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The college announced on May 16, 2016, that it would cease operations on May 27.
Burlington College started in 1972 as the Vermont Institute of Community Involvement.
A handful of students met in the living room of founder Dr.
Steward LaCasce.
It originally served adult learners and veterans.
In 2007, the college had 204 students at its main campus in buildings in downtown Burlington.
Since most were part-time, this worked out to 130 "full-time equivalents".
An additional 30 students studied off-campus.
In 2010, Jane O’Meara Sanders oversaw the purchase of 33 acres of property to be used for college expansion, with the resulting significant debt to be covered by already pledged donations and tuition from planned increased enrollment over five years.
Sanders departed shortly after, with Christine Plunkett assuming the position of president.
In 2014, the regional accreditor of the college placed it on probation because of its financial condition, and votes of no confidence were given to Plunkett from organizations representing students, faculty, and staff.
She resigned shortly thereafter.
In 2015, the college resold 27.5 acres of the land it had purchased.
In May 2016, the college board of trustees decided to close the school.
According to David A. Graham, writing in "The Atlantic", some of the school's financial difficulties dated back to 2010 when the board of directors and Sanders purchased the property in 2010.
The original $11 million of debt had been worked down to about $2 million, but because of remaining debt and "insufficient financial resources", the school's bank declined to renew their $1 million line of credit, and the school was facing the loss of their accreditation.
Local Burlington developer Eric Farrell will be purchasing the campus from the bank and plans to develop a park and housing.
In 2010, Burlington College announced its intention to purchase the property of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Burlington for use as its main campus.
The college sold its former campus to the Committee for Temporary Shelter, a welfare agency, and purchased of waterfront diocese property in early 2011.
In 2015, the college arranged to sell a local developer a parcel of land, as well as the former diocesan orphanage attached to the office and classroom building.
The developer, Farrell Real Estate, drafted a master plan to convert the orphanage to student housing.
The college retained the original diocese building for classrooms, studios, art rooms, film and radio, laboratories, etc., and the surrounding property.
At the press conference announcing the closure, the school stated that the developer would purchase the college's North Avenue campus from the bank.
Burlington College offered a span of undergraduate programs in the arts, writing and literature, film studies, photography, fine arts, legal studies, transpersonal psychology/psychology, human services, media activism, and graphic design, and an individualized undergraduate and graduate degree program.
The college offered students study-abroad options within Europe, and in 2008, Burlington College became one of the very few universities in the United States to offer a study-abroad program in Havana, Cuba in conjunction with the University of Havana.
Students had the ability to spend a semester at the university or take one of several one-week trips offered throughout the academic year.
Burlington College joined several other universities in the United States by offering students the option of a narrative evaluation in addition to traditional transcripts.
In connection with the undergraduate legal studies program, Burlington College held an articulation agreement with Vermont Law School which allowed Burlington College graduates to proceed into the juris doctor and joint juris doctor programs at Vermont Law School upon successful completion of their undergraduate studies.
Burlington College also offered an affiliation with the Vermont Woodworking School in Fairfax.
The courses in woodworking and fine craftsmanship were offered for credit to support both associate of arts and bachelor of fine arts degree programs.
In addition to woodworking skills, students took the usual general education requirements of the college.
The degree could be taken on campus, at a distance, or in combination.
Burlington College offered a low-residency master of arts degree.
The degree was individualized and tailored to meet the academic needs and focus of individual graduate students.
In August 2011, "The Daily Beast" and "Newsweek" ranked Burlington College as the number-one school in the United States for free-spirited students (free-spirited defined as schools where, "there are no mandatory classes, tests or official letter or number grades").
In October 2013, "Newsweek" named Burlington College as among the 10 colleges in the United States to have the highest rate of participation in student internships in their study field.
Michael Weiner
Michael Weiner may refer to:
CEDA
The Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Rights), more commonly CEDA, was a Spanish political party in the Second Spanish Republic.
A Catholic conservative force, it was the political heir to Ángel Herrera Oria's Acción Popular and defined itself in terms of the 'affirmation and defence of the principles of Christian civilization,' translating this theoretical stand into a practical demand for the revision of the republican constitution.
The CEDA saw itself as a defensive organisation, formed to protect religion, family, and property.
José María Gil-Robles declared his intention to "give Spain a true unity, a new spirit, a totalitarian polity..." and went on to say "Democracy is not an end but a mean to achieve the conquest of the new state.
When the time comes, either parliament submits or we will eliminate it."
The CEDA held fascist-style rallies, called Gil-Robles "Jefe", the equivalent of Duce, and claimed that the CEDA might lead a "March on Madrid" (similar to the Italian Fascist March on Rome) to forcefully seize power.
The CEDA claimed that it was defending Spain and "Christian civilization" from Marxism, and claimed that the political atmosphere in Spain had made politics a matter of Marxism versus anti-Marxism.
With the advent of the rise of the Nazi Party to power in Germany, the CEDA aligned itself with similar propaganda ploys to the Nazis, including the Nazi emphasis on authority, the fatherland, and hierarchy.
Gil-Robles attended an audience at the Nazi Party rally in Nuremberg and was influenced by it, henceforth becoming committed to creating a single anti-Marxist counterrevolutionary front in Spain.
The CEDA failed to make the substantive electoral gains from 1933 to 1936 that were needed for it to form government which resulted in right-wing support draining from it and turning towards the belligerent Alfonsist monarchist leader José Calvo Sotelo.
Subsequently, the CEDA abandoned its moderation and legalism and began providing support for those committed to violence against the republic, including handing over its electoral funds to the initial leader of the military coup against the republic, General Emilio Mola.
Subsequently, many of the supporters of the CEDA's youth movement, Juventudes de Acción Popular (JAP; "Youth for Popular Action") began to defect en masse to join the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista or "Falange".
Gil Robles set up CEDA to contest the 1933 election, and tacitly embraced Fascism.
Despite dismissing the idea of a party as a 'rigid fiction', the CEDA leaders created a stable party organisation which would lead the Spanish right into the age of mass politics.
The CEDA was constructed around organisational units known as Derechas Autónomas, the first of which had been established in Salamanca in December 1932.
Having accepted the "principles of Christian civilization", confederated bodies retained full freedom both of thought and of action – such a definition was framed with the Carlists in mind.
The right would work together for 'the radical transformation of the regime.'
The announcement of a general election in November 1933 brought about an unprecedented mobilization of the Spanish right.
"El Debate" instructed its readers to make the coming elections into an "obsession", the " sublime culmination of citizenly duties," so that victory in the polls would bring an end to the republican "bienio rojo".
Great emphasis was placed on the techniques of electoral propaganda.
Gil Robles visited Nazi Germany to study modern methods, including the Nuremberg Rally.
A national electoral committee was established, comprising CEDA, Alfonsist, Traditionalist, and Agrarian representatives – but excluding Miguel Maura's Conservative Republicans.
The CEDA swamped entire localities with electoral publicity.
The party produced ten million leaflets, together with some two hundred thousand coloured posters and hundreds of cars were used to distribute this material through the provinces.
In all of the major cities propaganda films were shown around the streets on screens mounted on large lorries.
The need for unity was the constant theme of the campaign fought by the CEDA and the election was presented as a confrontation of ideas, not of personalities.
The electors' choice was simple: they voted for redemption or revolution and they voted for Christianity or Communism.
The fortunes of Republican Spain, according to one of its posters had been decided by 'immorality and anarchy'.
Catholics who continued to proclaim their republicanism were moved into the revolutionary camp and many speeches argued that the Catholic republican option had become totally illegitimate.
'A good Catholic may not vote for the Conservative Republican party' declared a "Gaceta Regional" editorial and the impression was given that Conservative Republicans, far from being Catholics, were in fact anti-religious.
In this all-round attack on the political centre, the mobilization of women also became a major electoral tactic of the Catholic right.
The "Asociación Femenina de Educación" had been formed in October 1931.
As the 1933 general election approached women were warned that unless they voted correctly communism would come " which will tear your children from your arms, your parish church will be destroyed, the husband you love will flee from your side authorized by the divorce law, anarchy will come to the countryside, hunger and misery to your home."
AFEC orators and organisers urged women to vote 'For God and for Spain!'
Mirroring the female qualities emphasized by AFEC the CEDA's self-styled "sección de defensa" brought young male activists to the fore.
In one incident in the last week of the campaign, in Guijuelo the efforts of a group of left wing sympathisers to prevent people entering the bullring, where José María Lamamié de Clairac was speaking, led to a running battle with CEDA's "sección de defensa".
Later stopped and searched they were found to be carrying a quantity of pizzle whips – (bullwhips made from the dried penises of bulls) – taken along to 'fend off the violence which had been promised.'
It was one example of the polarisation of political opinions which had occurred in the province of Salamanca, Robles's province, since the early days of the Republic.
This new CEDA squad was also very much in evidence on election day itself, when its members patrolled the streets and polling stations in the provincial capital, supposedly to prevent the left from tampering with the ballot boxes.
In the 1933 elections, the CEDA won the most seats in the Cortes in no small part because the massive CNT membership abstained, holding true to their anarchist principles.
The CEDA had won a plurality of seats; however, these were not enough to form a majority, but then President Niceto Alcalá-Zamora declined to invite the leader of the CEDA, Gil Robles, to form a government and instead invited the Radical Republican Party's Alejandro Lerroux to do so.
CEDA supported the centrist government led by Lerroux; it later demanded and, on October 1, 1934, received three ministerial positions.
They suspended most of the reforms of the previous Manuel Azaña government, provoking an armed miners' rebellion in Asturias on October 6, and an independentist rebellion in Catalonia—both rebellions were suppressed (the Asturias rebellion by young General Francisco Franco), being followed by mass political arrests and trials.
CEDA continued to mimic the German Nazi Party, Robles staging a rally in March 1934, to shouts of "Jefe" ("Chief", after the Italian "Duce" used in support of Mussolini).
Robles used anti-strike law to pick union leaders off one by one, and attempted to undermine the republican government of the Republican Left of Catalonia, who attempted to continue the republic's previous reforms.
Using the title "jefe", the JAP created an intense and often disturbing cult around the figure of Gil Robles.
Robles himself had returned from Nuremberg Rally in 1933 and spoken of its " youthful enthusiasm, steeped in optimism, so different to the desolate and enervating scepticism of our defeatists and intellectuals."
The "Juventudes de Acción Popular", the youth wing within the CEDA, "soon developed its own character.
The JAP emphasized sporting and political activity.
It had its own fortnightly paper, the first issue of which proclaimed: 'We want a new state.'
The JAP's distaste for the principles of universal suffrage was such that internal decisions were never voted upon.
As the thirteenth point of the JAP put it: "Anti-parliamentarianism.
Anti-dictatorship.
The people participating in Government in an organic manner, not by degenerate democracy."
The line between Christian corporatism and fascist statism became very thin indeed.
The fascist tendencies of the JAP were vividly demonstrated in the series of rallies held by the CEDA youth movement during the course of 1934.
On 26 September, the CEDA announced it would no longer support the RRP's minority government; it was replaced by a RRP cabinet, led by Lerroux once more, that included three members of the CEDA.
Between November 1934 and March 1935, the CEDA minister for agriculture, Manuel Gimenez Fernandez, introduced into parliament a series of agrarian reform measures designed to better conditions in the Spanish countryside.
These moderate proposals met with a hostile response from reactionary elements within the Cortes, including the conservative wing of the CEDA and the proposed reform was defeated.
A change of personnel in the ministry also followed.
The agrarian reform bill proved to be a catalyst for a series of increasingly bitter divisions within the Catholic right, rifts that indicated that the broad based CEDA alliance was disintegrating.