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Writing in "The Nation", Mohamad Bazzi argued that Mulroy's defence of US support as necessary to limit civilian casualties was false, and that "Saudi leaders and their allies have ignored American entreaties to minimize civilian casualties since the war’s early days".
The UK is one of the largest suppliers of arms to Saudi Arabia, and London immediately expressed strong support for the Saudi-led campaign.
Six months into the bombing, Oxfam said the UK was "quietly fuelling the Yemen conflict and exacerbating one of the world's worst humanitarian crises" by keeping its arms pipeline to Saudi Arabia open; the Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) agreed that "UK arms and UK cooperation have been central to the devastation of Yemen."
In mid-September 2015, the deputy chief executive of Oxfam complained that the government even refused to reveal to Parliament the details of the 37 arms export licences it had granted for sales to Saudi Arabia since March that year.
The attack on Yemen saw sales of UK bombs for 2015 increase from £9m to over £1bn in three months.
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have shown that UK arms are being used on civilian targets.
Furthermore, the UK government has been repeatedly accused of violating domestic, EU, and international law, in particular the Arms Trade Treaty, by maintaining its flow of weapons to the Kingdom.
Despite this, it was reported in November 2015 that the UK planned a number of high-level visits to Saudi Arabia over the following three to six months with the aim of securing major arms deals.
In January 2016, it emerged that UK military advisors were assisting Saudi personnel in the selection of targets.
On 2 February 2016, the International Development Select Committee finally added its call for the UK to cease exporting arms to Saudi Arabia and to end its opposition to an independent international inquiry into the way the military campaign had been conducted thus far.
The committee's call went unheeded; indeed, just weeks later, on the day the EU held a non-binding vote in favour of an arms embargo on the country because of its destructive bombing of Yemen, Prime Minister David Cameron boasted about the "brilliant" arms, components, and other military technology that the UK would continue to sell to Saudi Arabia, Oman, and other Gulf states.
Angus Robertson, the SNP's Parliamentary Group Leader, said David Cameron should admit to British involvement in Saudi Arabia's war in Yemen: "Isn't it time for the Prime Minister to admit that Britain is effectively taking part in a war in Yemen that is costing thousands of civilians lives and he has not sought parliamentary approval to do this?"
A few months later, leading American security expert Bruce Riedel noted: "If the United States and the United Kingdom, tonight, told King Salman [of Saudi Arabia] 'this war has to end,' it would end tomorrow.
The Royal Saudi Air Force cannot operate without American and British support."
As well as supplying materiel and targeting support for the bombing of Yemen, the UK has assisted the coalition diplomatically.
For example, the UK response, provided by Middle East Minister Tobias Ellwood, to the leaked report of a UN panel in January 2016, which documented more than one hundred instances of coalition air strikes that had violated international law, was to say that the Saudis had made "mistakes" and claim that other cases may have been "fabricated" by the Houthis.
Theresa May succeeded David Cameron as prime minister in July 2016, but maintained her predecessor's policy because, she claimed, close ties with the Saudis "keep people on the streets of Britain safe".
In September 2016, her foreign minister, Boris Johnson, refused to block UK arms sales to Saudi Arabia, saying there remained no clear evidence of breaches of international humanitarian law by Saudi Arabia in the war in Yemen, and that it would be best for Saudi Arabia to investigate itself.
Amid reports from Yemen of famine conditions and "emaciated children [...] fighting for their lives", CAAT observed that the notion of self-investigation would rightly never pass muster if it were proposed for Russia's bombing in support of Assad in Syria.
Indeed, in October 2016, Boris Johnson commended the notion of referring allegations of Russian and Russian-backed war crimes to the International Court of Justice.
The previous month, Johnson had rejected a proposal for the UN Human Rights Council to conduct an inquiry into the war in Yemen.
Furthermore, Britain blocked such an inquiry from taking place.
In October 2016, it emerged that the United Kingdom was continuing to provide instruction to pilots of the Royal Saudi Air Force, both in the UK and in Saudi Arabia.
Andrew Mitchell, the former cabinet minister in David Cameron's government, stated that "Britain is complicit in creating" a famine in Yemen.
On 24 March 2019, The British newspaper "The Mail on Sunday" reported that some British soldiers have been involved in gun battles with, and been wounded by, Houthi fighters.
According to the report at least five members of the SBS have been wounded.
A SBS source told "The Mail", "The guys are fighting in the inhospitable desert and mountainous terrain against highly committed and well-equipped Houthi rebels, The SBS's role is mainly training and mentoring but on occasions, they have found themselves in firefights and some British troops have been shot".
The report also claims that British Special Forces are fighting on the same side as jihadists and militia which use child soldiers.
After the report, The shadow foreign secretary Emily Thornberry, questioned these allegations in the British parliament suggesting that the British forces may have been witnesses to war crimes, if the allegations were true.
She claimed that as many as 40% of the soldiers in the Saudi coalition were children, a breach of international humanitarian law.
In response, the UK Foreign Office minister Mark Field called the allegations "very serious and well sourced" and promised to get to the bottom of these allegations.
On 25 March 2019 Mark Lancaster told the UK parliament that Britain's Royal Air Force (RAF) was providing "engineering support" and "generic training" to Saudi Arabian military.
According to the Guardian News agency, more than 40 Saudi officers have been trained at prestigious British military colleges since the Saudi intervention in Yemen started.
This officers mostly trained at Sandhurst, the RAF’s school at Cranwell and the Royal Naval College in Dartmouth since 2015.
The MoD refused to state the earned money from the Saudi contracts, because it could influence Britain’s relations with the Saudis.
Abdul-Malik Badreddin, The Houthi leader condemned the UK military cooperation and arms sales to Saudi military.
According to a Sky News analysis, The UK has sold at least £5.7bn worth of arms to the Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen since 2015.
Priyanka Motaparthy, senior emergencies researcher at Human Rights Watch, said: “These revelations confirm once again how the UK military is working hand in glove with the Saudis.
France is also a significant arms supplier to Saudi Arabia.
It has supplied over 2 billion dollars including armoured vehicles, air defence systems, and aircraft subsystems.
France has also supplied the UAE with arms, despite the UAE and the militias it backs being implicated in war crimes and other serious violations.
On 22 November 2015, "The New York Times" reported the United Arab Emirates had contracted Academi to deploy 450 Colombian, Panamanian, Salvadoran and Chilean mercenaries to Yemen in October.
On 9 December, Australian media reported an Australian mercenary commander was killed in Yemen alongside six Colombian nationals after Houthi fighters and Saleh army units attacked Saudi-led forces in the country's south-west.
Transformativism
Transformativism refers to the method of making a flexible centrist coalition of government which isolated the extremes of the left and the right in Italian politics after the unification and before the rise of Benito Mussolini and Fascism.
The policy was embraced by Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour and the Historical Right upon Italian unification and carried over into the post-Risorgimento liberal state.
Agostino Depretis, the Prime Minister in 1883 who was a member of the Left continued the process.
He moved to the right and reshuffled his government to include Marco Minghetti's Liberal-Conservatives.
This was a move Depretis had been considering for a while.
The aim was to ensure a stable government that would avoid weakening the institutions by extreme shifts to the left or right and ensuring calm in Italy.
At this time, middle class politicians were concerned more with making deals with one another rather than with political philosophies and principles.
Large coalitions were formed with members being bribed to join them.
The Liberals, the main political group, was tied together by informal gentleman's agreements, but these were always in matters of enriching themselves.
Actual governing did not seem to be happening at all, but limited franchise led to politicians not having to concern themselves with the interests of their constituents.
One of the most successful politicians was Giovanni Giolitti, who succeeded in becoming Prime Minister on five different occasions over twenty years.
Under his influence the Liberals did not develop as a structured party, instead being a series of informal personal groupings with no formal links to political constituencies.
However, "trasformismo" fed into the debates that the Italian parliamentary system was weak and actually failing and it ultimately became associated with corruption.
It was perceived as a sacrifice of principles and policies for short term gain.
The system of "trasformismo" was little loved and seemed to be creating a huge gap between politicians and their constituents.
This system brought almost no advantages, as illiteracy remained the same in 1912 as before the unification era, and backward economic policies combined with poor sanitary conditions continued to prevent the country's rural areas from improving.
Drawing upon Antonio Gramsci's observations of Italian politics and history, Canadian historian Ian McKay has suggested that "trasformismo" has also played an important role in Canadian politics.
The MacDonald–Cartier coalition, the basis of the Conservative Party which dominated Canadian federal politics for most of the latter half of the 19th century and the Liberal Party which had dominated Canadian politics for the 20th century, are portrayed as examples of a Canadian variant of "trasformismo".
In the 1930s, Professor Frank H. Underhill of the University of Toronto also argued that Canada's two major political parties, the Liberals and the Conservatives, had operated in similar ways, advancing the same policies appealing to the same variety of sectional/regional and class interests.
In doing so, Canada had perfected the two-party system and had marginalized liberalism and radicalism.
Underhill argued the result was a pervasive poverty in Canadian political culture.
Not coincidentally, Underhill was centrally involved in the formation of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, a farmer-labour coalition born during the Great Depression which became Canada's first successful federal third party, the social democratic New Democratic Party.
Kay Heikkinen
Kay Heikkinen is an academic and literary translator.
She earned her PhD at Harvard University and is currently the Ibn Rushd Lecturer of Arabic at the University of Chicago.
Her translations include "Velvet" by Huzama Habayeb, "Clouds over Alexandria" by Ibrahim Abdel Meguid, "The Woman from Tantoura" by Radwa Ashour, "In the Time of Love" by Naguib Mahfouz, and "Ben Barka Lane" by Mahmoud Saeed.
Abdulaziz al Farsi
Abdulaziz Al Farsi is an Omani writer and doctor.
He was born in Shinas in 1976, and trained as a doctor at Sultan Qaboos University.
He is currently an oncologist at the Sultani Hospital in Muscat.
As a writer, he has published several short story collections and novels; his debut novel "Earth Weeps, Saturn Laughs" was translated into English by Nancy Roberts.
Lac des Martres (Lac-Pikauba)
The lac aux Martres is a body of water on the hydrographic side of the rivières des Martres and the Saguenay River via a succession of lakes and ruisseau des Érables.
It is located in the unorganized territory of Lac-Pikauba, in the Charlevoix Regional County Municipality, in the administrative region of Capitale-Nationale, in the province of Quebec, in Canada.
The southern part of Lac aux Martres is served indirectly by the route 381 (north-south direction) which runs along the eastern limit of the Laurentides Wildlife Reserve.
Several other secondary forest roads serve the lake sector for forestry and recreational tourism activities.
Forestry is the main economic activity in the sector; recreational tourism, second.
The surface of Lac aux Martres is usually frozen from the end of November to the beginning of April, however the safe circulation on the ice is generally done from mid-December to the end of March.
Lac des Martres is located between the territory of Hautes-Gorges-de-la-Rivière-Malbaie and that of Grands-Jardins National Park.
The main hydrographic slopes neighboring Lac aux Martres are:
Lac aux Martres has a length of in the shape of a boat anchor, a maximum width of , an altitude is and an area of .
Lac aux Martres has a relatively round peninsula with a maximum diameter of and with a mountain peak reaching .
A dam is built at its mouth which is located on the east bank, at:
From the mouth of Lac aux Martres, the current descends the ruisseau des Érables for to the northeast, then the northwest, to "Anse aux Cailles" on the south shore of the Saguenay River; then the current descends to the east the Saguenay River on to Tadoussac where the latter river flows into the Saint Lawrence river.
The toponym “Lac des Martres” is indicated in the “Dictionary of rivers and lakes of the province of Quebec”, by Eugène Rouillard, Department of Lands and Forests, 1914, page 270.
This work indicates that the land surveyor, F Vincent, in 1886, described it as being located in mountainous terrain, surrounded by fir and spruce; it also notes the presence of trout in its waters.
This name evokes the presence of the Canada marten, carnivorous mammal also called fisher, whose fur has long adorned the collars of coats.
The toponym "Lac aux Martres" was formalized on December 5, 1968 by the Commission de toponymie du Québec.
1993–94 Georgian Cup
The 1993–94 Georgian Cup (also known as the "David Kipiani Cup") was the fiftieth season overall and fourth since independence of the Georgian annual football tournament.
Chikkodi-Sadalga (Vidhana Sabha constituency)
Chikkodi-Sadalga (Vidhan Sabha constituency) is one of the 224 constituencies in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly of Karnataka a south state of India.
Chikkodi-Sadalga is also part of Chikkodi Lok Sabha constituency.
Two Assembly seats Chikkodi and Sadalga were merged to form Chikkodi-Sadalga Vidhan Sabha constituency
Dmitry Bukhman
Dmitry Bukhman (born May‌ ‌27,‌ ‌1985‌) is a Russian entrepreneur, billionaire and co-founder of mobile games developer Playrix.