polytechnic (Clifton College of Education).Coaker worked as a teacher, becoming a History teacher at Manvers Pierrepont School (now the Carlton Road Centre of Castle College Nottingham) from 1976 to 1982, then Head of Department at Arnold Hill School from 1982 to 1988. From 1989 to 1995, he was a senior teacher at Bramcote Park School and thence until 1997 he was Deputy Headmaster at Big Wood School in Bestwood, Nottingham. He is a member of the NUT.Coaker served as a district councillor for the Cotgrave Ward in Rushcliffe, Nottinghamshire from 1983 to 1997 and was leader of the Labour group on the council between 1987 and 1997. He stood for the Rushcliffe constituency seat in 1983. He contested Gedling in 1987 and 1992, before defeating Andrew Mitchell at the 1997 election, becoming the first Labour MP to win the Gedling seat.After a number of Parliamentary Private Secretary roles, Coaker became a government whip in May 2005, having been an assistant whip since June 2003. He served as a Minister of State at the Home Office between 2008 and 2009 before being moved to take up the role of Minister of State for Schools and Learning between 2009 and 2010. Following the Labour defeat at the 2010 General Election, Coaker was appointed as Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in October 2011. Coaker joined dozens of shadow ministers in resigning from his position on 26 June 2016 in Labour's parliamentary disquiet over the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn. He supported Owen Smith in the failed attempt to replace Jeremy Corbyn in the 2016 Labour Party (UK) leadership election. He lost his seat in the 2019 general election.Coaker was found to have claimed large sums every month in cash for his second home without submitting any receipts. Over the course of four years, he claimed £3,425 for cleaning, £6,320 for services and maintenance and £5,205 for repairs. This was initially for his semi-detached home in Cotgrave, and then for his one-bedroom flat in Kennington in London.A spokesman for Coaker subsequently stated that expenses were claimed in accordance with the rules administered by Commons fees office at the time.Coaker supports the modernisation of the UK Trident missile system, and Britain's membership of NATO. He supports the multilateral disarmament of nuclear weapons. Coaker belongs to the Labour Friends of Israel lobby group.Shortly after being appointed Minister for Drugs and Crime Reduction in the May 2006 reshuffle, he revealed to the "Coventry Evening Telegraph" that he had had "one or two puffs" of cannabis as a student but did not enjoy it. His admission was made during a nationwide tour to evaluate the effectiveness of the government's drugs strategy.He also supports people taking part in shooting sports and angling.In January 2010, Coaker apologised for remarks that misled MPs. He had earlier told MPs that 70 police officers were hurt as a result of a global warming protest at Kingsnorth power station. In fact there were only 12 injuries that were legally reportable with just four of those involving contact with another person. The remaining eight injuries included "wasp sting", an injury while "sitting in a car", and an officer succumbing "to sun and heat". There were 68 injuries in total with the rest being treated by first-aiders at the scene. The whole operation had involved more than 1,000 officers.In December 2020, he was nominated for a peerage by Keir Starmer. On 22 March 2021, he was introduced to the House of Lords as Baron Coaker of Gedling in the County of Nottinghamshire. He made his maiden speech on 17 May 2021 during the Queen's Speech debate.He married Jacqueline Heaton on 23 December 1978 in Basford; the couple have a daughter and a son. He supports Tottenham Hotspur. His wife, who is a teacher, was a town councillor in Cotgrave, where they live in the district of Rushcliffe.	[ "Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Defence", "Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland", "Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Minister for Security", "Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Vernon Coaker hold in 20-Jan-202220-January-2022?	January 20, 2022	{ "text": [ "Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "Member of the House of Lords" ] }	L2_Q285975_P39_10	Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2015 to May, 2017. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2010 to Mar, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from Oct, 2013 to Sep, 2015. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Feb, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from Sep, 2015 to Jun, 2016. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2001 to Apr, 2005. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 2005 to Apr, 2010. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 2017 to Dec, 2022. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 2017 to Nov, 2019. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Minister for Security from Oct, 2008 to Jun, 2009. Vernon Coaker holds the position of Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1997 to May, 2001.	Vernon CoakerVernon Rodney Coaker, Baron Coaker of Gedling (born 17 June 1953) is a British Labour politician who served as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Gedling from 1997 to 2019. He also served as Minister of State for Policing, Crime and Security from 2008 to 2009, then Minister of State for Schools from 2009 to 2010, Shadow Secretary of State for Defence from 2013 to 2015 and Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from October 2011 to October 2013, and again from September 2015 until his resignation in June 2016 from the Shadow Cabinet. He lost his seat at the 2019 general election.In December 2020, it was announced he would be conferred a life peerage after a nomination by Labour Party Leader Keir Starmer.Born in Westminster, London, Coaker attended Drayton Manor Grammar School in London. He studied for an Economics and Politics BA (Hons) degree at the University of Warwick, then obtained a PGCE at Trent Polytechnic (Clifton College of Education).Coaker worked as a teacher, becoming a History teacher at Manvers Pierrepont School (now the Carlton Road Centre of Castle College Nottingham) from 1976 to 1982, then Head of Department at Arnold Hill School from 1982 to 1988. From 1989 to 1995, he was a senior teacher at Bramcote Park School and thence until 1997 he was Deputy Headmaster at Big Wood School in Bestwood, Nottingham. He is a member of the NUT.Coaker served as a district councillor for the Cotgrave Ward in Rushcliffe, Nottinghamshire from 1983 to 1997 and was leader of the Labour group on the council between 1987 and 1997. He stood for the Rushcliffe constituency seat in 1983. He contested Gedling in 1987 and 1992, before defeating Andrew Mitchell at the 1997 election, becoming the first Labour MP to win the Gedling seat.After a number of Parliamentary Private Secretary roles, Coaker became a government whip in May 2005, having been an assistant whip since June 2003. He served as a Minister of State at the Home Office between 2008 and 2009 before being moved to take up the role of Minister of State for Schools and Learning between 2009 and 2010. Following the Labour defeat at the 2010 General Election, Coaker was appointed as Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in October 2011. Coaker joined dozens of shadow ministers in resigning from his position on 26 June 2016 in Labour's parliamentary disquiet over the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn. He supported Owen Smith in the failed attempt to replace Jeremy Corbyn in the 2016 Labour Party (UK) leadership election. He lost his seat in the 2019 general election.Coaker was found to have claimed large sums every month in cash for his second home without submitting any receipts. Over the course of four years, he claimed £3,425 for cleaning, £6,320 for services and maintenance and £5,205 for repairs. This was initially for his semi-detached home in Cotgrave, and then for his one-bedroom flat in Kennington in London.A spokesman for Coaker subsequently stated that expenses were claimed in accordance with the rules administered by Commons fees office at the time.Coaker supports the modernisation of the UK Trident missile system, and Britain's membership of NATO. He supports the multilateral disarmament of nuclear weapons. Coaker belongs to the Labour Friends of Israel lobby group.Shortly after being appointed Minister for Drugs and Crime Reduction in the May 2006 reshuffle, he revealed to the "Coventry Evening Telegraph" that he had had "one or two puffs" of cannabis as a student but did not enjoy it. His admission was made during a nationwide tour to evaluate the effectiveness of the government's drugs strategy.He also supports people taking part in shooting sports and angling.In January 2010, Coaker apologised for remarks that misled MPs. He had earlier told MPs that 70 police officers were hurt as a result of a global warming protest at Kingsnorth power station. In fact there were only 12 injuries that were legally reportable with just four of those involving contact with another person. The remaining eight injuries included "wasp sting", an injury while "sitting in a car", and an officer succumbing "to sun and heat". There were 68 injuries in total with the rest being treated by first-aiders at the scene. The whole operation had involved more than 1,000 officers.In December 2020, he was nominated for a peerage by Keir Starmer. On 22 March 2021, he was introduced to the House of Lords as Baron Coaker of Gedling in the County of Nottinghamshire. He made his maiden speech on 17 May 2021 during the Queen's Speech debate.He married Jacqueline Heaton on 23 December 1978 in Basford; the couple have a daughter and a son. He supports Tottenham Hotspur. His wife, who is a teacher, was a town councillor in Cotgrave, where they live in the district of Rushcliffe.	[ "Member of the 55th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Defence", "Member of the 53rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland", "Member of the 54th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 56th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Minister for Security", "Member of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 52nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Hapoel Hadera F.C. in Oct, 2022?	October 29, 2022	{ "text": [ "Asaf Nimni" ] }	L2_Q6073188_P286_3	Asaf Nimni is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jul, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Nissim Avitan is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Sep, 2017 to May, 2019. Meni Koretski is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jan, 2021 to May, 2022. Sharon Mimer is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Dec, 2019 to Jan, 2021.	Hapoel Hadera F.C.Hapoel Hadera–Giv'at Olga "Shulem Schwarz" F.C. () is an Israeli football club from Hadera.They currently play in the Israeli Premier League, and have previously spent eight seasons in the top division.The club was formed in the early 1930s, although footballing activities in Hapoel branch in Hadera occurred as early as 1928. During the late years of the British Mandate the club entered EIFA cup and league competitions, however, due to the 1947–1949 Palestine war the club was disbanded.After the Israeli Declaration of Independence the club was reformed and entered the league competitions at the second level. The club was promoted to Liga Alef, then the top division, in 1954. However, they were relegated at the end of their first season in the top tier, after finishing second from bottom. In 1957 they finished high enough in Liga Alef (by then the second tier) to compete in the play-offs for promotion to Liga Leumit, but missed out on goal difference by one goal.The club had to wait until 1970 for another promotion, when they were promoted as Liga Alef champions. They narrowly avoided relegation in the 1970–71 season, finishing above relegated Maccabi Petah Tikva on goal difference. However, they were relegated the following season after finishing bottom. This time they bounced back immediately as Liga Alef runners-up, and finished 13th in 1973–74, a single point above the relegation zone.Although 1974–75 saw the club finish in their highest-ever position, 7th, they were relegated the following season. The club made a second immediate return to the top flight as Liga Artzit (the new second division) champions, but were relegated again in 1979, marking their last appearance to date in the top division.In 1986 and 1989 the club won the Liga Artzit Toto Cup. In 1994 they were deducted 12 points after being found guilty of match-fixing in a league game against Hakoah Ramat Gan. They were relegated to the third tier in 1997, and following league restructuring in 1999, sank into the fourth division. They were relegated again to Liga Bet in 2003.In 2006, All the football clubs from Hadera merged into one club called Hapoel Ironi Eran Hadera, and at the end of the 2007–08 season the club won the South A division of Liga Bet and were promoted back to Liga Alef.In the 2009–10 season, the club battled for promotion to Liga Leumit and was leading 70% of the season at 1st place. However, they did not achieve promotion after finished 3rd place at Liga Alef South division.in next season of 2010–11 they changed division to the North, and it was a beginning of bad financial problem, and with small budget they needed to build the club from the beginning. at that season, the manager was Ami Elhadad, one of the players who played for the club in the 1970s. at the end of the season they finished in the 8th place.The 2011–12 season was one of their worst seasons, as they finished in the 14th place and had to play-off against Ihud Bnei Maksur from Liga bet. Hadera won the relegation play-off 2–1 after goals scored by Momo Nistel and Elias Zana. during the season, the club saw changes in the manager position, when Ami Elhadad resigned from the club, and replaced by the youth manager, Yohanan Israelov, who did not finish the season as well, as Itzik Ben Tora managed the club in the last two games.In the 2012–13 season, Eyal Amar, former player for the club, took over the manager position, after three seasons as the manager of local rivals, F.C. Givat Olga. the club started the season well, when showed good games. However, at the end of season they finished in the 7th place. manager Eyal Amar left the club and returned to Givat Olga.In the 2013–14 season, the club was managed by Ahmed Wahab as manager and Yosef Mogiliovsky as assistant-manager, and placed 8th after the first round of the league (15 games). After Ahmed Wahab left the club with his son, Barkat, due to financial problems, and Kobi Badash left for Hapoel Migdal HaEmek, Hadera signed new manager, Ron Keler, which trained the youth section of the club, and finished the season in the 7th place, 6 points short of the promotion play-offs.In The 2014–15 season the started with Gil Fishel as new manager. but after 10 games the manager resign because offinancial problems. and after that Sasha Feldman who was a player of the club take care of coaching team.after 4 games he left the club and in the derby with MS Givat olga Itsik Ben Tora stand on the line 1 match.than Yohanan Izraelov return to training the team he was coaching only 5 games and left too.Ron Keller who trained last season take care the club and made a success with team and reach 9th place at Liga alefnorth. and was the first to win derby in last match 1–0 on Givat Olga.In season 2015–16 was talking to take new management of the team but the talks didn't bring anything and Yoav Kobi stillthe owner of the club. The team signed new coach past player Momo Nistel that trained before Beitar Pardes Hana with success.In season 2016–17 was big day in the club. The team promote to Liga Leumit the second tier in Israel. after finishing 1st placein the league. It was first time after 20 seasons it was the last time to play in second tier.In season 2017–18, the club was promoted again to the Israeli Premier League for the first time after 40 years from the second place of Liga Leumit.In the next season, Hapoel Hadera made a big sensation in the Premier League and secured the place in the championship playoff, what brought the club to improve their previous record in the First Division, seventh place, and finish the season in the sixth place." As of 20 March 2021."Only up six non-Israeli nationals can be in an Israeli club squad (only five can play at the same time). Those with Jewish ancestry, married to an Israeli or have played in Israel for an extended period of time, can claim a passport or permanent residency which would allow them to play with Israeli status.50 Years of Sports and More in Hadera, Efraim Frank (Israel), 2004, pp. 190–227	[ "Sharon Mimer", "Meni Koretski", "Nissim Avitan" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Hapoel Hadera F.C. in 2022-10-29?	October 29, 2022	{ "text": [ "Asaf Nimni" ] }	L2_Q6073188_P286_3	Asaf Nimni is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jul, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Nissim Avitan is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Sep, 2017 to May, 2019. Meni Koretski is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jan, 2021 to May, 2022. Sharon Mimer is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Dec, 2019 to Jan, 2021.	Hapoel Hadera F.C.Hapoel Hadera–Giv'at Olga "Shulem Schwarz" F.C. () is an Israeli football club from Hadera.They currently play in the Israeli Premier League, and have previously spent eight seasons in the top division.The club was formed in the early 1930s, although footballing activities in Hapoel branch in Hadera occurred as early as 1928. During the late years of the British Mandate the club entered EIFA cup and league competitions, however, due to the 1947–1949 Palestine war the club was disbanded.After the Israeli Declaration of Independence the club was reformed and entered the league competitions at the second level. The club was promoted to Liga Alef, then the top division, in 1954. However, they were relegated at the end of their first season in the top tier, after finishing second from bottom. In 1957 they finished high enough in Liga Alef (by then the second tier) to compete in the play-offs for promotion to Liga Leumit, but missed out on goal difference by one goal.The club had to wait until 1970 for another promotion, when they were promoted as Liga Alef champions. They narrowly avoided relegation in the 1970–71 season, finishing above relegated Maccabi Petah Tikva on goal difference. However, they were relegated the following season after finishing bottom. This time they bounced back immediately as Liga Alef runners-up, and finished 13th in 1973–74, a single point above the relegation zone.Although 1974–75 saw the club finish in their highest-ever position, 7th, they were relegated the following season. The club made a second immediate return to the top flight as Liga Artzit (the new second division) champions, but were relegated again in 1979, marking their last appearance to date in the top division.In 1986 and 1989 the club won the Liga Artzit Toto Cup. In 1994 they were deducted 12 points after being found guilty of match-fixing in a league game against Hakoah Ramat Gan. They were relegated to the third tier in 1997, and following league restructuring in 1999, sank into the fourth division. They were relegated again to Liga Bet in 2003.In 2006, All the football clubs from Hadera merged into one club called Hapoel Ironi Eran Hadera, and at the end of the 2007–08 season the club won the South A division of Liga Bet and were promoted back to Liga Alef.In the 2009–10 season, the club battled for promotion to Liga Leumit and was leading 70% of the season at 1st place. However, they did not achieve promotion after finished 3rd place at Liga Alef South division.in next season of 2010–11 they changed division to the North, and it was a beginning of bad financial problem, and with small budget they needed to build the club from the beginning. at that season, the manager was Ami Elhadad, one of the players who played for the club in the 1970s. at the end of the season they finished in the 8th place.The 2011–12 season was one of their worst seasons, as they finished in the 14th place and had to play-off against Ihud Bnei Maksur from Liga bet. Hadera won the relegation play-off 2–1 after goals scored by Momo Nistel and Elias Zana. during the season, the club saw changes in the manager position, when Ami Elhadad resigned from the club, and replaced by the youth manager, Yohanan Israelov, who did not finish the season as well, as Itzik Ben Tora managed the club in the last two games.In the 2012–13 season, Eyal Amar, former player for the club, took over the manager position, after three seasons as the manager of local rivals, F.C. Givat Olga. the club started the season well, when showed good games. However, at the end of season they finished in the 7th place. manager Eyal Amar left the club and returned to Givat Olga.In the 2013–14 season, the club was managed by Ahmed Wahab as manager and Yosef Mogiliovsky as assistant-manager, and placed 8th after the first round of the league (15 games). After Ahmed Wahab left the club with his son, Barkat, due to financial problems, and Kobi Badash left for Hapoel Migdal HaEmek, Hadera signed new manager, Ron Keler, which trained the youth section of the club, and finished the season in the 7th place, 6 points short of the promotion play-offs.In The 2014–15 season the started with Gil Fishel as new manager. but after 10 games the manager resign because offinancial problems. and after that Sasha Feldman who was a player of the club take care of coaching team.after 4 games he left the club and in the derby with MS Givat olga Itsik Ben Tora stand on the line 1 match.than Yohanan Izraelov return to training the team he was coaching only 5 games and left too.Ron Keller who trained last season take care the club and made a success with team and reach 9th place at Liga alefnorth. and was the first to win derby in last match 1–0 on Givat Olga.In season 2015–16 was talking to take new management of the team but the talks didn't bring anything and Yoav Kobi stillthe owner of the club. The team signed new coach past player Momo Nistel that trained before Beitar Pardes Hana with success.In season 2016–17 was big day in the club. The team promote to Liga Leumit the second tier in Israel. after finishing 1st placein the league. It was first time after 20 seasons it was the last time to play in second tier.In season 2017–18, the club was promoted again to the Israeli Premier League for the first time after 40 years from the second place of Liga Leumit.In the next season, Hapoel Hadera made a big sensation in the Premier League and secured the place in the championship playoff, what brought the club to improve their previous record in the First Division, seventh place, and finish the season in the sixth place." As of 20 March 2021."Only up six non-Israeli nationals can be in an Israeli club squad (only five can play at the same time). Those with Jewish ancestry, married to an Israeli or have played in Israel for an extended period of time, can claim a passport or permanent residency which would allow them to play with Israeli status.50 Years of Sports and More in Hadera, Efraim Frank (Israel), 2004, pp. 190–227	[ "Sharon Mimer", "Meni Koretski", "Nissim Avitan" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Hapoel Hadera F.C. in 29/10/2022?	October 29, 2022	{ "text": [ "Asaf Nimni" ] }	L2_Q6073188_P286_3	Asaf Nimni is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jul, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Nissim Avitan is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Sep, 2017 to May, 2019. Meni Koretski is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jan, 2021 to May, 2022. Sharon Mimer is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Dec, 2019 to Jan, 2021.	Hapoel Hadera F.C.Hapoel Hadera–Giv'at Olga "Shulem Schwarz" F.C. () is an Israeli football club from Hadera.They currently play in the Israeli Premier League, and have previously spent eight seasons in the top division.The club was formed in the early 1930s, although footballing activities in Hapoel branch in Hadera occurred as early as 1928. During the late years of the British Mandate the club entered EIFA cup and league competitions, however, due to the 1947–1949 Palestine war the club was disbanded.After the Israeli Declaration of Independence the club was reformed and entered the league competitions at the second level. The club was promoted to Liga Alef, then the top division, in 1954. However, they were relegated at the end of their first season in the top tier, after finishing second from bottom. In 1957 they finished high enough in Liga Alef (by then the second tier) to compete in the play-offs for promotion to Liga Leumit, but missed out on goal difference by one goal.The club had to wait until 1970 for another promotion, when they were promoted as Liga Alef champions. They narrowly avoided relegation in the 1970–71 season, finishing above relegated Maccabi Petah Tikva on goal difference. However, they were relegated the following season after finishing bottom. This time they bounced back immediately as Liga Alef runners-up, and finished 13th in 1973–74, a single point above the relegation zone.Although 1974–75 saw the club finish in their highest-ever position, 7th, they were relegated the following season. The club made a second immediate return to the top flight as Liga Artzit (the new second division) champions, but were relegated again in 1979, marking their last appearance to date in the top division.In 1986 and 1989 the club won the Liga Artzit Toto Cup. In 1994 they were deducted 12 points after being found guilty of match-fixing in a league game against Hakoah Ramat Gan. They were relegated to the third tier in 1997, and following league restructuring in 1999, sank into the fourth division. They were relegated again to Liga Bet in 2003.In 2006, All the football clubs from Hadera merged into one club called Hapoel Ironi Eran Hadera, and at the end of the 2007–08 season the club won the South A division of Liga Bet and were promoted back to Liga Alef.In the 2009–10 season, the club battled for promotion to Liga Leumit and was leading 70% of the season at 1st place. However, they did not achieve promotion after finished 3rd place at Liga Alef South division.in next season of 2010–11 they changed division to the North, and it was a beginning of bad financial problem, and with small budget they needed to build the club from the beginning. at that season, the manager was Ami Elhadad, one of the players who played for the club in the 1970s. at the end of the season they finished in the 8th place.The 2011–12 season was one of their worst seasons, as they finished in the 14th place and had to play-off against Ihud Bnei Maksur from Liga bet. Hadera won the relegation play-off 2–1 after goals scored by Momo Nistel and Elias Zana. during the season, the club saw changes in the manager position, when Ami Elhadad resigned from the club, and replaced by the youth manager, Yohanan Israelov, who did not finish the season as well, as Itzik Ben Tora managed the club in the last two games.In the 2012–13 season, Eyal Amar, former player for the club, took over the manager position, after three seasons as the manager of local rivals, F.C. Givat Olga. the club started the season well, when showed good games. However, at the end of season they finished in the 7th place. manager Eyal Amar left the club and returned to Givat Olga.In the 2013–14 season, the club was managed by Ahmed Wahab as manager and Yosef Mogiliovsky as assistant-manager, and placed 8th after the first round of the league (15 games). After Ahmed Wahab left the club with his son, Barkat, due to financial problems, and Kobi Badash left for Hapoel Migdal HaEmek, Hadera signed new manager, Ron Keler, which trained the youth section of the club, and finished the season in the 7th place, 6 points short of the promotion play-offs.In The 2014–15 season the started with Gil Fishel as new manager. but after 10 games the manager resign because offinancial problems. and after that Sasha Feldman who was a player of the club take care of coaching team.after 4 games he left the club and in the derby with MS Givat olga Itsik Ben Tora stand on the line 1 match.than Yohanan Izraelov return to training the team he was coaching only 5 games and left too.Ron Keller who trained last season take care the club and made a success with team and reach 9th place at Liga alefnorth. and was the first to win derby in last match 1–0 on Givat Olga.In season 2015–16 was talking to take new management of the team but the talks didn't bring anything and Yoav Kobi stillthe owner of the club. The team signed new coach past player Momo Nistel that trained before Beitar Pardes Hana with success.In season 2016–17 was big day in the club. The team promote to Liga Leumit the second tier in Israel. after finishing 1st placein the league. It was first time after 20 seasons it was the last time to play in second tier.In season 2017–18, the club was promoted again to the Israeli Premier League for the first time after 40 years from the second place of Liga Leumit.In the next season, Hapoel Hadera made a big sensation in the Premier League and secured the place in the championship playoff, what brought the club to improve their previous record in the First Division, seventh place, and finish the season in the sixth place." As of 20 March 2021."Only up six non-Israeli nationals can be in an Israeli club squad (only five can play at the same time). Those with Jewish ancestry, married to an Israeli or have played in Israel for an extended period of time, can claim a passport or permanent residency which would allow them to play with Israeli status.50 Years of Sports and More in Hadera, Efraim Frank (Israel), 2004, pp. 190–227	[ "Sharon Mimer", "Meni Koretski", "Nissim Avitan" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Hapoel Hadera F.C. in Oct 29, 2022?	October 29, 2022	{ "text": [ "Asaf Nimni" ] }	L2_Q6073188_P286_3	Asaf Nimni is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jul, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Nissim Avitan is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Sep, 2017 to May, 2019. Meni Koretski is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jan, 2021 to May, 2022. Sharon Mimer is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Dec, 2019 to Jan, 2021.	Hapoel Hadera F.C.Hapoel Hadera–Giv'at Olga "Shulem Schwarz" F.C. () is an Israeli football club from Hadera.They currently play in the Israeli Premier League, and have previously spent eight seasons in the top division.The club was formed in the early 1930s, although footballing activities in Hapoel branch in Hadera occurred as early as 1928. During the late years of the British Mandate the club entered EIFA cup and league competitions, however, due to the 1947–1949 Palestine war the club was disbanded.After the Israeli Declaration of Independence the club was reformed and entered the league competitions at the second level. The club was promoted to Liga Alef, then the top division, in 1954. However, they were relegated at the end of their first season in the top tier, after finishing second from bottom. In 1957 they finished high enough in Liga Alef (by then the second tier) to compete in the play-offs for promotion to Liga Leumit, but missed out on goal difference by one goal.The club had to wait until 1970 for another promotion, when they were promoted as Liga Alef champions. They narrowly avoided relegation in the 1970–71 season, finishing above relegated Maccabi Petah Tikva on goal difference. However, they were relegated the following season after finishing bottom. This time they bounced back immediately as Liga Alef runners-up, and finished 13th in 1973–74, a single point above the relegation zone.Although 1974–75 saw the club finish in their highest-ever position, 7th, they were relegated the following season. The club made a second immediate return to the top flight as Liga Artzit (the new second division) champions, but were relegated again in 1979, marking their last appearance to date in the top division.In 1986 and 1989 the club won the Liga Artzit Toto Cup. In 1994 they were deducted 12 points after being found guilty of match-fixing in a league game against Hakoah Ramat Gan. They were relegated to the third tier in 1997, and following league restructuring in 1999, sank into the fourth division. They were relegated again to Liga Bet in 2003.In 2006, All the football clubs from Hadera merged into one club called Hapoel Ironi Eran Hadera, and at the end of the 2007–08 season the club won the South A division of Liga Bet and were promoted back to Liga Alef.In the 2009–10 season, the club battled for promotion to Liga Leumit and was leading 70% of the season at 1st place. However, they did not achieve promotion after finished 3rd place at Liga Alef South division.in next season of 2010–11 they changed division to the North, and it was a beginning of bad financial problem, and with small budget they needed to build the club from the beginning. at that season, the manager was Ami Elhadad, one of the players who played for the club in the 1970s. at the end of the season they finished in the 8th place.The 2011–12 season was one of their worst seasons, as they finished in the 14th place and had to play-off against Ihud Bnei Maksur from Liga bet. Hadera won the relegation play-off 2–1 after goals scored by Momo Nistel and Elias Zana. during the season, the club saw changes in the manager position, when Ami Elhadad resigned from the club, and replaced by the youth manager, Yohanan Israelov, who did not finish the season as well, as Itzik Ben Tora managed the club in the last two games.In the 2012–13 season, Eyal Amar, former player for the club, took over the manager position, after three seasons as the manager of local rivals, F.C. Givat Olga. the club started the season well, when showed good games. However, at the end of season they finished in the 7th place. manager Eyal Amar left the club and returned to Givat Olga.In the 2013–14 season, the club was managed by Ahmed Wahab as manager and Yosef Mogiliovsky as assistant-manager, and placed 8th after the first round of the league (15 games). After Ahmed Wahab left the club with his son, Barkat, due to financial problems, and Kobi Badash left for Hapoel Migdal HaEmek, Hadera signed new manager, Ron Keler, which trained the youth section of the club, and finished the season in the 7th place, 6 points short of the promotion play-offs.In The 2014–15 season the started with Gil Fishel as new manager. but after 10 games the manager resign because offinancial problems. and after that Sasha Feldman who was a player of the club take care of coaching team.after 4 games he left the club and in the derby with MS Givat olga Itsik Ben Tora stand on the line 1 match.than Yohanan Izraelov return to training the team he was coaching only 5 games and left too.Ron Keller who trained last season take care the club and made a success with team and reach 9th place at Liga alefnorth. and was the first to win derby in last match 1–0 on Givat Olga.In season 2015–16 was talking to take new management of the team but the talks didn't bring anything and Yoav Kobi stillthe owner of the club. The team signed new coach past player Momo Nistel that trained before Beitar Pardes Hana with success.In season 2016–17 was big day in the club. The team promote to Liga Leumit the second tier in Israel. after finishing 1st placein the league. It was first time after 20 seasons it was the last time to play in second tier.In season 2017–18, the club was promoted again to the Israeli Premier League for the first time after 40 years from the second place of Liga Leumit.In the next season, Hapoel Hadera made a big sensation in the Premier League and secured the place in the championship playoff, what brought the club to improve their previous record in the First Division, seventh place, and finish the season in the sixth place." As of 20 March 2021."Only up six non-Israeli nationals can be in an Israeli club squad (only five can play at the same time). Those with Jewish ancestry, married to an Israeli or have played in Israel for an extended period of time, can claim a passport or permanent residency which would allow them to play with Israeli status.50 Years of Sports and More in Hadera, Efraim Frank (Israel), 2004, pp. 190–227	[ "Sharon Mimer", "Meni Koretski", "Nissim Avitan" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Hapoel Hadera F.C. in 10/29/2022?	October 29, 2022	{ "text": [ "Asaf Nimni" ] }	L2_Q6073188_P286_3	Asaf Nimni is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jul, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Nissim Avitan is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Sep, 2017 to May, 2019. Meni Koretski is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jan, 2021 to May, 2022. Sharon Mimer is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Dec, 2019 to Jan, 2021.	Hapoel Hadera F.C.Hapoel Hadera–Giv'at Olga "Shulem Schwarz" F.C. () is an Israeli football club from Hadera.They currently play in the Israeli Premier League, and have previously spent eight seasons in the top division.The club was formed in the early 1930s, although footballing activities in Hapoel branch in Hadera occurred as early as 1928. During the late years of the British Mandate the club entered EIFA cup and league competitions, however, due to the 1947–1949 Palestine war the club was disbanded.After the Israeli Declaration of Independence the club was reformed and entered the league competitions at the second level. The club was promoted to Liga Alef, then the top division, in 1954. However, they were relegated at the end of their first season in the top tier, after finishing second from bottom. In 1957 they finished high enough in Liga Alef (by then the second tier) to compete in the play-offs for promotion to Liga Leumit, but missed out on goal difference by one goal.The club had to wait until 1970 for another promotion, when they were promoted as Liga Alef champions. They narrowly avoided relegation in the 1970–71 season, finishing above relegated Maccabi Petah Tikva on goal difference. However, they were relegated the following season after finishing bottom. This time they bounced back immediately as Liga Alef runners-up, and finished 13th in 1973–74, a single point above the relegation zone.Although 1974–75 saw the club finish in their highest-ever position, 7th, they were relegated the following season. The club made a second immediate return to the top flight as Liga Artzit (the new second division) champions, but were relegated again in 1979, marking their last appearance to date in the top division.In 1986 and 1989 the club won the Liga Artzit Toto Cup. In 1994 they were deducted 12 points after being found guilty of match-fixing in a league game against Hakoah Ramat Gan. They were relegated to the third tier in 1997, and following league restructuring in 1999, sank into the fourth division. They were relegated again to Liga Bet in 2003.In 2006, All the football clubs from Hadera merged into one club called Hapoel Ironi Eran Hadera, and at the end of the 2007–08 season the club won the South A division of Liga Bet and were promoted back to Liga Alef.In the 2009–10 season, the club battled for promotion to Liga Leumit and was leading 70% of the season at 1st place. However, they did not achieve promotion after finished 3rd place at Liga Alef South division.in next season of 2010–11 they changed division to the North, and it was a beginning of bad financial problem, and with small budget they needed to build the club from the beginning. at that season, the manager was Ami Elhadad, one of the players who played for the club in the 1970s. at the end of the season they finished in the 8th place.The 2011–12 season was one of their worst seasons, as they finished in the 14th place and had to play-off against Ihud Bnei Maksur from Liga bet. Hadera won the relegation play-off 2–1 after goals scored by Momo Nistel and Elias Zana. during the season, the club saw changes in the manager position, when Ami Elhadad resigned from the club, and replaced by the youth manager, Yohanan Israelov, who did not finish the season as well, as Itzik Ben Tora managed the club in the last two games.In the 2012–13 season, Eyal Amar, former player for the club, took over the manager position, after three seasons as the manager of local rivals, F.C. Givat Olga. the club started the season well, when showed good games. However, at the end of season they finished in the 7th place. manager Eyal Amar left the club and returned to Givat Olga.In the 2013–14 season, the club was managed by Ahmed Wahab as manager and Yosef Mogiliovsky as assistant-manager, and placed 8th after the first round of the league (15 games). After Ahmed Wahab left the club with his son, Barkat, due to financial problems, and Kobi Badash left for Hapoel Migdal HaEmek, Hadera signed new manager, Ron Keler, which trained the youth section of the club, and finished the season in the 7th place, 6 points short of the promotion play-offs.In The 2014–15 season the started with Gil Fishel as new manager. but after 10 games the manager resign because offinancial problems. and after that Sasha Feldman who was a player of the club take care of coaching team.after 4 games he left the club and in the derby with MS Givat olga Itsik Ben Tora stand on the line 1 match.than Yohanan Izraelov return to training the team he was coaching only 5 games and left too.Ron Keller who trained last season take care the club and made a success with team and reach 9th place at Liga alefnorth. and was the first to win derby in last match 1–0 on Givat Olga.In season 2015–16 was talking to take new management of the team but the talks didn't bring anything and Yoav Kobi stillthe owner of the club. The team signed new coach past player Momo Nistel that trained before Beitar Pardes Hana with success.In season 2016–17 was big day in the club. The team promote to Liga Leumit the second tier in Israel. after finishing 1st placein the league. It was first time after 20 seasons it was the last time to play in second tier.In season 2017–18, the club was promoted again to the Israeli Premier League for the first time after 40 years from the second place of Liga Leumit.In the next season, Hapoel Hadera made a big sensation in the Premier League and secured the place in the championship playoff, what brought the club to improve their previous record in the First Division, seventh place, and finish the season in the sixth place." As of 20 March 2021."Only up six non-Israeli nationals can be in an Israeli club squad (only five can play at the same time). Those with Jewish ancestry, married to an Israeli or have played in Israel for an extended period of time, can claim a passport or permanent residency which would allow them to play with Israeli status.50 Years of Sports and More in Hadera, Efraim Frank (Israel), 2004, pp. 190–227	[ "Sharon Mimer", "Meni Koretski", "Nissim Avitan" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Hapoel Hadera F.C. in 29-Oct-202229-October-2022?	October 29, 2022	{ "text": [ "Asaf Nimni" ] }	L2_Q6073188_P286_3	Asaf Nimni is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jul, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Nissim Avitan is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Sep, 2017 to May, 2019. Meni Koretski is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Jan, 2021 to May, 2022. Sharon Mimer is the head coach of Hapoel Hadera F.C. from Dec, 2019 to Jan, 2021.	Hapoel Hadera F.C.Hapoel Hadera–Giv'at Olga "Shulem Schwarz" F.C. () is an Israeli football club from Hadera.They currently play in the Israeli Premier League, and have previously spent eight seasons in the top division.The club was formed in the early 1930s, although footballing activities in Hapoel branch in Hadera occurred as early as 1928. During the late years of the British Mandate the club entered EIFA cup and league competitions, however, due to the 1947–1949 Palestine war the club was disbanded.After the Israeli Declaration of Independence the club was reformed and entered the league competitions at the second level. The club was promoted to Liga Alef, then the top division, in 1954. However, they were relegated at the end of their first season in the top tier, after finishing second from bottom. In 1957 they finished high enough in Liga Alef (by then the second tier) to compete in the play-offs for promotion to Liga Leumit, but missed out on goal difference by one goal.The club had to wait until 1970 for another promotion, when they were promoted as Liga Alef champions. They narrowly avoided relegation in the 1970–71 season, finishing above relegated Maccabi Petah Tikva on goal difference. However, they were relegated the following season after finishing bottom. This time they bounced back immediately as Liga Alef runners-up, and finished 13th in 1973–74, a single point above the relegation zone.Although 1974–75 saw the club finish in their highest-ever position, 7th, they were relegated the following season. The club made a second immediate return to the top flight as Liga Artzit (the new second division) champions, but were relegated again in 1979, marking their last appearance to date in the top division.In 1986 and 1989 the club won the Liga Artzit Toto Cup. In 1994 they were deducted 12 points after being found guilty of match-fixing in a league game against Hakoah Ramat Gan. They were relegated to the third tier in 1997, and following league restructuring in 1999, sank into the fourth division. They were relegated again to Liga Bet in 2003.In 2006, All the football clubs from Hadera merged into one club called Hapoel Ironi Eran Hadera, and at the end of the 2007–08 season the club won the South A division of Liga Bet and were promoted back to Liga Alef.In the 2009–10 season, the club battled for promotion to Liga Leumit and was leading 70% of the season at 1st place. However, they did not achieve promotion after finished 3rd place at Liga Alef South division.in next season of 2010–11 they changed division to the North, and it was a beginning of bad financial problem, and with small budget they needed to build the club from the beginning. at that season, the manager was Ami Elhadad, one of the players who played for the club in the 1970s. at the end of the season they finished in the 8th place.The 2011–12 season was one of their worst seasons, as they finished in the 14th place and had to play-off against Ihud Bnei Maksur from Liga bet. Hadera won the relegation play-off 2–1 after goals scored by Momo Nistel and Elias Zana. during the season, the club saw changes in the manager position, when Ami Elhadad resigned from the club, and replaced by the youth manager, Yohanan Israelov, who did not finish the season as well, as Itzik Ben Tora managed the club in the last two games.In the 2012–13 season, Eyal Amar, former player for the club, took over the manager position, after three seasons as the manager of local rivals, F.C. Givat Olga. the club started the season well, when showed good games. However, at the end of season they finished in the 7th place. manager Eyal Amar left the club and returned to Givat Olga.In the 2013–14 season, the club was managed by Ahmed Wahab as manager and Yosef Mogiliovsky as assistant-manager, and placed 8th after the first round of the league (15 games). After Ahmed Wahab left the club with his son, Barkat, due to financial problems, and Kobi Badash left for Hapoel Migdal HaEmek, Hadera signed new manager, Ron Keler, which trained the youth section of the club, and finished the season in the 7th place, 6 points short of the promotion play-offs.In The 2014–15 season the started with Gil Fishel as new manager. but after 10 games the manager resign because offinancial problems. and after that Sasha Feldman who was a player of the club take care of coaching team.after 4 games he left the club and in the derby with MS Givat olga Itsik Ben Tora stand on the line 1 match.than Yohanan Izraelov return to training the team he was coaching only 5 games and left too.Ron Keller who trained last season take care the club and made a success with team and reach 9th place at Liga alefnorth. and was the first to win derby in last match 1–0 on Givat Olga.In season 2015–16 was talking to take new management of the team but the talks didn't bring anything and Yoav Kobi stillthe owner of the club. The team signed new coach past player Momo Nistel that trained before Beitar Pardes Hana with success.In season 2016–17 was big day in the club. The team promote to Liga Leumit the second tier in Israel. after finishing 1st placein the league. It was first time after 20 seasons it was the last time to play in second tier.In season 2017–18, the club was promoted again to the Israeli Premier League for the first time after 40 years from the second place of Liga Leumit.In the next season, Hapoel Hadera made a big sensation in the Premier League and secured the place in the championship playoff, what brought the club to improve their previous record in the First Division, seventh place, and finish the season in the sixth place." As of 20 March 2021."Only up six non-Israeli nationals can be in an Israeli club squad (only five can play at the same time). Those with Jewish ancestry, married to an Israeli or have played in Israel for an extended period of time, can claim a passport or permanent residency which would allow them to play with Israeli status.50 Years of Sports and More in Hadera, Efraim Frank (Israel), 2004, pp. 190–227	[ "Sharon Mimer", "Meni Koretski", "Nissim Avitan" ]
Which team did Djamel Bouaïcha play for in May, 2010?	May 02, 2010	{ "text": [ "USM Annaba" ] }	L2_Q5285217_P54_1	Djamel Bouaïcha plays for JS Kabylie from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Djamel Bouaïcha plays for MC El Eulma from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Djamel Bouaïcha plays for Paradou AC from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2010. Djamel Bouaïcha plays for RC Arbaâ from Jan, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Djamel Bouaïcha plays for Mouloudia Club Oranais from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Djamel Bouaïcha plays for USM Annaba from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.	Djamel BouaïchaDjamel Bouaïcha (born June 19, 1982 in Meftah) is an Algerian football player who plays for RC Arbaâ in the Algerian Ligue Professionnelle 1.In the summer of 2011, Bouaïcha left USM Annaba for MC El Eulma. On September 10, 2011, he made his debut for the club, in a league match against CR Belouizdad. A week later, in his second match for the club, he scored two goals against WA Tlemcen.	[ "RC Arbaâ", "MC El Eulma", "Mouloudia Club Oranais", "Paradou AC", "JS Kabylie" ]
Which team did Djamel Bouaïcha play for in 2010-05-02?	May 02, 2010	{ "text": [ "USM Annaba" ] }	L2_Q5285217_P54_1	Djamel Bouaïcha plays for JS Kabylie from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Djamel Bouaïcha plays for MC El Eulma from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Djamel Bouaïcha plays for Paradou AC from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2010. Djamel Bouaïcha plays for RC Arbaâ from Jan, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Djamel Bouaïcha plays for Mouloudia Club Oranais from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Djamel Bouaïcha plays for USM Annaba from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.	Djamel BouaïchaDjamel Bouaïcha (born June 19, 1982 in Meftah) is an Algerian football player who plays for RC Arbaâ in the Algerian Ligue Professionnelle 1.In the summer of 2011, Bouaïcha left USM Annaba for MC El Eulma. On September 10, 2011, he made his debut for the club, in a league match against CR Belouizdad. A week later, in his second match for the club, he scored two goals against WA Tlemcen.	[ "RC Arbaâ", "MC El Eulma", "Mouloudia Club Oranais", "Paradou AC", "JS Kabylie" ]

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